FIFTH REPORT 



OF THE 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES 

3 h 



FOR THE 



PROVINCE OF ONTARIO 



BY 

ALEXANDER FRASER, 

PROVINCIAL ARCHIVIST. 



1908. 



PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE 
LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ONTARIO. 




TORONTO : 
Pnn.ed and Pushed by L. K. CAMERON. Print* I. .he King", Mc,. Excellent M.,«.y. 
j 1909. 



To His Honour, John Morison Gibson, Esq., K.C., LL.D., &c, Lieutenant- 
Governor of the Provina of Ontario. 

May it Please Your Honour: 

I have the pleasure to present herewith for the consideration of Your 
Honour the Report of the Bureau of Archives of Ontario for 190,x. 

Respectfully submitted, 

ARTHUR J. MATHKSON, 

Provi ncial Treasurer. 
Toronto, 1909. 



[iii] 



FIFTH REPORT 



OF THE 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES 



The Honourable Arthur James Matheson, Esq., K.C., M.PP., &c, Treasurer 
of Ontario. 

Silt, — I have the honour to submit to you the following Report in connec- 
tion with the Bureau of Archives for the Province of Ontario. 

I have the honour to he, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

ALEXANDER FRASER, 

Provincial A rchivist. 
Toronto, 31st December, 1908. 



[v] 



Ex rebus antiquis eruditio oriatur. 

Report of the 

Ontario Bureau of Archives 



PREFATORY. 

The area to which the following pages refer is associated with events of 
outstanding interest in Canadian history. The County of Simcoe is so closely 
identified with the Huron Indians that the name " Huronia, " used by Father 
Jones, is no misnomer. The nieasm-e of comparative civilization to which these 
Indians had attained, their tribal and national alliances, their evangelization, 
and their tragic disappearance, appeal to the imagination ; ami so to a greater 
degree does the sad fate of the Missionaries who stood by them to the death, and 
won the Martyr's Crown. The heroic in our history finds here its home. 

Other events also point to Huronia. The intrepid Champlain journeyed to 
it, leaving behind him an historic trail. The early trader skirted its shores ; and 
in later times it furnished the explorer and the soldier important routes of travel. 

The identification of the Huron Village Sites dating back to 1615, A.D., 
has occupied the attention of many writers. The Rev. Father Jones the result 
of whose labors has been placed at the disposal of the Ontario Archives, lias 
given many of the best years of his life to the investigation of this subject, lb' 
brought to his work qualifications of the highest order, and the remarkable 
demonstrations in the chapters forming this volume confirm a reputation for 
learning already world-wide in the domains of History and Archaeology. That 
some of his conclusions will not be accepted by all investigators in this field may 
be expected. The subject is not free of difficulties; opinions may well differ on 
some important points. Friendly criticism and earnest research on reasonable 
lines may yet elucidate problems now obscure, and are to be welcomed. In this 
connection the work of Mr. A. F. Hunter, M.A., merits careful consideration. 

The Rev. Father Arthur Edward Jones, S.J., F.R.S.C, was horn in Brock- 
ville in 1838. His father was Henry Jones and his mother, Lucy Catherine 
Macdonell, of the Scotus family in Inverness-shire. His father's family landed 
at Boston Bay in 1664, the representatives of which came to Canada as United 
Empire Loyalists. Father Jones studied as a. Novice in Angers, France, in IS57, 
after preliminary study at St. Mary's College, Montreal. Thereafter he spent 
four years in the seminaries at Amiens and Vals. Returning to Canada he was 
engaged as an Instructor in St. Mary's College, Montreal, for one year, when he 

' [vii| 



\ 111 PREFATORV. 

was appointed a professor in Fordham University, New York, and remained there 
four years, from 1864 to 1870. During the next four years he studied theology 
at Woodstock, Maryland, and was ordained therein 1873. His next appoint- 
ment was that of professor for one jear in St. Francis Xavier's College, New 
York City. In 1876 he was again appointed to St. Mary's College and minis- 
tered there to the Church of the Gesii until 1900, except for one year, (1881-82) 
when he ministered at Guelph, Ont. In 1882, he Mas appointed Archivist of 
St. Mary's College of whose valuable documents he is the devoted custodian. 
His literary work has been extensive, his bent of mind being to history. He is 
the author of : 

Biens des Jesuites en Canada. 

Question du Droit Canon. 

Pamphlets on the Jesuits' Estates in Canada, 1888-89. 

Sketch of Louis Andre, S. J., 1889. 

Assisted Reuben G. Thwaites in his Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 
1896-1901. 

He was Editor of the "Canadian Messenger" 189H-1900 ; and of the 
" Relation de la Mission du Saguenay " 1720-30 by Pierre Laure, S. J., from a 
M.S. he discovered ; also Editor and Translator of the valuable Aulneau 
Collection. Alexander Eraser. 




&U*r ^X^i 



~^Jt- 



&***** 




"tfENDAKE EHEN" 



OR 



OLD HURONIA 



BY 



The Archivist of St. Mary's College, Montreal, 
ARTHUR EDWARD JONES, S.J. 

F.R.S.C. ; Corr. Member of the Ontario, Minnesota and Chicago Hist. Societies; Hon. 

Member of the Missouri Hist. Soc, and Member of the International 

Congress of Americanists. 



INTRODUCTION 

This monograph is presented to the public as a mere book of 
reference. It lias no pretension to do duty as a history either 
of the Huron Nations or of the men who devoted their lives to 
their evangelization; but it may prove helpful to those who purpose 
treating in full the many thrilling incidents which preceded the 
downfall and dispersion of a once powerful and prosperous race. 
At all events, it will serve to render more intelligible, and as a 
consequence more interesting, the annual Relations and other old 
records, by disentangling many a snarl of dates, and by fixing the 
scene where events, be they critical or commonplace, were enacted. 

The first essential to a serious and successful treatment of 
Huron history is a knowledge of the country inhabited and the 
situation of the principal centres of population. The reconstructed 
.Map of " The Huronia of the Relations," which accompanies this 
publication, will, it is hoped, supply this want. Part First of the 
present volume is a sequence of dry proofs vindicating the 
correctness of the village sites as set down on the Map. The 
derivation of all the Indian names of Huron villages is given either 
in the text or in the Appendix, for oftentimes their meaning helps 
to fix their position or corroborates the documentary evidence. 

Part Second deals with the arrivals and departures of the 
missionaries, their stations in Huronia from year to year, and 
incidentally with the opening of new village missions. It records, 
under their proper dates, the destruction of these Christian centres, 
while mention is made of the heroic men who fell victims id' their 
zeal on these momentous occasions. 

Synoptical Tables of the village sites and of the missionaries 
and their stations are also given to enable the reader at a glance 
to determine the field of labour of any missionary at any given 
tune. A copious Index has been added which will afford a. ie.i l\ 
reference in searching for any require 1 date, fact or event. 

The difference between the "Theoretical Map of Huronia, LsliN, 
contributed to Dr. Reuben G. Thwaites' "Jesuit Relations and 
Allied Documents" (end of Vol. XXXIV.), and the present Map 
of the "Huronia of the Relations, L906," is but slight. The 
former was based on documentary evidence only, before I ever set 
foot in Simcoe County; the latter on like evidence supplemented 
by a topographical investigation and a careful personal inspection 
of all the principal sites. The latter is the more reliable. 

[xi| 



Xll INTRODUCTION. 

It is my pleasing- duty here to thank the many friends who, 
on the occasion of my repeated archaeological expeditions into this 
most interesting part of Ontario, have assisted me in my researches : 
their names will be found in their proper places in this volume. 
But I must add that no one has contributed so much to the 
successful outcome of these researches than Mr. H. R. Charlton, of 
the Grand Trunk Railway system, whose extreme kindness made 
it an easy and pleasing task to zigzag through the country under 
inspection as fancy or necessity required. 

In the preparation of the volume now submitted to the critical 
eye of Canadian archaeological experts. I am hopelessly indebted 
to the zealous co-operation of Mr. Alexander Fraser, Provincial 
Archivist of Ontario. His avowed aim, in all the patient labour 
it has cost him, is to bring before the public contributions of a 
nature to familiarize students with the earliest historical events 
which have taken place within the limits of the Province, and to 
place within their reach reliable information ps to the exact spots 
where such have occurred. In fact, no other region in North 
America, within historic times, is so rich in early records, and 
nowhere else has the ground been hallowed by the blood, so profusely 
shed, of the heroes of the Faith. 

I do not know if I am betraying a departmental secret, but 
this indefatigable and painstaking servant of the public has set 
himself a most difficult task, that of reproducing in photo-facsimile 
the three principal works of Fr. Pierre Potier, the great Huron 
linguist. If this project is brought to a successful issue, American 
ethnology and linguistics will be favoured beyond measure, as no 
such exhaustive and methodical works have as yet been published 
on any other language spoken by any one of the North American 
aboriginal tribes, and, for that matter, no others so perfect exist. 

It was an afterthought of Mr Fraser to add to this monograph 
an article taken from the Catholic Encyclopaedia entitled " Huron 
Indians," wherein their history is given succinctly, some notion of 
their religion, form of government, population, etc. The latter part 
of the article, on the migrations of the Petuns in the West, under 
the title of " Wyandots," not having yet appeared in the Encyclo- 
pedia, is necessarily omitted here. 

ARTHUR EDWARD JONES, S.J. 

St. Mary's College, Montreal. 



CONTENTS 

PART FIRST. 

Identification of Villasb Sites. 

paui. 

I. A Word on Huronia Proper 5 

Stc. Marie II. on St. Joseph's Island 6 

Ste. Marie I. or St. Joseph III., on the Wye 8 

II. Site of Teanaostaiae or St. Joseph II 15, 250 

III. " of St. Michel or Scanonaenrat 25 

" of Ossossane, La Conception or La Rochelle 25 

" of Ihonatiria or St. Joseph 1 28 

" of Khinonascarant or Quieunonascaran 31 

IV. Sagard's Equilateral Triangle 35 

Its First Apes, St. Gabriel, Ossossane or La Rochelle 37 

Second Apex betweer Khinonascarant and Carhagouha 37 

First Side of the Triangle, Ossossane to Khinonascarant 40 

Khinonascarant, a mile and a half from Carhagouha, the latter "a good 

half league from Thunder Bay" 42 

Third Apex of the Triangle, Toanache I., or St. Nicolas 45 

Second Side of the Triangle, Ossossane to Toanche 1 46 

Third Side, Khinonascarant to Toanche 1 47 

V. Site of Arontaen or Carhagouha— Same name 51 

Taruentutunum, Latin form for Arontaen 53 

Site of Tondakra or Tondakea 64 

Pagus Etondatrateus or "Land's End" 65 

Site of Teandeouiata or Toanche II 56 

Carmaron and Karenhassa 68, 61 

, Site of Otoiiacha or Toanche 1 59 

VI. Couchiching, Champlain's "Little Lake" 65 

Site of Cahiague, landing place of St. Jean Baptiste 66 

Site of Ste. Elizabeth 70 

Site of Contarea 73 

VII. Site of St. Ignace I. or Taenhatentaron 87 

Site of St. Jean of the Hurons — Not to bo confounded with St. Jean Bap- 
tiste 88 

VIII. Villages of the Mission of Ste. Marie 1 97 

Site of St. Francois Xavier 97 

•Site of Ste. Anne or Kaontia 98 

Site of St. Denys ' 100 

Site of St. Louis 101 

Site of St. Ignace II 104 

IX. Discovery and Identification of the Site of St. Ignace II 119 

X. Villages with no Two Co-ordinates — Sites of Seven Such of the Bear Clan... 131 

Angoutenc 104 

Arenta. Arente or Arentet, Ste. Madeleine 134 

Onnent i sat i 135 

Oenrio or Oiienrio 140 

Anonatea 142 

Arendaonatia or Anendaonactia 144 

Iahenhouton 146 

2* Ar. Oiii] 



xiv THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

PAGE. 

St. Charles and Eleven other villages with Christian Names 146 

Two villages, Ekhiondastsaan and Andiatae, lying between St. Joseph II. 

and Ossossane 147 

Two villages, Arethsi and St. Joachim, lying between St. Jean and St. 

Ignace 1 161 

Caldaria, a place without a Huron or a Patron's Name 154 

Endarahy and Tangouaen, two places with Huron Names in Algonquin ter- 
ritory 163 

DERIVATION OF HURON NAMES NOT ALREADY GIVEN IN 
PRECEDING PAGES. 

Introductory Remarks 169 

A. Huron Alphabet (Facsimile) 155 

B. On Compound Words (Facsimile) 191 

C. Derivation of Ahouendoe 172 

D. " Teanaostaiae 173 

E. " " Scanonaenrat 178 

F. " " Ossossane 182 

G. " " Ihonatiria 185 

H. " " Khinonascarant 187 

I. " " Carhagouha 190 

J. " " Teandeouiata 192 

K. " " Cahiague 194 

L. " Taenhatentaron 195 

M. " " Kaontia 196 

N. " " L. Isiargui 197 

O. " " Ekaentouton 198 

P. " " Pagus Ethaouatius 200 

Q. " " Lacus Ouentaronius 202 

R. " " Lacus Anaouites 203 

S. " " Anatari 204 

T. " " Schiondekiaria Insula and Chionkiara 205 

THE PETUN COUNTRY. 

Derivation of their Huron Name 214 

Its meaning determines the region occupied 219 

Eastern Boundary of the Petun Country 221 

Partial List of Petun Villages 223 

Petun Village Sites— St. Mathieu 225 

Site of St. Thomas vaguely indicated 226 

Two Petun Villages on Ducreux's Map 227 

Derivation of Eh8ae. or St. Pierre et St. Paul 227 

Ducreux's Outline of thei Bruce Peninsula and the Modern Tracing 228 

Site of St. Pierre et St. Paul 229 

" " St. Simon et St. Jude 229 

Ekarenniondi the village of St. Mathias and Ecaregniondi the Rock, two forms of 

the same word — The Rock an important landmark 229 

Meaning of the name 232 

Relative position of Ekarenniondi, or St. Mathias, and Etharita or St. Jean — 

Derivation of the latter name 233 

Route followed by Fr. Chabanel on his way to Ste. Marie II. — Inferences drawn 

from Ragueneau's account 236 

Direction whence all Iroquois raids proceeded 238 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. xv 

HAOE. 

Account of the discovery of Ekaronniondi 241 

The Devil's Glen and the "Standing Rock" 246 

Site of Etharita or St. Jean of the Petuns as yet undiscovered — Search mado in 

1903 249 

Raguoneau's affidavit relative to Chabanel's death 253 

Pointers for future explorers 260 

Tabulated List of Huron Kites 262 

Petun Village Sites 265 

Some Huron Equivalents of Modern names or places 265 

PART SECOND. 

Huron Missionaries and Mission Centres Year by Year. 
(First Period: The Recollets.) 

1615 Origin of the Mission 269 

First Arrival 271 

Departure 273 

1617-1622 Mission Interrupted 275 

1623 Mission Resumed 275 

Arrival in Huronia 277 

1 624 Departures 280 

1 625 Departure 282 

(Second Period : Recollet and Jesuits.) 

1626 The Jesuits called upon for Assistance 287 

Arrivals in Huronia 290 

1 62T The missionaries at Toanche 1 292 

Departure (Fr. de Noue) 293 

1628 Departure (Fr. do la Roche de Daillon) 294 

1629 Departure (Fr. de Brebeuf) 295 

Quebec capitulates to the English 297 

1630-1633 Canada in possession of the English 297 

(Third Period: The Jesuits.) 

1634- Mission Resumed— First Arrivals 298 

Mission Centre of Ihonatiria established 299 

1 635 Arrivals 299 

1 636 Departures 300 

Arrivals 300 

1637 Ossossane, a New Mission Centre 302, 306 

Departure 303 

A rri vals 304 

1368 Ihonatiria Abandoned 305, 308 

Departure 307 

Arrival 308 

New Residence at Teanaostaiae, St. Joseph II 308 

More Arrivals 308 

1639 The Donnes 311 

Ste. Marie I., Now Permanent Central Residence 313 

Arrivals 314 

Residence Withdrawn from Ossossane 315 



xvi THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

PACE. 

The Five Missions in Huronia in 1639 315 

The Fifth, that of the Apostles in the Petun Country 317 

1640 Departures 319 

Arrivals 319 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 320 

The Fifth Mission, in 1640, "The Angels," in the Neutral Country- 
Its Villages 322 

The Sixth, St. Esprit; Nipissirinians 325 

1641 Departures and Arrivals 325 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 326 

Missions to the Petuns and Neutrals interrupted 328 

The Five remaining Missions in 1641 328 

Jogues and Raymbault visit Sault Ste. Marie 330 

164-2 Destruction of Contarea — Its Site — Meaning of Name 331 

Arrival? 331 

Departures 332 

Father Jogues captured on his return trip 332 

Scanonaenrat, or St. Michel, made a Mission Centre 333 

Ste. Marie I. grows in importance 333 

Catalogus Personarum et OrSciorum 333 

The Eight Missions in 1642 335 

1643 ^"° Arrivals or Departures 337 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 338 

The Seven Missions in 1643 339 

1644 (Begins at paragraph: "Fr. Jerome Lalemant") 340 

Arrivals 340 

Depa rtures 341 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 341 

The Seven Missions in 1644 342 

1 645 Residences re-established in Four Missions 345 

Departures and Arrivals 346 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 347 

The Seven Missions in 1645 348 

Some Necessary Explanations regarding the Algonquin Missions and 

Missionaries 351 

1646 Mission to the Petuns Resumed 355 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 357 

The Eight Missions in 1646 358 

1647 Ko Expeditions to or from Quebec 362 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 364 

The Ten Missions in 1647 365 

St. Jean Baptiste, or Cahiague, abandoned by the Hurons — Mission 

Closed 367 

Ste. Madeleine, at Arenta, a new Mission Centre 369 

Aronhiatiri Chaumonot's first Huron name, a help to completing the 

status 371 

Removal of St. Ignace I. to St. Ignace II 367, 374 

1 648 Departure 374 

St. Joseph II. , or Toanaostaiae, Taken and Destroyed by the Iroquois — 

Fr. Daniel's Death 374 

Ekhiondastsaan also Destroyed 375 

Arrivals 375 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum 377 

The Eleven Missions in 1648 379 

1 649 St. Ignace II. and St. Louis Destroyed by the Iroquois — Death of FF. de 

Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant 380 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. xvii 

PAOK. 

Beginning of the Exodus 381 

Ossossane, or La Conception Evacuated 382 

Ste. Marie I. Abandoned and Destroyed 383 

Founding of Ste. Marie II., on Ahouendoe Island— Departure 383 

Catalogus Personarum et Offieiorum 384 

Status of the Various Missions After the Destruction of St. Ignace II. 
and St. Louis and Previous to the Fall of 1 Etharita or the St. Jean 

of the Petuns— Ste. Marie I. and II 385 

The Petun Mission: Etharita and Ekarenniondi 386 

Algonquin Missions: St. Charles, St. Esprit, St. Pierre 387 

Personnel of the Missions, Summer and Autumn of 1649 392 

Destruction of St. Jean, or Etharita, in the Petun Country — Massacre 

of FF. Charles Gamier and Noel Chabanel 394 

Personnel of the Missions after December 7, 1649, date of the Disaster... 396 

1650 Tne Final Exodus 401 

SYNOPTICAL TABLES. 

Explanation of Tables I., II. and III 403 

Table 1. Names of Missionaries in Alphabetical Order, with their respective num- 
bers — Dates of their Arrival and Departure 404 

Table II. Stations of the Missionaries in Huronia and Outlying Missions, from 

1615 to .1629 405 

Table III. Their Stations from 1634 to 1650 406 

TABLE OF CONCORDANCE. 

(Jiving the Volumes, Chapters and Pages of tbe Quebec Edition of the Relations 

and the Corresponding Volumes and Pages of the Cleveland Edition 408 

Relation 1611 to Relation 1636 408 

409 

410 

411 

412 

413 



1636 " 


1640 


1640 " 


1646 


1646 " 


1653 


1653 " 


1665 


1665 " 


1672 



ADDENDA 

THE HURON INDIANS. 

(P. 415.) 

(Article reproduced, with permission, from the Robert Appleton Co.'s Catholic 

Encyclopedia, Vol. VII.) 

PART FIRST. 
THE HURONS BEFORE THEIR DISPERSION. 

PAGE. 

I. Their Place in the Huron-Iroquois Family ' 418 

II. Their Name 419 

III. The Huron Country 421 

Tabulated List of Huron Village Sites *423 

IV. Population 424 

V. Government 426 

VI. Their Religion 428 

VII. Their History 4:il 

VIII. Missionary Priests who laboured in Huronia 4 12 

PART SECOND. 

MIGRATIONS OF THE HURONS AFTER THEIR DISPERSION. 

Location of the Three Groups Still Extant 447 

I. Extinction of the Neutrals during the Great Dispersion 448 

II. Migration of Hurons Proper to Quebec and their several Removals 450 

List of Jesuit Missionaries of the Hurons at Quebec, 1650-1790 456 

List of Secular Priests with the Hurons at Quebec, 1794-1909 457 

Principal Chiefs of the Hurons of Quebec 458 

III. Migrations in the West of the Petun or Tobacco Nation. (N. B. — .4s this 

last Section is to come under the heading of "Wyandots" in a volume 
of the Encyclopedia not yet issued, permission to reproduce it is withheld 
until it appears in that work.) 

IV . Bibliography 459 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

Ducreux's Inset Map of Huronia (enlarged) 6 

Position of Huron and Iroquois Counties (Parkman) 6 

Plan of Fort Ste. MaHe II., Christian Id. (Felix Martin, S.J.) 7 

Plan of Fort Ste. Marie I., on the Wye 10 

Christian Ids. (coloured sketch, F. Martin) 12a 

Ruins of Fort Ste. Marie II., in 1855 (by same) 12b 

Mouth of River Wye 1855 (by same) 12c 

Excavations at Fort Ste. Marie I., 1855 (by same) 12d 

Diagram I. Sites of St. Joseph II. and Ossossane 14 

Fr. Martin's unfinished Map of Huronia, No. 1 18 

Fr. Martin's unfinished Map of Huronia, No. 2 19 

Map of Medonte Township 20 

"Should have been inserted on p. 423. before paragraph beginning: "In the Neutral 
Country, etc." See, however, same, table on pp. 262-264 in Part First of 8endake Ehen, 
and for Petun Sites, p. 265. 

[ xviii J 



1907 IJUREAU OF ARCHIVES. xix 

PAGE. 

Fused Base of Brass Crucifix, etc.. from St. Joseph II 21 

Dault's Bay, Pt. Varwood and Site of Ossossane or La Rochelle (coloured sketch 

by F. Martin, 1855) 22a 

Penetanguishene Bay, and Otouaoha Cove, L856 (by F. .Martin) 22b 

Parkman's Map of Huronia 28 

Diagram II. Site of thonatiria and First Co-ordinate of Khinonascarant 30 

[honatiria Bluff, overlooking Todd's Point 31 

Diagram III. Sagard's Ei|uilateral Triangle — Second Co-ordinate of Khinonas- 
carant 3G 

Diagram IV. Sites of Arontaen, Tondakea, Toanche 11. Karenhassa and 

Otouacha 50 

Diagram V. Sites of St. Jean Haptiste. Cahiague, "The Narrows" and Contarea 64 

Map of Oro Township ' 

Parkman's Map oi Ghamplain's Expedition of 1615 68 

Ducreux's incorrect shore line (L. Simcoe) and correct placing of St.. Jean Haptiste 69 

Diagram VI. Sites of St. Ignace I., or Taenhatentarou. and St. Jean 86 

Bone Pit in Medonte (col. sketch by F. Martin, 1855) 9-1 

Plateau of St. Ignace II., looking from the north-east 104 

Plateau of St. Ignace II., looking from the south-east 106 

View from the Plateau towards the Sturgeon Riv. Valley 108 

View from the Plateau towards Matchedash Bay 110 

Crossing a Stream near Ossossane (col. sketch by Fr. Martin), 1855 150a 

Sand Bluff at Entrance of Penetanguishene Bay, 1855 (col. sketch by same) 150b 

The Huron Letters — Their Pronunciation — A facsimile page from Potier's 

Grammar 155 

On Compound Words — Facsimile page from Potier 191 

Ducreux's Outline of the Bruce Peninsula and Modern Tracing Compared 228 

Map of the Petun Country and Chabanel's Route 235 

View from a point near Standing Rock, looking north-west 241 

View towards the south-west — The Pretty River in the foreground — Blue Hills in 

the Distance 242 

View towards the limestone cliffs near Standing Rock 244a 

View towards Grey Co. from the site of a Petun Village 244b 

View towards the north-east, town of I'ollingwood to the extreme right on the 

horizon — County line Road on the left 244c 

Ekarenniondi. or Standing Rock from the ledge. Grey and Simcoe County line 
I!' ad to left, Collingwood on horizon to the extreme right — Lake Huron 

beyond 247. 248 

Facsimile of Ragueneau's affidavit relative to Chabanel's Death, a page from the 

authenticated MS. of 1652 253 

Eugenia Falls, in the Petun Country 256 

Bone pM in Medonte (col. sketch by Fr. Martin) 2i 

Father Paul Le Jeune 300a 

Father Paul Ragueneau 300b 

Ossossane fortified, according to Fr. Charles Gamier 306 

Father I aac Jogues 332a 

His Statue at Dunwoodie Seminary 332b 

Father Jean de Brdbeuf 380a 

Father Gabriel Lalemant 380b 

General Index 461 

Ducreux's Map 

Errata xxiv 

Map of Ta; Township. Map of Huronia Reconstructed, 1906 



£ 



> 



ABBREVIATIONS USED 

Ad domestica = Employed in household work. 

Adm. =Admonitor; the personal adviser of the superior of a community. 

Ad om. =Ad omnia; one given promiscuous work within and without the house. 

^Edit. = jSSdituus ; a sacristan. 

Alegambe = Mortes Illustres et Gesta eorum de Societate Jesi} qui in odium Fidei 

.... necati serumnisve confecti sunt. Auctore Philippo Alegambe. 

Bruxellensi, ex eadem Societe Jesu. Roma?, anno MDCLVIL, ex 

typographia Varesii. 
Autob. = Autobiographic du Pere Chaumonot de la Compagnie de Jesus, et son 

complement par la R. P. Felix Martin, de la meme Compagnie. 

Paris: H. Oudin, 1885. 
Bressani Trs. = Relation Abregee do Quelques Missions des Peres de la Compagnie de 

Jesus dans la Nouvelle-France, par lo R. P. F.-J. Bressani de la 

meme compagnie. Traduit de l'ltalien et augmente d'un avant- 

propos, de la biographie de l'auteur et d'un grand nombre de 

notes et de gravures, par le R. P. Felix Martin de la meme com- 
pagnie. Montreal, John Lovell, 1852. 
Bressani, Orig. = Breve Relatione d'alcune Missioni de'PP. della Compagnia di Giesu 

nella Nuova Francia. Del P. Francesco Gioseppe Bressa-ni della 

medesima Compagnia, etc. In Macerata, per gli Heredi d'Agos- 

tmo Grisei — 1653. 
Cf. =C'onfer, compare. 

C. G.-LL., =A MS. copy of the foregoing, made in recent years. In it the letters 

Contemp. Cop. Garnier's Letters to his relatives and friends in France. This 

copy was made about the year 1652 by his brother, Henri de St. 

Joseph, a religious of the Carmelite Order, and covers 112 pages. 

The letters are not in order of date. 
C. G.-LL., =A MS. copy of the foregoing, made in recent years. In it the letters 

Rec. cop. are placed in chronological order. 

Conf. =Confcssarius; a priest duly appointed with jurisdiction to administer 

the Sacrament of Penance. 
Conf. domest. =Confessarius domesticorum; a confessor of tho servants or hired men. 
Conf. donat. =Confessarius donatorwm; a confessor of the "donnes." 
Conf. NN. =Confessnrius Nostrorum; a confessor of tho members of the Society. 

Conjunctim = Means, when added to a reference, that both passages quoted are to be 

taken together as mutually explanatory. 
Cons. =Consultor; one of the officially appointed advisers of the superior. 

These consulters were convened at regular intervals and in cases of 

emergency. 
Coq. =Coquus; a cook. 

Cur. val. =Curat valetudinem; removed from active work that care may be taken 

of his health. A valetudinarian. 
D- \-Desperatcr valetudinis; completely broken down in health, with little 

hope of recovery. 

storise Canadensis, sen Novse-Franeaire Libri Decern ad annum 

usque Christi MDCLVI. Auctore P. Francisco Crcuxio e Societate 

"esu. Parisiis, apud Sebastianum Cramoisy, etc. MDCLXIV. 

St. Mary's College Archives. Copies of portions of and extracts 

\ old catalogues of the Prov. of Paris, S.J., together with a 

■ary of a certain number of documents preserved in the 

• of Jesus, in the handwriting of Father Adolphe Larcher, 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHI\ ES. xxi 

Extr.-Mart. = MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Copy of portions of and extracts 
from old Catalogues of the Province of Paris, S.J., in the hand- 
writing of Fathor Felix Martin, S.J. 

Fab. ferr. =Faber fermrius; a blacksmith. 

Fab. lign. =Faber lignarius ; a carpenter. 

Faillon =Histoire de la Colonic Francaiso en Canada. 3 Vols.; Villemario, 

Bibliotheque Paroissiele, 1865. This history is the work of l'Abbe 
Etienne-Michel Faillon, P.S.S. 

F-erland =Cours d'Histoire du Canada par J. B. A. Ferland, Pretre, Professeur 

d'Histoire a l'Universite-Laval. 2 vols. Deuxieni© edition-Quebec, 
N. S. Hardy, 1882. 

Qr.H. or Gram. = MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Element,-* Grammatical Huron : - 
cae. In Father Pierre Potier's handwriting. 1745. 

Hortulan. =Hortulanus; a gardener. 

Jour, des Jes. =Le Journal des Jesuites, publie d'apres le manuscrit original conserve 
aux archives du Seminaire do Quebec, par MM. les Abbes Laver- 
diere et Casgrain. A Quebec. Leger Brousseau, 1871. 

Le Clercq = Premier Etablishment de la Foy dans la Nouvelle France, etc., par le 

Pere Chrestien Le Clercq, missionnairo Recollect, etc. 2 vols. A 
Paris, chez Amable Auroy, M.DC.XCI. 

Le Tac =Histoire Chronologique de la Nouvelle France ou Canada depuis sa 

decouverte (mil cinq cents quatre) jusques en l'an six cents trent" 
deux, par le Pere Sixte Le Tac, Recollect. Paris, Versailles; 
Eugene Reveillaud, 1888. 

Lex. Iroq. =Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise avec notes et appendices, par J. A. 

Cuoq, Pretre de Saint-Sulpice. Montreal : J. Chapleau et Fils, 
1882. 

LL. ad Gen. =Litter<r ad Generalem. MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Copies 
and summaries of some letters written by the missionaries to the 
General at Rome. 

Loc. cit. =Loco citato; in the place quoted. 

Lot. pann. =Lotor pannorum; a washer of soiled linen, underwear, towels, etc. 

Lot. vest. =Lotor vestium; a washer of clothes; manager of the laundry. 

Mar. de l'lnc. =Lettres de la Reverende. Mere, Marie de l'Incarnation. 2 vols. Nou- 
velle edition augmentee et annotee par l'Abbe Richardcau. Cas- 
terman, Tournai, 1876. 

Min. =Minister; the one next in authority to the superior in a residence or 

house of the Society of Jesus who looks after the material wauta 
of the community and the observance of the rules. 

MS. Authen. 1652 = A bound MS. of 302 pages in the Archives of St. Mary's College: 
transcribed in Paris by a court scribe from originals sent from 
Canada by Father Paul Ragueneau in 1650. It contains many 
depositions under oath of Fathers Ragueneau and Poncet certify- 
ing to the correctness of the narratives. These affidavits are 
signed in 1652, but the different dates range from August to 
December. Title: "Memoires touchant la mort et les vertus des 
Peres Isaac Jogues, Anne de Noue, Anthoine Daniel. Jean de 
Brebeuf, Gabriel Lallement, Charles Gamier, Noel Chabauel, et 
un seculier Rene Goupil. 

Negot. =Xegotiator; a> business agent, a factor. 

Obit. LI. =Obituary Letters; a MS. in St. Mary's College Archives, containing 

copies of a certain number of circular letters announcing the 
death of missionaries and giving brief sketches of their careers, 
sent by the superior at the time of their demise. 

Oper. =Operarius7 a regularly appointed priest engaged in the active ministry, 

in preaching and the administration of the sacraments. 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



Parkman 



Pet. Registre 



P.M. 

Praaf. a?dif. 
Pra?f. eccl. 



Preef. san. 



Praef . sjiirit. 



Proc. 



Rel. 



Rel. Clev. edit 



R.H.. 174:; 

R.H., 1744 
R.H.,1751 
Sagard. Hist. 

Sagard. Voy. 



Sart. 

Sen. 

SS. or et ss. 

Sup. 



Sut. 



= The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century, by Francis 
Parkman. Third edition. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 
1868. 

= MS. in St. Mary's College Archives entitled: Petit Registre in 4to, de 
la Cure do Montreal, 1642-1680, par Jacques Viger, Ecr. This is 
an analysis, with historical notes, of the earliest parish register of 
the city of Montreal by its first mayor, 1836. 

= Premiere Mission des Jesuites au Canada, par le P. Auguste Carayon. 
Paris: L'Ecureux, 1864. 
= Prn fectus JEdificum; head-builder, foreman. 

=Prcefectus ecclesice; the one who appoints, from day to day, the cele- 
brants in religious services, and has the superintendence of what- 
ever relates to the church furnishings and offices. 
= Prcvfectus sanitatis; the Father who has the care of the health of the 
members of the community and attends to the needs of those who 
are threatened with sickness or are actually in ill-health. 

= Prcefectus spiritualis; the spiritual director who delivers before the 
assembled community, at regular intervals, exhortations or lectures 
on -what concerns progress in perfection. 

^Procurator, a bursar or treasurer: the one who defrays the expenses 
authorized by the minister, and keeps an account of outlay and 
receipts. 

= Relations des Jesuites, Quebec edition in 3 vols., compiled under the 
auspices of the Canadian Government by Father Felix Martin 
S.J. Quebec: Augustin Cote, 1858. In the references to this 
w.irk the year, page and column are given. The Relation of each 
year has its separate pagination. 

= Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents in 73 vols., edited by Reuben 
Gold Thwaites, LL.D., secretary of the State Historical Society of 
Wisconsin. The Burrows Brothers Company, Cleveland. O.. pub- 
lishers. 1891-1901. See at page 408 of this volume a table of vol- 
umes, chapters and pages corresponding to those of the Quebec 
edition. 

= MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Radices Lingure Huronica>. 
Transcriptse a P. [Petro] Potier ex P. [Etienne de] Car[h]eil. la. 
3a,. 4a, et 5a Conjugatio Tom. I., 1743. 

= MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Radices Linguae Huronica?. tran- 
scripts? a P. Potier, S.J. 2a Conjugatio, Tom. II. 1744. 

= MS. in St. Mary's College Archives. Radices Huronicse. Complete in 
1 vol. In Father Pierre Potier's handwriting, 1751. 

= Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les Freres Mineurs Recollects y 
ont faicts, etc., depius Pan 1615, par Gabriel Sagard Theodat, etc. 
4 vols.. Nouvelle edition publiee par M. Edwin Tross. Paris, 1866. 

= Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons. etc.. par F. Gabriel Sagard 
Theodat, Recollet de S. Francois, de la province de S. Denys en 
France. Nouvelle edition publiee par M. Emile Chevalier. Paris: 
Tross, 1865. 
.Snh, (from Sarcio); a patcher a mender, the community tailor. 
= Senex; Superannuated. 

= Et pagina sequentes, subject matter continued on the following pages. 

=Superior, head of a particular residence or mission. The Superior Gen- 
eralis was the head superior of all the Canada missions. The 
superior of the whole Order, residing at Rome, is mentioned simply 
as the General. 

= Sutor, a shoemaker, a cobbler. 



1907 [il'RKAU OK .\KC1I1\ ES. xxiii 

Vie do Breb. = Le P. Jean de Rreheuf, sa vie, ses travaux et son Marty re, par le 
R. P. Martin de la Compagnie de Jesus. Paris: G. Tequi, l^rr 

Vie de Jog. =MS. in St. Mary's College- Archives. Vie du K P. Isaac Jogues, 
d' Orleans, de la Compagnie de Jesus, missionnaire chez los Hurons 
et martyr chez les Iroquois, par J. li. Pierre Forest, d' Orleans, 
1792. 79 pages. 



ERRATA 



[Owing to some inconceivable misunderstanding, this volume was run off the press, and 
the type distributed, without the author's having had an opportunity of collating the printed 
proofs with his own manuscript. Hence this formidable, though incomplete, array of errata.] 

(T., Top; F., Foot.) 



Page. 



10 

12d. 

14 

27 

36 

41 

(1 

45 



45 
50 
52 

53 

56 

58 

59 

60 



61 
64 

65 
66 
70 
70 
82 
83 
94 

98 

It 

99 

1 I 

101 
105 
107 
109 

116 
121 

132 




Instead of 



Footnote. 
Title. 
Diagram . 

14 T 
Diagram. 

6 T 
21 T 

15 F 



13 

12 

Title. 

7 

2 

7 

14 

3 

2 

11 



7 
Plate. 

9 
16 

2 

I 
Plate. 



9 T 

13 T 

14 T 

15 T 
23 F 

Title. 



T 
F 
T 
T 
F 



3 
12 
15 
17 

7 

13 F 
29 T 
13 F 

16 F 
2 T 

13 T 



See map, page 18 

At Bastion D 

Strike out all the title save : 

I "La dessus 

Lagard's 

(p. 721n., 794o.) 

(See page 24) 

Roche Daillon, 1637, in Sagard's 
Hist , p. 809, etc 



1691, p. 362 

Hist, du Canada, p. 413. . . . 

Harenhassa 

Sahouan ! (hold ! attend !). 

warm, with an 

et Descouvertes ( Quebec ed. 

In the same Vol. IV., 

La Roche Daillon 

de Nou6 

crenha 



etc. . 



Oron 



Karonnion aronnon 



Read : 



See map, Tav Tp., at end of volume 

At Eastion C. 

"Diagram I." Cfr. p. 10 pi. 

I. "La dessus 

Sagard'B 

(Hist., p. 721n. 794o) 

(See Diagram III., p. 36 pi.) 

Roche de Daillon, 1627, in Sagard's 

Hist, du Canada, III., p. 809," etc. 
1691, I., p. 362 
Hist, du Canada, II., p. 413 
Karenhaesa 

Sahouan! (hold! wait!) 
warm ( R. II. p. 117)), with an 
et Descouvertes, IV. (Queb. ed.,etc... 
In Vol. V., 
La Roche de Daillon 
de Noue 
arenha 

A ron 



aaroSan aarooan 



R. H. 



Cfr. 

IX 

Cahiague, The Narrows and Cahi 

ague 

Page 514. We arrived, etc 

strike out last line of title. 

Ouentaronius 

deefense 

IV 



Decreux 

[266a] 

See page 249 

In 1642 (p. 61, 1 col.) . 
in 1640 (lb. 70, 1 col.) 

In 1640, 

In 1642 (p. 61, 1 col.). 

St. Ignace I 

a Nature 

pr wess - 

from St. Louis ; 



hired men 

add under the title : 



dehors. V . g. : 



Cfr. ahonh8i R. H. 
IV. ' 

Cahiague\ The Narrows and Contarea 
Page 514 (Tom. IV.). We arrived, etc. 

Ouentaronius (see map 6, pi.) 

defense 

V. 

Ducreux 

T94a) 

See pages 45, 249 

In 1641 (lid. 164t, p. 61, 1 col.) 

in 1639 (Rel. 1640, 70, 1 col.) 

In 1639, 

In 1641 {Rel. 1642, p. 61, 1 col.) 

St. Ignace II. 

as Nature 

prowess 

from St. Louis (cf. Parkman in 

Jes. inN. A., p. 380) ; 
donnis 
(See map of Tay Tp. at the end of 

volume) 
dehors, v. g. : 



[ xxiv ] 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARC1IIX l-.S. 



X X V 



ERRATA. — Continued. 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read: 



7 T 
13 T 
Plate. 
Title. 
Plate. 
Footnote. 
28 T 
6 T 
11 
7 
17 
5 
S 
10 
8 



23 
1 
-1 
16 
14 
7 
8 
5 



F 
T 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
F 
F 
T 
K 
T 
F 



12 F 

22 T 

8 T 

6 F 

1 F 
Plate 

2 F 



1 

2 

6 

17 

10 

5 

17 

5 

19 

9 

1 

6 

8 

10 

19 

1 

21 

18 

10 

13 

19 

12 

5 

6 

8 

9 

3 

6 

9 

14 



F 
T 
T 
T 

F 
F 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 



this o e 

Toanche I . . 

[160al 

See page 151 

[160b] 

160a 

8 e 

ainct 

hasenX8a." . 

b ttre 

s\v at-box . . . 
sebastianum . 
elibano 



con calefacto . . 

catskin 

one's shoulder 

ssepins 

page 160b 

ab iota (i) 

rependu 

Reausoleil . . . 



moutonnees 

Khionontaterronons 

Etionntates 

Dyer Bay 

Charlesbourg 

Raguenea's 

senior 

page 266a 

Eugenie Falls 

Potrincourt 

end of this volume. . . 

France, Quebec 

Potrincourt 

Having arrived 

huietiesme 

Nascent 

his work 

Ahaustic 



garcon 

St. Francis to the young. 

Fathers Daillon and 

1626, 1629 

Lalemant, superior 

d'Aillon 



Caufestre . . 

devors 

fr. de Noue. 
d'Aillon . . . 



further, 

d'Aillon 

d'Aillon's 

Sainct Louvb d'ou 

letter ; he mentions 

conversation ' conversion 

Noses Noseo 

d'Aillon ! de Daillon 



this one 

Toanche II. 

[150a] 

See page 150, 

[150b] 

150a 

site 

sainct 

hasenxSa" (id. ibid) 

battre 

sweat-box 

Sebastianum 

elibano 

concalefacto 

cat's skin 

one shoulder 

s:epius 

page 150b 

ab iota (,) 

repandu 

Beausoleil 

moutonnees 

Khionontaterrhonons 

Etionnontates 

Dyer's Bay 

Ctiarlebourg 

Ragueneau's 

senior, 

page 94a. 

Eugenia Falls 

Poutrincourt 

end of this volume, 403-407. 

France, 1611, Quebec 

Poutrincourt 

" Having arrived 

huietiesme 

nascent 

his (Sagard's) work 

Ahautsic 

garcon 

St. Francis, to the youiiL- 

Fathers de Daillon and 

1625-1629 

Ealement superior, 

de Daillon 



Gaufestre 
devons 
Fr. de Noue 
de Daillon 



further on, 
de Daillon 
de Daillon's 
Sainct f.ouys, d'ou 
letter, he mentions 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



ERRATA. — Continned. 



Page. 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read : 



294 
296 

298 
301 

303 

305 
307 



309 
310 



312 
313 

314 



315 

316 
317 

318 

320 

321 



322 



323 



324 
325 



326 
327 



328 



24 T 
1 T 



1 
4 
5 
4 

12 

14 

5 

6 
18 
22 

o 

18 

7 

1 

2 

18 

20 

1 

3, 4 

12 

3 

12 

11 

21 

6 

12 

10 

17 

3 

7 

8 

11, 12 

17 



F 
F 
F 
F 
T 
F 
T 

T 

T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
F 
F 
F 

F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
T 
T 



1 T 
12 F 



15 
23 
24 
30 



T 
T 
T 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 



9 T 



16 


T 


4 


F 


1 


T 


20 


T 


13 


F 


3 


F 



20. Canots 

Sagard Dist 

1217 

Le Jeune G. J 

Nous n' anions 

pot hunting 

[Ossossane 

p. 33 

of La Rochelle " April 28, 1638 

we are put 

we had concerning 

the eye of 

Indians, with one of the hired men 

Brebeuf 

took place at 

Teanaostaiae .... 

conjunction 

filched. . . .parcel-consigned 

Iroqois 

1650. This 

Atoronchrons 

Attinquenongnahae 

Khinontaterons 

ronnon. V. G. : 

every seven years " 

bourgader 

[arenta] 

6. St. Jacques, 7. St. Philippe, 8. St. 

Barthelemy, etc 

dederuat .... 

gents 

names 

adomnia 

pharmac 

negot 

p. 7) MS 

Gulielmus Loisier (Extr-Lar. 1640, 

P- 7) 

Ste. Affiles 

6. St. Jacques, 7. St. Philippe, 8. St 

Barthelemy, etc 

Saint's 

St. Guillaumee 

Ste 



name. 
1 col. . . . 
d'Aillon 



Pagus . 



then at 

(pagination) 225 

(Id. p. 82, 2 col., etc. 



Tonuh- 

faber lign 

pannor, 

Missions 

the wretched . . 
ignomineously. 



20 canots 

Sagard, Hist. 

1218 

Le Jeune S.J. 

" Nous n'auions .... 

pot-hunting 

[Ossossane] 

p. 38 

of La Rochelle, April 28, 1638," 

we are put .... 

we need concerning 

the eve of 

Indians with one of the hired men, 

Brebeuf 

took place on 

[Teanaostaiae] 

conjunctim 

filched .... parcel consigned 

Iroquois 

1650 (Jour.des Jes. 142, 143). This. . 

Ataronchronons 

A ttinguenongnahac 

Khinontateronons 

ronnon, v.g. : 

"every seven years" 

bourgadfs 

[Arenta] 

6. St. Jacques et St. Philippe, 7. 

St. Barthelemy, etc. 

dederunt 

gentes 

name 

ad omnia 

pharmac. 

negot. 

p. 7; MS. 

same reference for the four names. 

Ste. Agnes 

6. St. Jacques et St. Philippe, 7. St. 

Barthelemy, etc. 

Saints 

St. Guillaume 

Sti. 

name, Pagus 

2 col. 

de Daillon 

the rest at 

325 

(Id. p. 82, 2 col 

also C.G.-LL 

57 ; rec. cop. 

distance given is 100 paces) 
Tontth- 
faber lign. 
pannor. 
(strike out) 
this wretched 
ignoniiniously 
(Between 7 and 8 insert sub-title 

Missions : 



p. 58, 2 col. ; see 
contemp. cop. p. 
p. 46, where the 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 



X X V II 



ERRATA.-fWfmmil. 



Page. 



Line. 



Instead of: 



Read : 



13 T 



11 

19 

14 

17, 18 

31 

28 

11 

8 

8 

15 

18 

12 

o 

22 

7 



F 

F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 



12 F 

2 T 

1 F 

15 F 

10 F 



9 

3 

13 

11 

6 

17 

15 

1 

9 

12 

14 

4 

23 

3 

10 

16 

18 

15 

18 

8 

9 

10 

13 

9 

17 

16 

2 

21 

1 

9 

1 

6 

1 

5 
7 

13 
12 
20 



F 
T 
F 
F 
F 
T 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
F 
F 
T 
T 
F 
T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
T 



peoples, until 
A 



b fore 

forty-five 
MS. Authen, . 



B esBani. 



Conture . . . 

30,000 

Des noyers. 

Sartor 

Sutor 



(Id. ibid.) 

tbe23rd). Father 

sent on 

1 col. ) 

Insert 1644 under line 7, T. 

for welfare 

Glaiser 

De Brebeuf 

Claude 

PetriniiB ( " Pierrot " ), 



Cauchon (or Cochon), 

A 11, 1649, 

consolaton 

1645 

in 40th 

De Brebeuf 

F. Francois Du Peron 

(1 col.), 

F (no data available) 



ore 

lend a hand to the paddle 

since 

page 84, 

Church 

tour estre 

Du Peron Francois 

Menard Rene 

Jean Boursier 

Ekarennindi 

Gillis Bacon 

(set 14, Obit.; Archio. A Portf. 
81, 13) 

sou 



harge 

of advantages. 

Flotilla 

fortnight six . 

Arentel 

Sutor 

Molere 



cons 

OR CAHIAGUE ABANDONED.. 

Nikikouec 

and were ' and even 

Lambeth Larabton 



peoples until 

AT 

before 

twenty-five 

MS. Authen. . . . Bressani. 
t< ti 

Couture 
30,000* 

Des Noyers 

sartor 

sutor 

(Id. ibid.): 
the 23rd), Father 
absent on 
1 col. ) : 

for the welfare 

Glaises 

de Brebeuf 

Claudius 

Petrinus ("Pierrot") Cauchon (or 

Cochon) 
strike out. 
A. 1649 
consolation 
1646 
in 4 to 
de Brebeuf 
F. Rene Menard. 
(1 col. Rel. 1646), 
F. Francois Du Peron (probably) 
more 

lend a hand at the paddle 
after 

page 84 (Rel. 1646), 
church 
tous estre 
strike out 

Joseph Antoine Poncet 
Joseph Boursier 
Ekarenniondi 
Gilles Bacon 

(set. 14 ; vid. Obit. ; Archiv. A 
ann. 1696). 
son 
charge 

of the advantage 
flotilla 

fortnight to six 
Arentet 
sutor 
Molere 



OR CAHIAGUE, ABANDONED 

Nikikouek 



Outaanak. 
Cuog .... 
achingot. . 



Ontaanak 

Cuoq 

ochingot 



.\ .\ V 1 1 1 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



ERRATA.— Continued. 



Page. 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read 



372 
373 

374 



375 

377 
380 
383 



384 
386 
385 

387 
388 
391 
392 

393 



394 



395 
396 



397 
400 

(I 

401 

403 

404 
407 



446 
408 

409 

410- 
412 

413 

419 
420 



421 
423 
425 
427 
428 
429 



4 F 
2 F 

3, 4 T 



5 
18 
19 
13 
19 

3 
10 
18 

8 

1 

13 

18 

6, 7 



T 
F 
F 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
F 
F 



4 F 

22 T 

21 F 

12 F 

4 T 

20 T 



4 
14 

8 
L5 

8 
11 

9 



T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
F 
F 



24 T 
21 F 



16, 17 F 

4 F 
2 T 

5 T 
Table III. 



4 T 



1 T 



413 " 

17 
18 
16 

5 
20 
10 

9 

postil 

12 

24 

4 
15 
19 



premiere Mission 

FF. Bressani, Poncet, Chaumonot 

exclusion of FF. Menard and Bres 

sani 

FF. Poncet and Chaumonot 

There were 

Viedu 

Ekhiondateaan 

eanitis 

MS 

about the first 

to soon 

us of 

Smithy 

Lt^onardus 

Adrien Bonin 

sacrificed and later of Ste. Marie II. 



I entirely 

j seen 

j Sept. mois 

(Ducreux, Hist. 
545) 

them 

Insert : 



Canad. pp. 544- 



M£nard spoke 

1 col . farther away 

otherwi e 

Honareennhak 

of this volume 

Blacksmith 

sacriston 

Winter 

[Ekarennion di in the spring., 

impenetrating 

lav brothers 

. II. Ill 

D'Aillon 

(At St. Joseph II. in 1645-1656) 

16, 15 

(At St. Michel in 1645-1656) ? 

same two correetions 
VOLUMES, CHAPTERS AND 

PAGES 

SHEWING 

same correction. 

1 I I •• 

+ 1 I ■ 

51 



I 



1,745, 

perfect 

" Quelle hure ! " 

""Thereupon 

indigenes 

clev. ed. . . . Khioctoa 

Hurons 

or being 

light: " It is so 

a power, regulated 



Premiere Mission 

FF. Bressani, Chaumonot. . . . 

exclusion of F. Menard 

FF. Bressani and Chaumonot 

These were 

Vie du 

F^khiondastsaan 

sanitatis 

MS. 

in the beginning 

too soon 

us to 

smithy 

Leonardus 

Jacques Bonin 

sacrificed, and later of that of Ste. 

Marie II. 
strike out 
said 
sept mois 

strike out 

these 

ST. MATHIAS AT EKAKENN1- 

ONDI (seep. 399) 
Menard who spoke 
1 col. ; farther away 
otherwise 
Honare'ennhak 
of this volume, p. 253. 
blacksmith 
sacristan 
winter 

| Ekarenniondi] in the spring 
impenetrable 
lav brother 
I. II. III. 
de Uaillon 

16,24 
15 



VOLUMES AND PAGES 
SHOWING 



I 



211 
223 



1746 

imperfect 

"Quelle hure!"* 

Thereupon 

indigenes 

Clev. ed. . . . Khioetoa 

H u rons, 

or of being 

light : "It is so 

a power that regulated 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 



XXIX 



ERRATA. — Continued. 



I'agr. 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read : 



IL'II 

430 

(< 

434 

i i 

135 

136 

438 
439 

( ( 

440 
441 
446 



3 F 

postil 

1 F 
27 F 

2 F 

1 T 
postil 

postil 6, 

4 F 
11 T 
22 T 
1!) T 
17 F 

Table III. 



148 


8 


T 


(( 


3 


F 


449 


16 


T 


l< 


17 


T 


If 


19 


T 


If 


19 


F 


450 


7 


F 


452 


1 


F 


453 


18 


T 


ft 


29 


T 


II 


37 


T 


fl 


2 


F 


464 


14 


T 


If 


26 


T 


455 


22 


T 


(1 


32 


T 


456 


20 


T 


157 


17 


T 



as it ends 

S. Th. 22, Q. 84 

bul was, 

Attinquengnahac 

( lev. ed. XIX., 129, 

Clev. Ed., 123 

"Sendake Ehen" MS. cop. p. 226. 

Cley. ed 

seventeen 

cut 

June 10th the pilgrim 

See Ducreux's Maps 

Kanducho 

(at St. Joseph II., in 1645-46) 16, 15 
(at St. Michel, " " "j ? 

examination 

Ondastes 

1653 

hoy 

Lines 16, 17. is, id, should precede 
the foot of the page. 

But the Journal this year 

leagues Rel. l'i-'tl : 

Carayon-Prem. Mips 

as the sacrifice 

greaty 

Autobiographie), 174 

French Settlement 

then the Liege 

old 

Rib. In 

Michael Bergeoin 

Charlesbourg 

Tailhau 

Oct. 16, 1634 



as its end 

S. Th. 2.2, Q. 84 

but were 

Attinguenongnahac 

Olev. ed. XIX. 125, 

Clev. ed. XXXIV. 123 

"Sendake Ehen" p. 181. 

Clev. ed 

fourteen 

eat 

June 10th, 1650, the pilgrim 

See Ducreux's genera! map 

Kandoucho 

16, 24 

15 

explanation 

Andastes 

1654 

girl 

immediately 1657, i.e., the 10th from 

1653. — The Journal this year 

leagues ( Rel. 1641 ; 

Carayon, I'rem. Miss. 

at the sacrifice 

greatly 

Autobiographie, 174) . 

French settlement 

then in the Liege 

Old 

(Rels. In. 

Michel Bergevin 

Charlebourg 

Tailhan 

Oct. 16, 1643 



Errata in Signs or Accents in Huron Words. 



45 

46 


1 
4 

13 

8 

2 
18 
17 
16 
15 
18 


F 
T 

T 

F 

F 

T 
F 
F 
F 
F 
T 




ahonoSan 
Achen, die. 
Aron 

A ton 
Arenha 

andiata 

aati'o 

aSendio . , 

entiokgio 

arihsio 
Arenda 


achien 


52 


* 




54 






58 

fll 

140 


Arenha 




" 




. . andatgio 


it 






ii 






144 













3* An. 



XXX 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



ERRATA. — Continued. 



Page. 
144 

(I 
If 

146 
150 

151 
164 

i i 

172 
176 
179 

(I 

a 

180 

(t 
182 

185 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read : 



186 



188 



190 



193 



17 T 

18 T 

19 T 

20 T 
14 T 

21 T 

7 F 
1 F 

11 F 

6 F 

1 T 

8 T 
1 T 

23 T 



Arenda. 



2 
1 
2 

10 
14 



F 
T 
T 
T 
T 



1 F 
12 T 



13 

25 
26 
27 
19 

5 

3 
19 
29 

5 
10 

5 
17 



T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
F 
T 



Arenda . . 
Arenda.. . 
ArihSton. 
andiata . . 



Arenda 

Arenda 
Arenda 
arihSton 
andiata 



arao | arao 

Ar 

annonchi 

Ahouenda 

Aronto 

andatae 

Andata 

Aenrat 

At 

Aenrat 

enk8ara 

enhSara 

annonchia 

2. an "A," 3. an "e" 4. an "e 

annonchiaSsti 

Ahona 

ia 

annenhSen 

annenhoin 

annonchiae 

andatsa 

arihsa [ariliSa 

Xa aotae 

annenrinnon 

achia 

ahontaarent 

en#ona 

a»i 

Ata 



Ar 

annonchi 

Ahouenda 

Aronto 

andatae 

Andata 

Aenrat 

At 

Aenrat 

enk8ara 

enhbara 

annonchia 

2. an "A," 3. an "e," 4 an " e" 

annonchiaSasti 

Ahona 

ia 

annenhSen 

annenhoin 

aijnonchiae 

andatsa 

arihsa [arih8a 

X 'aotae 

annenrinnon 

achia 

ahontaarent 

en#ona 

a8i 

Ata 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARCHIx ES. 



XXXI 



ERRATA.- Continued. 



I 'ML'.' 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read 



193 



194 



L95 



197 



200 



201 



202 



205 
209 

211 



28 
2 

1 



2 
10 
9 
1 
12 
14 
23 



T 
F 
T 
T 
F 
F 
F 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 



10 P 

6 F 

13 F 

6 F 



4 
3 
15 
6 
19 
25 
31 



F 
T 
T 
F 

T 
T 
T 



9 F 



212 


12 


T 


213 


7 


T 


(1 


16 


T 


tt 


18 


T 


214 


9 


F 


215 


1 


r 


(1 


2 


T 


CI 


15 


T 


tt 


13 


K 



1 tini' tata Etiotetata 

oannon oannon 

sandaen, te sandaen Sandaen, te sandaen 

BkSandaen sk8andaen 



Aron . . . 
aentaron. 



Aron 

c 

aentaron 



t'etiond i g liaron t'etiond(g)iaron 



ahonohSi . . . 
and(g)ioh8i 



ahonohsi 
and(g)ioh8i 



Aent Aent 

Aentonnion Aentonnion 

aiehSas aiehSas 

ahi'Sat ahisat 

e^aukak&acha e#aakak8acha 

t''ti eti 

Aroni vel aharoni, aharen | Aroni vel abaroni, aharen 

aennionraharoni (die ennionron- aennionraharoni (die ennionron- 



nfgliak 

andechiaroni 

Ari 

achionSendi'ti 

Achondi, Achrondi 

EnkSara 

ara 

ara 

Oo 

Atsiara 



andich(r)a . . . 
Ai'sskara 

And(gii>Sskara. 
Ate. . . . Ate. . . . 
Ate. . .aata 

andionra 

Eti 

etiseti 



n(g)iak 
andechiaroni 
Ari 

aehion»endi'ti 

Achondi, Achrondi 

EnkSara 

Ara 

ara 

do 

Atsiara 

andich(r)a 

AiSskara 

Audi g lisskara 

Ate. . . .ate 

Ate. . aata 

andionra 

Eti 

etiseti 



XXX11 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



ERRATA.— Continued. 



Page. 



Line. 



Instead of : 



Read: 



215 

U 

231 

1 t 

232 

233 
266 

372 



373 
419 



430 



3 F 

2 F 

13 F 

12 F 

17 F 



7 

12 

5 

11 

12 

9 

8 

2 

2 

12 

14 

20 

8 

7 

15 



F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
F 
F 
F 
T 
T 
T 
T 
F 
T 
T 



etionse 

andaSa 

andia 

can- 

firenda 

areda 

Ariti 

Onnontaeeronnon 

Te.iatontarie 

Teokiai 

iatonk. . . .ierhe . . 

ionniak 

Ierhe 

ierhe 

ah»enda 

a8enda 

at 

ahsenda 

Aronhia 

aonstaisas 



etionSe 

anda8a 

andia 

ean- 

arenda 

arenda 

Ariti 

Onnontaeeronnen 

Te.iatontarie 

Te o'kiai 

iatonk. 

ionniak 

Ierhe 

ierhe 

ahSenda 

aSenda 

at 

ahSenda 

Aronhia 

aonstaniSas 



.ierhe 



Identification of the Huron Village 

Sites of 1615-1650 



PART FIRST. 



A WORD ON HURONIA PROPER. 

Ste. Marie II. on Ahouendoe Island. 
Ste. Marie I. or St. Joseph III. 



[3] 



I. 

A WORD ON HURONIA PROPER. 

Tlie home of the Hurons during the first half of the XVII. 
Century was of very limited extent. From north-west to south- 
east it comprised a tract of country at most forty miles in length, 
with a width from south-west to north-east of less than twenty. 
Its western shore was washed by the waters of Nottawasaga Bay. 
a name given to the southernmost part of Georgian Bay, itself 
but a landlocked extension of Lake Huron towards the east. To 
the north, Huronia was separated from what is now the Muskoka 
District by Matchedash Bay, another inlet of Georgian Bay, into 
which flows the Biver Severn. This river in a circuitous course 
west, north-west and south-west, receives the outflow of Lakes 
Couchiching and Simcoe, the latter' of which bounded Huronia 
to the south-east. Two lines, the one drawn across the map from 
the mouth of the Coldwater to a point on Couchiching Lake, a 
couple of miles north of the present town of Orillia, the other 
from the mouth of the Nottawasaga to a point on Simcoe Lake 
a mile or so east of Barrie, would, with the shore lines of Notta- 
wasaga and Matchedash Bays, compass about the whole region 
in which lie scattered the towns and villages of Old Huronia. 

A characteristic feature on the map of the Huron country 
which claims our particular attention, are the five streams emp- 
tying into Matchedash Bay, draining in their course the water- 
sheds of the region. These are distinctly marked on Ducreux's 
inset map, though he has left them nameless. They will be of 
great assistance in the work before us. Their names on modern 
maps, beginning from the west, are Wye River, Hogg River, 
Sturgeon River, the Coldwater and the Severn. 

The three principal defects of Ducreux's inset map may be 
noted at the outset. In the northernmost peninsula of Huronia 
he has set down one bay too many, or at least greatly exagger- 
ated an indentation of the coast between what are now termed 
Thunder Bay and that of Penetanguishene. The bay at Arenta 
he has also increased in size beyond measure. The second defect 
is that he has forgotten to mark the "Narrows" which link to- 
gether Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching. But the most glaring 
defect is that the north-western shore-line of Lake Simcoe has 
been traced with a concave curve towards the lake instead of one 

[5] 



6 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4] 

distinctly convex. This very regrettable malformation of out- 
line has had the effect of cramping on the map the main portion 
of Huronia, and crowding together topographical features which 
should have been set down widely apart. To mention but one, 
the upper reaches of the Coldwater, near which "S. Iosephi" is 
placed, almost skirt the shore of Lake Simcoe. 

With all its imperfections, however, the inset map of Du- 
creux is of incalculable worth as a guidance in identifying the 
Indian village sites. Without it a knowledge of their respective 
distances from Ste. Marie I., or from other well ascertained 
points, would be of little avail, seeing that we should still remain 
ignorant of the direction in which they lay. 

As to the relative position of the Hurons and their mortal 
enemies, the Five Nations or Iroquois, Huronia lay 150 miles 
about from the Senecas, who were the nearest, and 250 from the 
Mohawks, who were the most remote. The great barrier between 
them was the broad expanse of Lake Ontario, but an overland 
journey, no matter how lengthy or arduous it might be, was 
thought little of by the relentless Iroquois when there was a pros- 
pect of sating their thirst for the blood of the Huron. 

Fort Ste. Marie II. on Gahoendoe, or St. Joseph's Island. 

In a study such as the present, whose aim is to ascertain the 
relative positions of old Huron villages, and where one must needs 
proceed from the known to the unknown, it is not feasible to follow 
the chronological o^der. Two sites in Huronia are certain beyond 
all manner of dispute, Forts Ste. Marie I. on the mainland and 
Ste. Marie II. on St. Joseph's or Christian Island. The latter 
was the last refuge for the remnants of a defeated nation before 
they dispersed, and before the missionaries, with a number of 
Hurons not exceeding three hundred (Eel. 1G50, p. 26, 1 col. ; 
Ragueneau's Letter, Oct. 8, 1650; LL. to Gen., p. 35) set out, 
on June 10, 1650, on their long and sorrowful journey to Quebec 
(Rel. 1650, p. 1, 2 col.). Ste. Marie II. had sheltered the 
Fathers and their neophytes for one year against the Iroquois, 
but the thickness and height of its walls were of no avail against 
the inroads of famine. 

The knowledge of the position of Fort Ste. Marie II. will be 
of no assistance in the prosecution of the work in hand, so it will 
be better to dispose of it for once and for all. 

The remains of this Fort are visible even at this late date. 
The site is on the northern side of the great bay which indents the 



Par 



frv*> . 
irtl 'rot 

atoe- 



S .V^g\CHOHOGRAPHIA 







\ o tt ^^ oS J*<> -to a refill j,. . 



num 







^7 i&e,riMiro7U4M 



Ducreux's Inset Map. 














Relative positions of the Huron and Iroquois countries. ( Parkman . ) 





□ 



o la £^ 36 •as 60 72 pieds 





Plan of Fort Ste. Marie II. on Christian Island. (By Fr. Martin, 1855.) 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 7 

south-eastern coast line of Christian Island. The ruins lie about 
120 feet from the lake shore. 

There are two passages in the Relations referring to Fort Ste. 
Marie II., the first in Eel. 1G49, p. 31, 1 col. : "Depuis deux 
mois ou enuiron que nous sorumes entrez dans cette Isle, Dieu 
uous a si puissainment secourus, que nous croyons estre en estal 
d'vno iuste deffense, en sorte que 1'cnnemy auec tous ses efforts, 
nous est pen redoutable dans nostre Reduit ; mais il regne dans 
toute la Campagne du continent voisin do nostre Isle, et en suitte 
il nous iette dans vne famine plus rude que la guerre. Les Hurons 
que nous auons suiuis ont quitte leurs terres aussi bien que nous, 
el en mesme temps il faut qu'ils se fortifient, et qu'eux et nous 
bastissions des maisons, etc." 

The second is to be found on p. 3, 2 col., of the Rel. 1650: 
"Ces grands bois, qui depuis la Creation du monde n'auoient point 
este abattus de la main d'aucrn homme, nous receurrent pour 
hostes; et la terre nous fournit, sans la creuser, la pierre et le 
ciment qu'il nous falloit pour nous fortifier contre nos ennemis. 
En sorte que Dieu mercy nous nous vismes en estat de tres-bonne 
deffense, ayant basty vn petit fort si regulierement, qu'il se deffen- 
doit facilement soy-mesme, et qui ne craignoit point ny le feu, ny 
la sappe, ny l'escalade des Iroquois." 

Fr. Chazelle, S.J., in 1844, was probably the first who visited 
the sites of Ste. Marie I. and II. But Rev. G. Hallen, after a 
careful inspection of the ruins, in June, 1845, made a tracing 
of the forts. Fr. Felix Martin, S.J., gives the following descrip- 
tion of what remained of Fort Ste. Marie II. in 1855: "This 
Fort is a square flanked by four bastions, and solidly built of 
stone and mortar. It is much more regular than that of Ste. 
Marie I. I had no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that the 
rules of the art of defence had been strictly followed in the con- 
struction of the flanking walls and of the faces of its bastions. 
The walls in their present state stand in some places nearly seven 
feet above ground. According to Father Ragueneau they were 
originally fourteen feet high. It is not easy to determine where 
the entrance was. There appear to be some traces of one in the 
middle of the northern curtain, where part of the wall had fallen, 
so as to be scarcely perceptible above ground. 

"In the centre of the Fort there is a cistern, nine feet square, 
in solid masonry. Within, it is about four feet deep, and there 
are >ijrns of its having once had a flooring in planks. 

"A wall which extends some sixteen feet within the enclosure 
abuts at right angles on the western curtain. What its purpose 
Note. — See colored sketch at page 12a. 



8 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

was it would be difficult to say. Perhaps it was the end wall of 
some building adjoining the curtain and carried as far as the 
neighbouring curtain by means of a wooden structure. 

"The sketch I give of the ruined Fort* is taken from a point 
on the prolongation of the line drawn through the salient point 
of bastion B [N.E.] (sur le prolongement de la capitale du bas- 
lion B). I had, however, to make a clearing in the thicket, which 
at present covers this deserted shore, so as to show in the distance 
a portion of the great bay which opens out before the Fort, and 
to mark on the horizon the southern point of the Island where the 
lighthouse is being built.- 

"There are traces of a moat around the Fort, but the trees 
which cover the site and the marshy nature of the ground in the 
immediate vicinity make it a difficult task to get at the dimen- 
sions. 

"Our visit was too hurried, and we had not time to extend our 
researches beyond the Fort itself and follow the contour of the 
outworks thrown up for the protection of the Huron Village. We 
were assured that at a distance of five or six hundred feet north 
of the Fort there are ruins of other constructions apparently of 
ancient date, and which in all likelihood are to be referred to the 
same period Later on, no doubt, the cemetery where the numer- 
ous victims of those disastrous days were buried will be discovered. 

"The time at my disposal was taken up in rectifying measure- 
ments and in examining the foundations of bastion C [S.W..]. 
They are bedded deep in the soil. The bond of the masonry affords 
evidence of careful workmanship and of skilled labour. What lent 
particular zest to our researches was the knowledge that Mr. 
Boucher of Penetanguishene had in 1848 found within bastion A 
[N.W.] interesting and very significant relics, etc." (MS. p. 88.) 

Fort Ste. Marie I. or St. Joseph III. 

Township of Tay, III. Concession, Lot 16 ; on the line sub- 
dividing the lot. It is the "S. Maria" of Ducreux's Map. 

No doubt whatever can be entertained as to the site of the Old 
Fort of Ste. Marie I., for its ruins may yet be seen. The following 
quotations from the old records are given, not with the idea of 
making what is certain doubly sure, but rather to draw attention 
\o the fact that its position is so accurately described in the Eela- 
i ions that even if there were not a vestige of it left it could be 
located without the least difficulty. 

Eel. 1640, p. 63, 2 col. : "Ce lieu est situe au milieu du pays, 
sur la coste d'vne belle riuiere, qui n'ayant pas de longueur plus 

*See p. 126. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. u 

d'vn quart de lieue, Loincl ensemble deux lacs, l'vn qui s'estend a 
l'Occident, tirant vn peu vers le Septentrion, qui pourroit passer 
pour vne nier douce, l'autre qui est vers le Midi, dont le contour 
n'a guere moins de deux lieues. 

"Nous corninencasmes des 1'Este passe a nous y establir, el sur 
le milieu de l'Automne [1639] nous y transportames la residence 
que nous auions a Ossossarie, ayant differe d'y reunir pareillement 
celle de sainct Iosepli ; mais des le commencement du Printcm ps 
[1640] l'insolence des Sauuages nous a obliges de le faire bien plus 
tost que d'ailleurs nous n'auions resolu. Et ainsi nous n'auons 
maintenant dans tout le pays qu'vne seule maison, qui sera ferme 
et stalile, le voisinage des eaux nous estans tres-aduantageux pour 
suppleer an manquement qui est en ces contrees de toute autre 
voiture, et les terres estans assez bonnes pour le bled du pays, que 
nous pretendons auec le temps y recueillir nous mesmes." 

Eel. 1641, p. 71, 2 col. : " selon la derniere et plus 

exacte obseruation qu'on a pu faire, nostre nouuelle maison de 
Saincte Marie, qui est au milieu du pays des Hurons, est a 
quarante-quatre degrez et enuiron vingt et cinq minutes d'esleua- 

tion ", i.e., 44° 25' ; but tbis would tbrow it too far south 

by, 1 should say, about 15' 18 ". 

With our eye on Ducreux's Map, however, and with ilie des- 
cription given in the Rel. 1640, we could not possibly miss the 
spot. 

Chaumonot, in his Autobiography, (Cramoisy-Shea) p. 50, 
makes this allusion to the site of Ste. Marie I. : "Le canot sur 
lequel je m'embarquai etant conduit par six sauuages aborda le 10 
Septembre [1639] au haut d'un petit lac nomme Isiaragui [or 
Tsirargi, al. Tsiaragui]. II est au pays des Hurons. Depuis peu 
nos Peres avoient fait batir tout proche une cabane pour s'y loger." 

With the exception of the error of latitude, each of these indi- 
cations is correct as far as it goes. This is certainly encouraging 
al the outset ; and I have no doubt but that whatever is to be found 
in the Relations concerning the sites of other places may be looked 
upon as equally reliable. What we have most to fear is the hand- 
ling such indications received by the copyists and printers. 

In 1855, Father Felix Martin. S. J., went over the ground 
occupied by Ste. Marie I.,* and I find the following in his manu- 
script notes relating to that expedition : 

"After having doubled the eastern point of the Bay (Penetan- 
guishene), we entered the inlet which on some modern maps bears 
the name of Christendom Pay. Directlv in front of us, at the 
*See page 12c. 



10 THE REPORT OE THE No. 41 

head of the bay, lay the mouth of the River Wye. This stream, 
which might more correctly be termed a narrow strait than a river, 
leads to a small sheet of water called Mud Lake on account of its 
00Z y bottom, which bears a great quantity of wild rice (folle- 
avoine). The sluggish current is barely perceptible. At a mile 
from its mouth, the river changes its course from N.N.W. to 

"Fort Ste Marie I. is situate on Lot 16 of the III. Concession 
of the Township of Tav.* At the present writing the ground is so 
thickly covered with trees that it is impossible to catch a glimpse 
of the' Fort from the landing place, though it is only one hundred 
and fiftv feet from the shore. 

"Our first care was to map out the ground so as to locate the 
Fort correctly. Once we had cleared away the rubbish which 
obliterated the lines of the foundations it was an easy matter to 
trace the outlines and ascertain their dimensions. 

"The Fort is a creditable structure of stone and mortar, and 
the walls still show from two to four feet above ground. The 
masonry, executed in a workmanlike manner, gives evidence of 
having been done by skilled masons. As no stone is to be found 
in the neighborhood, the transportation of materials from a dis- 
tance with the primitive means of conveyance available at the 
time must have greatly increased the difficulty of the undertaking. 
"The shape of the Fort is an oblong rectangle with nankmg 
bastions at the angles. Despite certain peculiarities of detail in 
its construction, the reasons of which are not easy to guess to-day, 
it is not hard to discern, in the carrying out of the plan, a careful 
application of the rules of military art. 

"Two sides only show a continuous line of enclosure and a 
finished curtain. In the middle of the eastern curtain, which faces 
the open campaign, there seems to be a break, but as the break is 
regular it would lead one to suppose that it marks the spot where 
the postern was situated. 

"The bastion B [South Eastern], closed on all sides, shows no 
traces of an opening on the ground level. But as this part of the 
wall must have been covered by the water in the moat it is prob- 
able that the entrance to this bastion was on a level higher than 
what now remains of its ruins. The two curtains of the western 
and southern sides are no longer standing. Nor is there any trace 
of masonry. We ascertained by excavating at several points that 
there was no solid foundation along their lines. It may be pre- 
sumed that these curtains consisted in a strong stockade. In tact 
such an enclosure would have_^i^uit^siifficie^r^Jm^ejence 

*See map. page is. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 11 

against any approach from those two sides whence attack was less 
to be feared. In front of the two bastions C [N.W.] and D [S.W.] 
and along their very foundations, there stretches a trench of suf- 
ficient depth to protect the curtains, and which is plainly visible 
even now. 

"The bastion C [N.W.], which is smaller than either A [N.E.] 
or B [S.E.], presents this peculiar feature, its southern face (i.e., 
its flank), is thicker than the other sides and is prolonged 
into the interior space of the Fort and ends in a squarely built 
jamb. An excavation we had made at this point disclosed, at the 
depth of about two feet, a foundation bed with traces of a chaired 
wooden floor. Several spikes were found, beaver bones and a piece 
of copper which might have belonged to some kitchen utensil. 

"The bastion D [S.W.] is even smaller than the bastion C 
[N.W.] and is connected at one of its angles with a square shaped 
construction E [S.], which may have been the base of a tower, 
from which a good lookout could be had and the approaches 
watched. The anomalous conformation shown at this point was, 
no doubt, owing to some requirement entirely local, unknown to 
us now. 

"In front of the bastions ]) [S.W.] and B [S.E.], and follow- 
ing the direction of the curtain which should have united them, 
there is a very wide moat. This must have been deep enough to 
allow of its being flooded with water from the river. In fact it 
extends to the river after making a bend towards the west. It 
not only served to cut off all access to the Fort, but must have 
been made use of also as a landing place and a shelter for the 
canoes of travelling parties of Indians. In three places it widens 
out into regularly shaped basins, doubtless to facilitate landing 
operations. 

"Beyond this canal-shaped trench lies a wide area of ground 
which in turn is protected by a ditch and a low parapet in earth. 
Its outline may be easily followed by the eye. It shot out from 
the face of bastion B [S.E.] and, assuming somewhat the shape of 
a vast half-moon, died away at the riverside. I am inclined to 
believe that this enclosure was not simply an outwork intended 
to protect the approaches to the Fort, but that it was intended to 
afford the Indians, who repaired to this post in great crowds, a 
convenient and safe spot whereon to pitch their cabins." (MS. p. 
6-J et. ss.) 

Note. — See colored sketch at page 12d. 




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TEANAOSTAIAE, OE ST. JOSEPH II. 

Ste. Marie I. to St. Joseph [I. on Teaxaostaiae. 
Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel oh Scanonaenkat. 
St. Michel to St. Joseph II. 
Direction from Ste. Marie 1. 
A Chorographical Feature. 
A Unique Bench-Mark. 



I 13 j 
An. 



II. 

THE OTHER POINT REQUIRED TO FORM A RASE EINE. 

Teanaostaiae, or St . Joseph IE 

But besides Ste, Mario E another point is required so that by 
joining tlio two wo may have a base line to work from. 

TeanaostaiaS, the chief town of the Nation of the Cord, or St. 
Joseph TE, thus named as it replaced in the minds of the mis- 
sionaries the abandoned Thonatiria or St. Joseph I., is the point 
I have selected anil is the first site T shall attempt to determine. 
With no co-ordinates at our command, since but one other point 
is thus far known, we shall have to rely on the distance and direc- 
tion from Ste. Mario E, too-other with certain indications and 
peculiar it ios of site, whoso cumulative evidence is not only strong, 
but may really bring home to as a moral certainty as to the spot 
where the village stood. 

St. Joseph IE is especially remarkable for having been the 
scene of the fearful massacre of July 4. 1648, and of the heroic 
death of Father Antoine Daniel. 

Stf. Marie I. to St. Joseph TE (Teanaostaiae). 

Six leagues from Ste. Marie I. : 

Christine Tsorihia, a fervent Christian, dies at her village, 
presumably St. Joseph IE, as the chapter treats of that mission, 
and according to her wishes previously expressed, is buried at 
Ste. Marie I. "Elle fut la seconde enterree en nostre Cimitiere 
de Saincte Marie, y ayant este transports de son bourg ou elle 
mourut. esloigne de six lieues, ainsi quo de son viuant elle 1'auoit 
desire." (Rel. 1644, p. 92, 2 col.) 

Five leagues from Ste. Marie E: 

"Ees Chrest ions qui sont morts tant an bourg de la Concep- 
tion qu'au bourg do Sainct Ioseph, a cinq lieues de nostre Maison, 
on! desire estre enterrez chez nous." d?el. 1644, p. 76, 2 col.) 

The Fathers' Mission house was then at Ste. Marie, and the 
chapter is entitled : "Do la Maison e1 Mission de Saincte Marie." 

[ 15 I 



16 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Sn in this one Relation of 1G44 we have two estimates of the 
distance, one giving six and the other five leagues. 

[n the Relation 1640 (p. 70, 1 col.) we read: "The Father 
wish i iiij' to put his faith to a more severe test, and postpone for a 
while longer his baptism, told him to go to our house at Ste. Marie 
|I.] if he desired to lie baptized. This was to impose a condition 
which the Father deemed impossible," [we are told that the pos- 
lulant was old and infirm] "obliging him thus to undertake a 
journey of five or six leagues, in the most rigorous season of the 
yearj ami when the snow was three or four feet deep." In the 
beginning of the paragraph we are told that this octogenarian 
was from St. Joseph II. 

This is a goodly array of authorities in favour of a distance 
of five, or of five or six leagues from Ste. Marie I., and were 
they the only ones in the Relation-, and were I forced to incept 
them, I should be obliged, for my part, to abandon all hope of 
ever determining the site of St. Joseph II. 

Providentially a way is left us of checking these figures. I 
find in contemporary records first a measure of distance given 
from Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel or Scanonaenrat, and secondly 
one from St. Michel to St. Joseph II. or Teanaostaiae. Now, 
taking the direct line or measure, as given above, from Ste. Marie 
1. to Teanaostaiae (St. Joseph II.). and the last two measures just 
mentioned, we should be able to construct a triangle with the 
three places mentioned at the angles. Not at all, the construction 
is impossible, for the sum of the two latter measurements is at the 
least three quarters of a league too short, that is, the two latter 
lines would not meet. Here are the authorities. 

Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel ok Scanonaenrat. 

St. Michel was the name given to Scanonaenrat (E. 1639, p. 
72, 1 and 2 cols.). 

A palsy-stricken Indian, name Fxouaendaen, but who had 
received the name of Michael at his baptism (Rel. 1646. p. 77, 2 
col.) because he lived at St. Michel, made his way to Ste. Marie 
I., but it took him, we are told, fifteen hours to accomplish that 
journey, which was one of three leagues only. (Id. p. 78, 2 col.) 
Consequently, it was nine miles from Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel. 

St. Michel to St. Joseph II., Teanaostaiae. 

"The town we bethought ourselves of first was Scanonaentai 
[i.e. Scanonaenrat], as much because it was one of the most consid- 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 17 

erable of the c try, forming by itself alone one of the four 

clans which go to make up the Huron nation, which we ex- 
plained in Chapter I., as because it was but five quarters of n 
league (cinq quarts de lieues) from our Residence of St. Joseph 
[II.]." It must be remembered that the first location of St. .L>- 
seph's Residence was Ihonatiria until the preceding year 1638, 
when it was transferred to Teanaostaiae. (R. 1639, p. 72, 1 col.) 

Father Francois Du Peron, in his letter dated La Conception, 
April 27, 1639, (Carayon Premiere Mission, p. 180) makes the 
distance even shorter: "Our Fathers having reached the place 
called St. Michael's Mission, and having baptized two little chil- 
dren who were sick, set out with the intention of consulting with 
our Fathers at St. Joseph, one league distant." 

Here we have a choice between two sets of conflicting state- 
ments. Which of the two is the more likely to be correct? 

Of course I admit that I am biased, but not to the extent of 
rejecting very good authorities without very good reasons. 

The first is that the compilers of the two Relations from which 
the passages quoted are drawn, and which give us the larger 
figures, either did not know the real distance or did not pretend 
to be very accurate. 

This is patent of the Relation L646, of which Father Paul 
Ragueneau was the compiler, thai is of the part concerning the 
Huron .Missions; and what [ have said applies to him in this 
instance: for no man would use such loose terms as "tm chemin 
de cinq on six lieues" unless he were uncertain, or were he certain, 
unless he did not aim at accuracy. 

As for the two quotations from the Relation 1644, the i 

stating that the distance was six miles, the other that it was five. 
thej are utterances of one and the same man, for Father Jerome 
Lalemant was the compiler of that part relating- to Huronia. So 
that the case is identically the same as the preceding, and we 
may set him down, too, as saying "five or six leagues." 

Secondly, there is no hesitation in the statements of those who 
give the distances between the different points in the second set 
of quotations, father Ragueneau, this time, says squarely that 
ilo journey from Sir. Marie I. to St. Michel was one id' three 
leagues only. Father Jerome Lalemant says rather quaintly that 
from St. Michel to St. Joseph II. there were "cinq quarts de 
lieues;" while Father Francois Du Peron a- unhesitatingly affirms 
that St. Joseph II. was .mo league distant from Si. Michel. Here 
they all certainly intend to l>e precise. 



18 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Thirdly, for tliose who appreciate distances for having gone 
over them on foot, there is less room for miscalculation when tlio 
distances are short than when long. So that, even were there no 
quaver of uncertainty in their estimate, those guessing at the full 
distance from Ste, Marie I. to St. Joseph II. were less likely to 
be correct than the same poisons, or others, pronouncing sepa- 
rately upon the distances from Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel and 
from St. Michel to St. Joseph II. 

As a result of the foregoing deliberation I take twelve miles 
and a half as a radius from Ste. Marie I. 



Direction from Ste. Marie I. 



Having ascertained at what distance St. Joseph II. lay from 
Ste. Marie I., and not having any other co-ordinate to work by, 
the next best thing is to know in what direction it lay. This we 
must determine at least approximately, and then see if the spot 
indicated by distance and direction lies on or near the well known 
site of some remains of a Huron village, and if there be some 
chorographical feature peculiar to it alone. 

On Ducrenx's Map the direction of Sic Marie T. to St. Joseph 
II. is south-east by south, making with the meridian which passes 
through Ste. Marie T. an angle of 36°, about, but near enough for 
all practical purposes. Twelve miles and a half measured off on 
this line reaches to lot 8, concession V., Medonte, and the full 
four leagues and a quarter would reach to lot 7, same concession. 

Nothing to my knowledge has been found on either of these 
lots to indicate Huron occupancy, but on the adjoining lot T. con- 
cession TV., the most unmistakable signs of a populous Indian 
village having stood there had been observed more than fifty 
years ago. The direction to this spot is 32 . 

The Rev. Father Felix Martin visited it in 1855, and what 
follows I have taken from his manuscript: "D'apres ces donnees 
[he refers to the Relations] ce village [Teanaostaiae] devait etre 
dans le district de Medonte, a pen pres au milieu de ce qu'on 
nomme aujourd'hui 'Irish Settlement,' a cause de la population 
irlandaise agglomeree sur ce point. J'ai visile cette position 
avec soin ; il est hors de doute qu'il y a eu dans ce lieu nn eta- 
blissement sauvage considerable. On en voit encore des traces non 
equivoques. 




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1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 19 

"l.i' sol est encore coxiveri de debris de poterie, travail des 
sauvages. . . . Les fragments de vase et le calumet que nous avons 
receuillis nous-memes, en renmanl la terre avec un baton, portenl 
t ous le ini'iiii' gen re d 'ornemen 1 3. 

"L'objel le plus curieus a ete decouverl a une petite distance 
de la, distance qui semble convenir a la cabane que les Mission- 
1 1 . i iii--. s'etaient faite pres tin village, (''est le reste < 1 u pied d'un 
chandelier ou d'une croix en cuivre. La charrue en retournant 
le snl. le tit sortir de terre. II a du se trouver au milieu d'un 
violent incendie, car une partie <1 n metal a ete mise en fusion. 

"Le site donl nous parlons, est d'ailleurs tres favorable pour 
la defense. II couronne la crete d'un coteau, du haul du quel la 
vue s'etend tres loin sur une large vallee ou coule la riviere qui 
se decharge a Coldwater. 

''La earte de Ducreux favorise cette conjecture, et place en ce 
lieu le village de St. Joseph II." (Voyage et Recherches, MS. du 
P. Felix Martin, S.J., 1855, p. 92.) 

Father Martin does not give the number of t lio lot, nor of the 
concession. To make sure there was no mistake, in 190o. in com- 
pany with Father Nicholas Quirk, S.T., and J. C. Brokovski, 
Esq., Barrister, of Coldwater, I visiied the spot. The farm, west 
half lot 7, concession [V., Medonte, is still in possession of the 
Flanagan family. No! only Mr. Flanagan (set. 75), but also Mr. 
John I'. Hussey (set. 97) were present when \ went over the 
ground. Both assured me that it was there that the half-fused 
stand iif a brass candlestick or crucifix was found. Mr. Husse3 
had accompanied Father Martin in his explorations in 1855 
through this part of Simcoe County, and in spite of his advanced 
age is still hale and hearty. I am in a position, therefore, to 
corroborate Father Martin'- statements as given above. 

Here. now. is what Mr. Andrew F. Hunter has to say of the 
locality :" On the west ball <<f lot 7, concession 4, — Patrick Flana- 
gan. Tli i- site is at the top of a very steep hill. 250 feet or more 
in height, at a distance of several rods south-east from the dwell- 
ing house, from which it i- separated by a small ravine. Mr. 
Flanagan, senior, who cleared the land, informed me that it cot 
ereil ahum inn acres. When they first cleared the ground there 
were surface springs along the raised beach about 230 feet above 
the 'Algonquin,' bill the water has lowered since the lain! was put 
under cultivation, and can now be found only by digging to a 
depth of twelve feel below the surface. There were thick deposits 
oj ashes, in and near which he found many pottery fragments, 
pipes, stone axe-, n copper or brass kettle (with a capacity of about 
six quarts), iron tomahawks, 1> i needles, etc. A pipe howl found 



20 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

here appears to have been used for holding hematite paint after 
it had lost its stem." (Medonte, Simcoe C. 1902, pp. 77. 78.) 

A Chorographical Feature. 

If we cast a glance at Ducreux's inset map we see something 
very striking about the site of St. Joseph II. It lies very 
close tn the tipper reaches of the fourth stream, counting from 
the west, in the Huron country. In fact, it is the only one marked 
on the west bank of this river. It is needless to say that this 
fourth stream is the Coldwater. 

The Flanagan farm is similarly situated, and near where the 
stream changes its course from north to east. It, moreover, tallies 
admirably with what Jtressaiii in his Breve Relatione (Macerata, 
1653) says of its site: "Comme il [1'eunemi] ne pouvait en ap- 
procher (pie par un cote, et par consequent en se demasquant, a 
cause du site eleve de la place, les habitans, qui le voulurent, 
eurent le temps de s'echapper par l'autre cote" (per l'eminenza 
del borgo). (Orig. p. 106; French Translation p. 247.) 

Another characteristic and geographical feature of St. Joseph 
II. is mentioned in Pel. 1G41 (p. 74. 2 col.). Fathers de Brebeuf 
and Chaumonot had set out for the Neutral Nation: "Arriuez 
qu'ils furent a S. Ioseph cm Teanaustajae, dernier bourg des 
Hurons, etc." It was the last Huron town towards the south 
on the way to the Neutral Nation. Now, though many other sites 
of Indian villages have been found south of the Flanagan farm, 
and one (Con. I. Vespra and Oro, lot 35), directly on the way to 
the Neutral Nation, there is none, to my knowledge, occupying 
as commanding a position as Lot 7, Con. IV., Medonte, and 
which at the same time gives evidence that it existed while the 
French had dealings with the Hurons. That is to say, no metal 
relics have been found on their sites. Hence they are supposed 
to have antedated that period. 

A Unique Bench-Mark. 

But all, I think, will agree that what must be looked upon as 
almost as indicative as the name hung out at a wayside station, 
especially when we recall certain incidents occurring when St. 
Joseph II. was sacked and ruined, is the half fused metallic stand 
previously mentioned. 

Let me quote from Parkman, and I regret I cannot give the 
passage in full. The Iroquois had carried the outworks, and 
Parkman continues : 



See page 6. 




'' 





1. Fused base of brass Crucifix. 2 and 4. Pipe bowls. By Father Martin, 1855. (From 
a coloured sketch. 3. Fragment of Vase. 



1«MI7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 21 

"The fierce veil of the war-whoop im« rose close at hand. The 
palisade was forced, and the enemy was in the town. The ah 
quivered with the infernal din. 'Fly,' screamed the priest, driv- 
ing his flock before him. 'I will stay here. We shall meet again 
in Heaven.' Many of them escaped through an opening in the 
palisade opposite to that by which the [roquois had entered; but 
Daniel would nut follow, for there still might be souls to rescue 
from perdition. The hour had come for which he had lone- pre- 
pared himself. In a moment he saw the Iroquois, and came forth 
from the church to meet them. When they saw him in turn, 
radiant in the vestments of his office, confronting them with a 
look kindled with the inspiration of martyrdom, they stopped and 
-laird in amazement: then recovering themselves, bent their hows 
and showered him with a volley of arrows, that tore through his 
robes and his fle-h. A gunshot followed; the hall pierced his 
heart, and lie fell dead. gasping the name of Jesus. They rushed 
upon him with yells of triumph, stripped him naked, gashed and 
hacked his lifeless body, and scooping his blood in their hands, 
bathed their faces in it to make them brave. The town was in a 
blaze: when the flame-* reaehed the church, they flung the priest 
into it. and both were consumed together." (The Jesuits in 
North America, 1868, p. 376.) 

What I wish to draw your attention to here is that the lifeless 
body of Antoine Daniel was thrown into the burning church. 
From Relation X « > 4 ' > (p. ">, 1 col.) we learn something of the in- 
tensity of the heat of that conflagration. The Fathers regretted 
that "Le corps de son seruiteur [the servant of God, Father 
Daniel] fust traitte si indignemenl apres sa mort, et tellement 
reduit en poudre, que mesme nous n'eussions pas eu le bonheur 
d'i'ii pouuoir receuillir le< cendres." 

How -eldom it happen* ihat even in the conflagration of our 
modern edifices a human body i* reduced to impalpable dust. Bui 
nothing slmrt of this intense heat could have reduced the brass 

relic to the *tate in which it was I d. leaving, however, ei gh 

of one angle intact to show that the base was rectangular. 

Prescinding from our knowledge of the historical events con- 
nected with the locality, an inspection of the sketch of the relic 
would suffice to convince us that it is a half-melted rectangular 
stand, resembling, perhaps, more that of a crucifix than oughf 
else. Such a base precludes the idea of a portable crucifix; while 

if it belonged to a candlestick, it would he far too elaborate for 
anything of that kind in use in a missionary's wretched cabin. 
In either supposition it could only find place on an altar. 

Finding it among the refuse of an Indian village -ite. dating 
back a couple of centuries, a- proven by the forest growth which 



22 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4] 

covered the spot, we would naturally lie led to ask ourselves how 
ii became fused. The idea of such an attempt, as a metallurgical 
experiment, on the part of savages must be set aside. They would 
haw prized the original too much as a rare curiosity to try to 
destroy it : while had they intended to do so they would hardly 
have known how to proceed so as to effect their purpose. 

Everything therefore points to its accidental destruction, and 
that in a conflagration. In the supposition, which I hold as (di- 
rect, that it passed through the fires of the burning church of St. 
Joseph II.. or Teanaostaiae, all is easily explained. In the <"ii- 
fusion and hurry, when other church ornaments were being seized 
upon by a scuffling rabble of Iroquois, thrown down and concealed 
by the altar drapery or other objects, it lav unnoticed until the 
advancing flames drove the profaners from the sanctuary. 

As final conclusion: if the Flanagan farm, lot 7, concession 
IT., Medonte, is not the site of St. Joseph II., or Teanaostaiae, 
let those who would contend for some other site explain away the 
proofs alleged above. I shall now without further delay proceed 
mi my work of triangulation ; and if such triangulation solves the 
puzzling problems of Huron chorography, not only as no other 
hypothesis has yet done, but satisfactorily, it will lie the best 
proof that the base line from which I start is correct in its length 
and bearings, namely, a line of about 12^ miles at an angle of 32° 
R.E. from the meridian of Ste. Marie I. 



III. 

ST. MICHEL OE SCANONAENRAT. 
Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel. 
St. Joseph II. to St. Michel. 

OSSOSSANE. 

Ste. Marie I. to Ossossane. 
St. Joseph II. to Ossossane. 

IHONATIRIA OR ST. JOSEPH I. 

St. Joseph II. (Teanaostaiae) to Ihonatiria. 
Ossossane (La Conception) to Ihonatiria. 

KHIXuXASKARANT OR QUIEUNONASCARAN 
[honatiria to Khixonaskatjant. 



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III. 

ST. MICHEL (H! SCANONAENRAT. 

Ste. Marie I. to St. Michel oe Scanonaenrat. 

[{el. 1646, pp. 77, 78, 2 col. The passages have alreadj been 
quoted and give a distance of three leagues only. Nine miles 
from Ste. Marie I., measured nit' on the line joining it ami St. 
Joseph II., terminates at the east end of lot 17, concession 111.. 
Medonte, ami on the wesl half of the same lot ami concession 
stood a Huron village, thus noted in Mr. Andrew F. Hunter' 
Medonte (p. 74): .... "site on west half of lot 17, concession 
3, Franklin Bell. Yillars Cripps was one of the first occupants 
of this farm, and found pottery fragments, pipes, iron tomahawks, 
etc., in abundance, especially when he cleared that pari id' the 
land on which (lie village was situated." 

St. Joseph II. to St. Michel 

Rel. 1639, p. 72, I col. "Cinq quarts de lieue." One league 
and a quarter. 

Letter, 1639, Apr. 27, by Francois Du Peron. One league. 

Both passages have already been quoted. The exact distance, 
however, between the two sites is three miles and three quarters: 
the remains of St. Michel lying los- than half a mile to the svesl 
of the straight line passing through Ste. Marie 1. and St. Joseph 
II. It is to lie remarked (hat there are several other sites in the 
immediate ueighbourhood, not so extraordinary a fart seeing that 
Scanonaenrat constituted one whole clan by itself. 

This is about the only instance where I have been forced to 
deviate from Ducreux's insel map. on which St. Michel is placed 
between what are now Cranberry and Orr's Lakes; lmt this posi- 
tion is indefensible no matter which data we choose from contem- 
poraneous records. 

OSSOSSANE OR L\ CONCEPTION OR \.\ ROCIIELLE. 

That Ossossane went by these name- at the time the Jesuil 
missionaries laboured in Huronia is evinced by several passages 
in the Relations .1!. 1633, p. 38, I col.; I,'. 1635, p. 30, 2 col. ; 

See page 6. 

I 25 1 

:i A i- 



26 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4] 

R. 1636, i). 92, 1 col., etc.), but nowhere more clearly than in 
Brebeuf's letter to the General, dated Thnnatiria, May 20, 1637 
i See Carayon, "Premiere Mission," p. 160): "Dans ce moment 
nous formons une nouvelle residence dans le village qui' nous 
[Francais] nernnnms La I!<nhello et les Sauvages Ossossane . . 
nous l'appellerons la Residence de l'lmmaculee Conception." 

The sites of all Huron villages were changed about every ten 
in twelve years (Eel. p. 131, 1 col.), and Ossossane was no ex- 
ception to the rule. The change was prompted by scarcity of fuel, 
ami at times, in stress of war, to secure a better defensive position. 
We know that Ossossane changed sites at least three times, but 
uas never moved far from where it originally stood. Brebeuf 
(Rel. 1635, p. ; !0, 2 col.) alludes to this moving to and fro, and 
n'iw. it as a reason for not immediately settling there in prefer- 
ence to Ihonatiria : ''Besides this village" \Ihonatirid\, he says, 
"there was no other save La Rochelle in which we felt any inclin- 
ation tn settle. And this had been our idea all along for a yeat 

past But taking into consideration that they [of La l!n- 

chelle] were to change place the coming spring, as they had done 
in the past, we did not care to build a cabin to last but the 
winter." Hero were three changes, and another is mentioned as 
having taken place at the time of Joseph Chihouatenhoua's death. 
(Rel. 1641, p. 65, 2 col.) 

lather Charles Gamier, in a letter to his brother Henri (Tmni. 
Conception, April 28, 1638, LL.G., p. 38), referring to what was 
probably its original site, says: "This town has been named by 
the French La Rochelle. as it was formerly situated on a height 
wilh a circling moat around it. the handiwork of nature." Now 
as La Rochelle is a fortified seaport town in France, from which 
many of the early French colonists sailed, there would have lieen 
an entire lack of appropriateness in the appellation had not Os- 
sossane been a fortified village on the lake shore, reminding them 
- incwhat of the fortress of did La Rochelle in its general aspect. 
Then- is a most interesting description of the fortifications of 
Ossossane, as they were then being completed, in the same mis- 
sionary's letter to his father in 1638, but which can scarcely find 
room here. 

Ste. Marie I. to Ossossane. 

There has never been any serious divergence of opinion as to 
the probable site of Ossossane. All place it in the vicinity of 
Varwood Point, owing no doubt to its well defined position on 
Xote. — See colored sketch, page '_'_<< 



[907 BUREAU Of ARCHI\ ES'. 27 

Ducreux's inset map on the shore of Nottawasaga Bay. The small 
bay immediately to the west of il is Dault's Bay. The convex 
almost semi-circular projection of land, as delineated on the inset 
map, is \ in wooi I Point, while the bold headland to the south-wesl 
is marked Spratl on the older maps, and Six-Mile Point on the 
more modern. The outlines are exaggerated and the intervening 
projection in the shore line between it and Spratt's Point has ao 
real existence. But Ossossane, in spite of these slight chorograph- 
ical distortions, N unmistakably sel down to the south-east of Ste. 
Marie I., and il is in that direction il must be sought for. Father 
Martin, I believe, «;i< the first, while on the spot in 1855, to recog- 
nize Point Yaru 1 as the site of the Huron La Rochelle. 

Rel. Will (p. 75, 2 col.) places it at nine miles from Ste. Marie 
I '"La dessus elle monte en canot, arriue le mesme iour au bourg 
do La Conception [Ossossani] et sans s'arrester en sa propre maison 
fait a pied trois lieues qui luy restent, et vient se rendre icy." 
The chapter treats of the '"maison et mission" of Ste. Marie I. 

Rel. 1640, (p. lit-".. 1 col.). "Dimanche dernier il [that is. 
Josepb Chihouatenhoua] estoil vonn en uostre maison [Ste. Marie, 
founded about mid-summer, 1639; see 1{. 1640, p. 63, 2 col.], 
esloignee maintenant de la sienne d'enuiron trois lieues." Jo- 
seph's dwelling was at La Conception or Ossossane: 1!. 1641, p. 
63, 1 col., "C'esl de ce bourg de La Conception .... qu'estoit 
.... [oseph Chih8atenh8a." See also R. 1639, p. 70, 2 col. 

1 shall take this second estimate of "enuiron trois lieues," 
oi about nine miles, anil a radius of eight ami two-thirds is about 
nine miles. With a centre at Ste. Marie its arc strikes land at 
Poini Varw I. 



s i . Joseph II. ro Ossossane. 

Rel. L639 (p. titi, 1 col.). The heading of chapter Y. makes 
ii certain thai in 1639 the residence of St. Joseph was ,,\ the town 
of Teanaostaiat : "De la Residence de S. [oseph an bourg de 
/'. anaustayat . etc. " 

Letter of Francois l)u Peron to his brother, dated from La 

Concepti Ossossane), April 27, L639. It contains the following 

statement: "We are here to the number of ten missionary 

Fathers, in two residences. i named the Conception of Our 

Lady, the other St. Joseph: these are five or six leagues distant 
one from the other." (Carayon, "Premiere Mission," p. [72.) 



28 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

The Father dues not pretend here to be very accurate, hut 
roughly speaking the distance was, according to him, fifteen or 
eighteen miles from St. Joseph II. to Ossossane or La Conception. 

An arc with a radius from St. Joseph of eighteen miles would 
meet the arc with a radius "I eight and two-thirds in the waters 
of Lake Huron, hut very near the coast line, three miles north- 
west of Foint Varwood. The hearing of this intersection from 
Ste. Marie I. would be almost due west, not at all iii the direction 
it lies on Ducreux's inset map. 

An are of fifteen miles and a half radius from St. Joseph II. 
would intersect the arc from Ste. Marie just on the shore of Poini 
Varwood, and this would fulfil the conditions of the length given 
as something between fifteen and eighteen miles. 

Hound Point Varwood, the original site of La Rochelle, are 
closely grouped all the successive site- of sossane. 

[iioxat] i.iA in; Si . Joseph I. 

I regret exceedingly to have to differ from my betters, bu1 
I cannot see my way in placing Ihonatiria on the west shore near 
the entrance to the inner hay of Penetanguishene. It is there that 
Father Martin has placed it on his map on the division line 
between lots 1 and A of concession XVII. in Tiny Township, 
with Otoiiacha to the north-east opposite the southern extremity 
of Beausoleil Island. Parkman's Ihonatiria is located very much 
in the same place. 

<ine of the reasons for not admitting the correctness of this 
localization is that it does not seem to take into account the indi- 
cation so dearly given in Rel. 1637 (p. 149, 2 col.). The Rela- 
tion is written by Father Francois Joseph Le Mercier, and is 
dated from Ihonatiria June 21, lG'iT. One of the evil spirits "I 
the count i \ is supposed to be speaking to a sorcerer: '"Mais il 
I'aut que tu scaches, Iu\ dit-il, que le plus meschant de ton- all 
the other demons] est celuv i'Ondichaouan (qui est vnc grande 
Lie que nous auons icy [at Ihonatiria'] a nostre veue.)" 

According to Ducreux's inset map the only large island of 
which the Fathers might possihly catch a glimpse from Father 
Martin's I h<>u<iiirin is the one marked Schiondekiaria, whose mod- 
ern name is Prime William Henry or Beausoleil Island: while in 
sight of the northern mainland Fhiereux p^ces a large island, 
to-day Giant's Tomb, with the indication Insula Ondiatana, an 
Indian name in a Latin garb, hut to what extent modified it is 
difficult for us now to true-s. 



LETtf l£i V XT a 




Parkman's Map of Huronia. 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 29 

Decomposing the two Dames, we have: 



I. 0ndia—echi—a8cm i ,.,, . , , ( " Beyond our Point " 

I I he Island | J 

■■>,,!■ i ,. I ( Insula ) I .. r. ... 

1. Vndia — ute — aScm ' I Present at our Punt 

i i e. seen, in sight i 

1. 

Ondia, a point of land (Radioes ETuronicse, 1751, p. 295, 2 
col.). 

Echi, adverbium loci, beyond (Elements Grammatical Huron- 
icse, 68). 

Aouan, belonging to one, one's own (R. H 1751,]). 157.) 

Ondia, in the compound word goes first, (Observanda in Com- 
positione "1 " Substantivuro semper prseit." Elem. Gram. Ilur. 
I>. 66). 

The final "a" is elided as well as the initial "e" m Echi (Id. 
2 , p. 66), and we have Ondichi, whose final "i," by the same rule, 
is also elided before no nan and we have Ondichaowin Ins., i.e. 

c 

The island "Beyond our Point." 



Ondia, same as above. 

Ate, etre present ul sic, to be present. (R. II. 1751, p. 200, 
V 89, Cfr. p. 201, 1"). Hence to be in view of. 

.1 muiii . same as above. 

Ondia compounded with .1/'' 'fives Ondiite, and this in turn 

I c B 

with Aouan, Ondiataouan, whose syncopated form is Ondiatan 
(Elm. Gram. Hur., p. lili. 7 and 8 ), Latinized as Ondiatanus, 
and agreeing with Insula. Ondiatana. The only difference be- 
tween this name and what appears on Ducreux's map is the "a " 
in Ondia, which is changed to "o" in deference to some rule with 
which as a mere tyro I am not conversant; or may it not be a 
misprint in the inscription on the map? Insula Ondiatana would 
be equivalent to "The Island present, or in view of our Point." 

The first and last roots in the two names are the same, and the 
middle ones, though different, give about the same meaning to the 
compound word. 1 take it. therefore, that the island went by 
either name. As Ondichaouan, in the Relations, il is said to be 
"a big island which we have here [at Thonatirid] in sight": and 



30 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

as Ondiatana it is set down on Ducreux's inset map so as to lie in 
view only from the north shore, and not from any poiirl on the 
western shore of Penetanguishene Bay. 

I infer that Ihonatiria lay somewhere along' the north eoast of 
the peninsula or of what the Fathers called "La Pointe." T shall 
iii.w proceed to show that by triangulation this conclusion is con- 
firmed, and that the approximate site of Ihonatiria is ascertained. 
Nothing, however, can as yet be discovered of its remains, as all 
that part of the peninsiila is thickly wooded. 

St. Joseph II., Teanaostaiae, to Ihonatihia, St. Joseph I. 

The base line is from Osxossane to St. Joseph II. 

Rel. 163") (p. 39, 1 col.). "On January 19 I set out for the 
dwelling of Louis de Saincte Foy, distant seven or eight leagues 
from our village." 

"Our village" at that date was Ihonatiria. The account, in 
which the above quotation is found, is dated from there, May 27, 
1635, see page 42. 

The dwelling of lam is de Sic. Foy was at St. Joseph II., or 
Teanaostaiae. That his father lived there is evident from a pas- 
sage in Relation 1(137, p. 107, 2 col.; but the fact is made clear 
for himself from Father Charles Garnier's letter to his own father. 
dated O.ssossane, 1638: "We arc on the point of moving' our resi- 
dence of St. Joseph [I.] from the little village called Ihonatiria, 
where it now is, to the largest town of the country, called Tea- 
nau.itayae [i.e., St. Joseph II.]. This is the native place .| Louis 
de Ste. Foy. whom you may have seen in France eight or nine 
years ago." 

The radius I take from St. Joseph IT. is the full measure of 
eight leagues, or twenty-four miles. 

< >ssi)ssaxi : : to Ihonatiria. 

Rel. 1636. (p. 134, 1 col.) : ''They proceeded by short jour- 
neys: the inhabitants of our village [in 1636, Ihonatiria] took 
three days to make four leagues and to reach Ossossani, which we 
call La Rochelle, where the ceremonies were to take place." 

Rel. 1637, p. 156, 1 col. Father Francois Le Mercier, writing 
from Ihonatiria (Cfr. R. 1637, p. 179, 2 col.), says : "Ce nous fut 
vne belle lecon, de voir vn vieillard age de plus de 60 ans entre- 
prendre 4 grandes lieues en hi saison la plus fascheuse de l'annee, 
en esperance de manger vn morceau de viande." The starting 
point was Ossossanc fid. ih., p. 154, 1 col.). 




-■ 



VXL 



*te^ rf»v>* iars 



|B . 



**: 






Ihcinatiuia. 
On the Bluff near Todd's Point, 



|«.)|I7 BUREAU OF \KCIII\ ES'. 31 

Rel. 1637 (p. 139, 2 col.): "The 9*h [Dec] Father Superio] 
returned to Ossossam with F. Pierre Chastelain and Simon Baron. 
I shall say nothing here to your Reverence of the difficulty of the 
journey, as you know well in what state the roads must be at this 
season. 1 merely add that there was question of four leagues only 
and yet the day was not much too long to cover that distance." 
The residence of the Fathers of St. Joseph 1., whence the Superior 
set out, was still at Ihonatiria in the beginning of June, 1638, 
but they were on the point of moving it to Te.anaostaiae, known 
as St. Joseph [I. (Eel. 1638, p. 59, 1 col.) 

On this authority I take a radius of four leagues only from 
Ossossane and its are intersects the are of the twenty-four mile 
radius from St. Joseph II. exactly at Todd's Point, in the immedi- 
ate neighbourhood of which Ihonatiria must be placed. 

KHINONASCAEANT (Eelations) OE QUIETJNONASCAEAJS 

(Sagard). 

llnw important so ever Khinonascarant may have been at the 
time of Hrothei Sagard and Father Joseph Le Caron, the Recoliel 
missionaries, it seems to have dwindled greatly and to have been 
split up into three small villages during the years that elapsed 
between their sojourn, 1623, ami 1637, when it is mentioned in the 
Relations. 

Ihonatiria in Khinonascarant. 

Eel. L637 (p. 128, 1 col.): "Le douziesme, Le Pere Pijart fit 
•,ne course a Khinonascarant, ce sont trois petites bourgades a 
deux lieues de nous,'' that is, from Ihonatiria, for the Fathers 
bad not yet abandoned that village. (Id. p. lfiT. 2 col.) 

Consequently, whatever other distance we may find in the old 
reeords from any other place, Ossossane for instance, the are of 
the eircle, with that distance for radius, must intersect the arc 
having for radius a length of two leagues, and it goes without 
saying, this intersection should take place on terra firmn. 



IV. 



SAGARD'S EQUILATEKAL TRIANGLE. 

Ossossane and St. Gabriel same as La Rochelle 
First Village — La Rochelle mi Ossossane. 
Second Tillage — Khinonask irant. 
F. Jos. Le Caron's dwelling ai Carhagouha. 
Ossossane to Khinonaskarant. I. Side. 

CARHAGOUHA. 

Khinonaskarant to Carhagouha. 
Tm M'li! 1!ay to Carhagouha. 

TOANCHE I.— THI1M) VILLAGE. 

I ISSOSSANE TO TOANCHE I. II. SlDE. 

Khinonaskarant to Toanche I. I If. Side. 



I 33 ] 



IV. 

SAGARD'S EQUILATERAL TRIANGLE. 
Ossossane arid St. Gabrie] Same as La Llochelle. 

In he various attempts to reconstruct the map of Buronia it 
is strange thai so little lias been made of Sagard's Triangle. 
Without it the task would be impossible. With it. though the 
length of its side- is exaggerated, we arc able to solve the problem 
or at least bridge over its mosl ilitli> nil gap. This is owing to the 
fact el' the approximate equality of its siiles, upon which he in- 
sists. 

What is mere, we can, with little difficulty, establish the 
identity of the three villages, which marked its angles in Sa- 
gard's time with three villages mentioned in the Relations. 

In 1623, Brother Gabrie] Sagard-Theodat, a Recollet, was 
sent with Father Nicholas Vie! to New France. They reached 
Quebec on June 28, and after resting a lew days there, at the 
convent of their Order, they set out together with Father Joseph 
Le Caron for the Huron country. The particulars of the journey 
and an account of subsequent events arc recorded in Sagard's 
"Histoire du Canada et Voyages" (Paris, Sonnius, 1636), which 
was reprinted by Tross (Paris, 1X66). 

The missionaries had embarked in different canoes and did 
not reach their destination at the same time. Sagard's party of 
Indians, which was from Ossossane (La Rochelle), landed at noon 
on August 20, and, to all appearances, at sonic point cither on 
Penetanguishene or Midland Bay, whence they all struck across 
the country for the shores of Lake Union, or rather that portion 
of it now known as Nottawasaga Bay. But as the Indians counted 
upon outstripping him on the march he was sent on ahead, and, 
as might have been expected, he lost himself in the unfamiliar 
wilderness. He wandered aimlessly from midday until near sun- 
set, at which time he must have been sadly out of his reckoning, 
ami south of Ossossani, though then heading due north: for, on 
reaching a point where two trails crossed each other, he tells us 
that he providentially chose the one to the left "du cosfo de la 
Mcr Douce" i Pis. i,(. w edition. 206 old edit.). Pressing hurriedly 
onwards, he shorth found his companions quietly waiting for him 

Under a tree. 

"Nous poursuivismes uostre chemin iusques a un petit hameau 
(p. 199 n., '207 i). i . . . . Le Soleil commencoit desia a quitter 

[35] 



36 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

nostre orison et nous priuer de sa lumiere, lorsque nous partismes 
de ce petit hameau, une partie tie nos homines so separerent apres 
leur auoir fait la courtoisie de quelques fers a flesch.es, puis mon 
Sauuage et moy auec uu autre tinsmes le ehemin de Tequeunoi- 
kuaye, autrenient noinme Quieuindohian, par quelques Francois 
La Rochelle, pt par nous la ville de sainct Gabriel, pour estre la 
premiere ville du pays dan- laquelle ie sois entre [for it will be 
remembered Sagard's name was Gabriel], elle est aussi la prin- 
cipale, et comme la gardienne et 1c rempart do toutes celles de la 
Nation des Ours, et ou se decident ordinairement les affaires de 
plus grande importance. Ce lieu est assez bien fortifle a leur 
mode, et pent contenir enuiron deux ou trois cens mesnages, en 
(rente on quaran e cabanes qu'i] y a." iTIist. du Can., p. 200 n., 
208 o.). 

From the foregoing passage we learn that Sagard's Te-queun- 
oi-l-ii-aye, otherwise Qui-euin-do-liian, named by him St. Gabriel, 
was called liv the French La Rochelle. 

The Jesuits' Ossossane, named by them La Conception, was 
-till (ailed by the French down to their day La Rochelle. 
(Brebeuf's Letter to the General, dated Ihonatiria, -May 20, 
liioT ; see Carayon, Premiere Mission, p. 160): "Dans ce moment 
nous formons une nouvelle residence dans ]e village que nous 
aommons La Roehelle, et les sauvages Ossossam .... nous l'ap- 
pellerons la Residence de l'Immaculee Conception." 

Several passages in the Relation- attest also to the fact that 
Ossossane was .ailed La Rochelle by the French. Rel. 1633, p. 
38, 1 col.; Rel. 1635, p. 30, 2 col.; Rel. 1636, p. 92, 1 col., etc. 

Consequently Te-queun-oi-lcu-ayt or St. Gabriel was the same 
village as Ossossane, or La Conception, whose bearings and dis- 
tance from Ste. Marie I. and St. To-epli II. have already been 
determined. But to return to Sagard's narrative. 

"II se passa uu assez lone- emps apres mon arriuee auant que 
Teusse aucune cognoissance, ny nouuelle du lieu ou estoient ar- 
riuez mes confreres, iusques a un certain ionr que le Pere Nicolas 
accompagne d'un Sauuage, me vint trouuer de son village, qui 

n'estoit qn'a cinq lieues de nous (p. 206 n.. 215 o.) Le 

lendemain matin nous primes resolution le Pere Nicolas et moy 
auec quelques Francois d'aller trouuer le Pere Ioseph a son vil- 
lage esloigne du nostre 4 on cinq lieues, ear Dien nous auoit fait 
la grace que sans I'auoir premedite nous nous mismes a la conduicte 
de trois personnes, qui demeuroient chacun en un village d'egale 
distance' les uns des antics, faisans comme un triangle, etc." 
(p. 207 a., 216 o.). 




i 


1 


e 


? 


1 


■*■ 


s- 


<=& r 




*) 



4 An. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. > A1 

In the closing phrase, where Sagard mentions the three persons 
living in three distinct villages, he evidently did not intend that 
the words "at equal distances one from the other" should be taken 
rigorously, for he has just told us that Father Nicholas' village 
was but five leagues from his (Ossossanii), and that Father Jo- 
seph's was four or five. What the distance was between the two 
villages where Fathers Joseph and Nicholas were respectively 
quartered he does not give us in figures; but states that it was 
about the same as the other two distances given. 

The First Village of the Equilateral Triangle. 

There can be no dispute as to the name of the first village, 
that of Brother Sagard; it was called after him St. Gabriel, andj 
as he has told us, it bore also the names of Qui-euin-do-hian, La 
Eochelle and Te-queun-oi-ku-aye, which latter appellation was 
used also by Champlain, though spelt a little differently, Te-quen- 
on-qui-aye (Tome IV., p. 28, n. ; p. 516 o.). 

Identical with the Ossossane or La Eochelle of the Relations, 
its position has already been determined from Ste. Marie I. and 
Teanaostaiae or St. Joseph II. We know from the Relations that 
Ossossane had changed its site three or four times (R. 1635, 30, 2 
col.; E. 1641, 65, 2 col.), but these different sites were never far 
removed from the vicinity of Dault's Bay or Point Varwood. 

The Second Village of Triangle— Nearest which Village was 
Father Joseph Le Caron's Dwelling? 

To prevent confusion, this point must be settled beyond doubt 
before proceeding further. 

Roughly speaking, he had taken up his abode at Khinonasca- 
rant. For, Sagard in his Grand Voyage (p. 64 n., p. 93 o.) 
says: "le pris conge d'eux [the inhabitants of St. Gabriel, La 
Rochelle or Ossossane], leur donnant esperance de revenir en bref, 
ainsi ie partis avec le bon Pere Nicolas, et fusmes trouver le Pere 
Ioseph qui demeuroit a Quieunonascaran." From this I infer 
that it was this village Sagard had in mind when he stated the 
distance between St. Gabriel's and Father Joseph Le Caron's 
Village. But if we wish to be absolutely correct the answer must 
be somewhat modified by what follows. 

Brother Sagard, in company with Father Nicholas Viel, un- 
dertakes a journey to Ft. Joseph's village. "Not having found 
Fr. Joseph," he says, "in his little hamlet, we went and found 
him half a league from there at the town of Quieunonascaran" 
(KJiinonascarant) (Hist. ,,. 209 n., 218 o.). The spot where they fi- 
nally built their cabin was a pistol-shot from the town. (lb. p. 213 



38 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

ii., 222 o.). Chretien le Clercq, Recollet, in the following passage 
enables us to identify the locality with that occupied by Fr. 
Joseph, in Champlain's time: "Quoique les Sauvages ne fussent 
animez d'aucun principe de religion : on ne peut exprimer la joye 
qu'ils recurent de reuoir le Pere Ioseph qui les venoit visiter avec 
deux de ses Freres conformement a la parole qu'il leur avoit 
donne en les quittant. II trouva encore son ancienne cabanne ou 
habitation, dont les Francois s'estoient servi en son absence sur 
un petit coteau au bas duquel couloit un agreable ruisseau, etc." 
(Premier Etablissement de la Foy; Paris, Amable Auroy, 
M. DC. XCL, Tome 1, p. 248.) 

Referring now to Champlain's account, we find that Fr. 
Joseph lived at Carhagouha : "De la ie me fis conduire a Carha- 
gouha. . . . auquel village estoit le Pere Ioseph demeurant [this 
was in August, 1615], et que nous y trouuasmes, estant fort aise 
de le voir en sante, ne 1'estant pas moins de sa part, qui n'esperoit 
rien moins que de me veoir en ce pais. Et le 12 iour d'Aoust, le 
R. P. celebra la saincte Messe, et y fut plante vne Croix proche 
d'vne petite maisonnette, separee du village que les sauuages 
y bastirent pendant que i'y seiournay, etc." ((Euvres de Champl. 
IV., p. 28 n., 516 o.) 

Therefore Fr. Joseph's "village" or "hameau" was really 
Carhagouha, and his "maisonnette" was "separee" or built out- 
side the village proper. 

It might possibly be suggested adversely in spite of what pre- 
cedes that the Missionaries' cabin or "maisonnette" in 1623 was 
not the same as that one Champlain had seen built in 1615. 

Chretien le Clercq (Etablissement de la Foy; Paris, Amable 
Auroy, Tome 1, p. 249), relating Father Joseph's return to Hu- 
ronia, in 1623,* proceeds thus: "He found yet standing his 

"Mr. Eug. Reveillaud, the editor of Le Tac's posthumous papers, in a 
foot-note to page 118, is certainly wrong in substituting the year 1624 for 
1623, as the one in which Sagard set out for Canada. He bases his correc- 
tion on a date given in "Le Grand Voyage." The date 1623 is as positively 
given in "Historie du Canada." If Sagard contradicts himself we must 
have recourse to some other test to determine which of his assertions is 
correct. On page 197 n., 205 o., of his "Histoire," he very deliberately 
says: "Deux iours auant nostre arrivee aux Hurons, nous trouuasmes la 
mer douce, sur laquelle ayans trauerse d'Isle en Isle, et pris terre au pays 
tant desire par un iour de dimanche feste sainct Bernard, enuiron midy, 
que le soleil donnoit a plomb : Ie me prosterne deuant Dieu, etc." 

The Church in Sagard's time kept the festival of St. Bernard on 
August 20, as she does to this day. Sagard says, in the above quotation, 
that the festival of St. Bernard fell on a Sunday in the August of the year 
of his arrival among the Hurons. The 20th August 1623, fell on a Sunday, 
while in 1624 it fell on a Tuesday. The inference is that 1623 is the correct 
date of Sagard's arrival in Canada. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 39 

former habitation or cabin which the French had occupied during 
his absence; it was on a hill-side, and in the hollow before it flowed 
a delightful little stream. This dwelling, which was once more 
put into good shape, was twenty-five feet long by twelve or fifteen 
wide, and shaped like a garden arbour; without, it was sheathed 
in bark, and within, lined with boards; the latter material serving 
also in the construction of three partitions, etc." 

Sagard (Histoire, p. 213 n., 222 o.) speaks as if the construc- 
tion were entirely new : "Our cabin was built a pistol-shot from 
the village, on a spot which we ourselves selected as being most 
commodious. It was on the rising slope of a hollow through 
which ran a charming and limpid brook. From this we drew 
water to quench our thirst and to boil our sagamity, save during 
the heavy snows of winter when, on account of the bad state of 
the roads, we used snow from the vicinity of our cabin to prepare 
our food, and thank God, we were none the worse for it, etc." 
And further on: "Our poor cabin might have been about twenty 
feet long by ten or twelve wide, and resembled in shape a garden 
arbour. It was covered all over with bark except at the ridge, 
where a slit extended the whole length to let out the smoke (p. 
214 n., 223 o.) . . . . "Around our dwelling, though the soil was 
poor and sandy, we laid out a little garden, and closed it in with 
a paling to prevent the free ingress of children" (p. 215 n., 224 
o.). 

The description given in "Le Grand Voyage" (p. 67, n.) does not 
differ materially from the above; but instead of a pistol-shot, he 
says the distance between the village and the cabin was two flights 
of an arrow ; while in qualifying the soil his expressions are a 
little stronger: "though the land," he says, "was wretchedly poor 
and one of the worst spots and least valued in the whole country." 

From the above quotations we glean the following facts. 
First on his return to the Hurons in 1623, Father Joseph restored 
and reoccupied the same cabin he had dwelt in during his pre- 
vious sojourn in the country {i.e., in Champlain's time, in 1815). 
Second, the little hamlet of Father Joseph was situate one half 
league from Khinonascarant, and his cabin, the same ae just 
mentioned, was one pistol-shot from "la Bourgade." The word 
"bourgadc" evidently does not refer to Khinonascarant, for there 
would be a discrepancy in the distances given by the same author. 
It refers, consequently, to the "hamlet." Third, Champlain says 
the "maisonnette" was "separee du village," while the only 
village mentioned in the context to which he possibly could allude 
was Carhagouhn. The latter, therefore, during the seven or eight 
years which elapsed from the time of Champlain's visit, must 



40 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

have dwindled into a small hamlet, i.e., from 1615 to 1623. 
Fourth, as Father Joseph's cabin was one half league from Khi- 
nonascarant, and but a pistol-shot from Carhagovha, the two 
centres of population must have been about half a league from 
each other. I say centres of population, for the appellation Khi- 
nonascarant was given to three villages separated by short inter- 
vals. 

Finally, though Father Joseph Le Caron lived nearer Carha- 
gouha, it was really Khinonascarant that marked one apex of 
Sagard's Equilateral Triangle, and consequently it was the 
Second Village. 

OSSOSSANE TO KhINONASCAKANT. 

First Side of Triangle. 

It is not likely that any difficulty will be found in recognizing 
in Quieunonascaran the Khinonascarant of the Relations. The 
two forms must be pronounced as a Frenchman would pronounce 
them. The final t in the latter form is as silent as the t in "en- 
fant," which, as far as the sound goes, might still be written as 
formerly, "enfan." The syllables contained in onascaran are 
common to both. The French "qui" is identical in sound with 
our English word "key," so that the sole difference would lie in 
the eu in the name as given in Sagard. By pronouncing hhin 
as if it were written keyhun we make it as near an approach as 
possible to Sagard's quieun. In the introduction to his manual 
of Huron phrases (p. 6 n.), the author himself formulates this 
premonitory remark : "II ne se faudra point estonner si en voy- 
ageant dans le pays on trouve .... qu'une mesme chose se dise 
tin peu differement, ou tout autrement en un lieu qu'en un autre, 
dans un mesme village, et encore dans une mesme cabane." 

Just as Brother Gabriel Sagard had given the name of his 
patron St. Gabriel to the town of Tequeunoikuaye (Ossos- 
sane) which he first entered, and where he dwelt for a time, so 
was the name of St. Joseph's mission given to the place which 
Father Joseph le Caron had selected for his habitation. But this 
St. Joseph of the Recollets must not be confounded with Tean- 
aostaiai or the St. Joseph II. of the Jesuit Relations. 

It will now be in order to add a word anent this mission house 
of Le Caron. Though it was situate but a few rods from Carha- 
gouha, and about two miles from Khinonascarant, yet, in contra- 
distinction to the two other missions (of St. Gabriel and St. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 41 

Nicolas) Khinonascarant, the principal town under his jurisdic- 
tion, was called Father Joseph le Caron's "Bourg," or simply the 
mission town of St. Joseph. 

Thus we see Sagard writing during his return trip to Quebec: 
"Nous renuoyames querir un canot en nostre hourgade de S. 
Ioseph" (p. 721 n., 794 o.). This was after Brother Sagard had 
taken up his abode with Father Joseph, for previous to that date 
"nostre bourg" meant for him St. Gabriel. And further on: 
"Auant partir de la, mes Sauuages y afficherent les armoiries du 
bourg de S. Ioseph, autrement Quieunonascaran" {Khinonascar- 
ant) (p. 732 n., 805 o.). A third passage where the two names 
are ascribed to the same place occurs on page 694 n., 763 o. : 
"Celte pesche du petit poisson se faict en commun, qu'ils parta- 
gent entr'eux par grandes escuellees, duquel nous auions nostre 
part comme bourgeois de leur bourgade sainct Ioseph ou Quieu- 
nonasearon" (Khinonascarant). 

Let us now consider the length of the first side of the triangle, 
that is the distance from Ossossane to Khinonascarant . Sagard 
says it was four or five leagues. Now as four or five leagues taken 
as a radius, the centre of whose arc is Ossossane, cannot possibly 
intersect the arc with a two league radius from Ihonatiria, (see 
page 24), unless it be in the waters of Lake Huron, evidently the 
distance in a straight line is too great, and must necessarily be 
shortened until an intersection becomes possible on dry land. 
This would occur about midway between Clover (otherwise Cedar) 
and Cockburn Points, and the measure thus rectified would stand 
as nine and one-fifth miles instead of 12 or 15 or 4 or 5 leagues. 

Of course, it must be understood throughout that all measure- 
ments are taken as the crow flies, so that it is quite possible the 
windings of the trail around natural obstacles might have tended 
very materially to lengthen the distances of the three villages one 
from the other. 

All things, therefore, duly considered, the Quieunonascaran 
of Sagard or Khinonascarant, the triple village of the Relations, 
stood midway between Clover and Cockburn Points, near the 
strait severing the Island of Ahouendoe (Christian or St. Joseph's 
Island) and Huronia ; say on the XVIII. and XIX. concessions 
of Tinv and west of lot 20. 



CARHAGOFHA. 

I must interrupt for a brief moment the discussion of Sagard's 
Triangle to dispose of Carhagouha before leaving the neighbour- 
hood. 



42 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

A pistol-shot or twice the flight of an arrow from it stood Father 
Joseph Le Caron's maisonnette, and I hope presently to make 
good the assertion that it stood north of the town. But the probable 
position of the town itself has been fairly well determined. 

Khinonascarant to Carhagouha. 

Sagard (Hist, du Can., p. 209 n., 218 o.) : "N'ayant pas 
trouue le Pere Ioseph dans son petit hameau," which Champlain, 
a« will be remembered, informed us was Carhagouha (Tom. 4, p. 
2S n., p. 516 o.), "nous le fumes trouuer a deinye lieue de la, au 
bourg de Quieunonascaran . . . ." The two villages lay, therefore, 
a mile and a half apart. 

Thunder Bay to Carhagouha. 

It is satisfactory to be able to state that the distance between 
these two points confirms what has gone before, namely, that the 
adjacent town, Khinonascarant , could not have stood any farther 
north than where it has been set down. The rather lengthy pas- 
sage from Sagard that I am about to quote gives us to understand, 
if it does uot tell us in as many words, that the "maisonnette" or 
cabin of the Recollet missionaries was "une bonne demie lieue" 
from a deep inlet which can be none other than Thunder Bay. 

Let me hist sum up what we ate certain of already: Khinon- 
ascarant was two leagues from Ihonatiria, and one half league 
from Carhagouha. It was nine and one-fifth miles from Ossos- 
sane; and though it was called "La Mission de St. Ioseph" or 
"Le Bourg de St. Ioseph," from its being in Sagard's time the prin- 
cipal village of that part of "the Point," the mission house was 
half a league away and within a pistol-shot of a "little hamlet," 
that is to say, Carhagouha. 

From the extract I am about to give this much is added to 
our knowledge, namely, that Khinonascarant had a port or land- 
ing place, where there were no habitations, and that the mission 
house was "one good half league" from the landing, and conse- 
quently Carhagouha stood at about that distance from the same 
landing. Where that landing place was it is not said, but the 
different particulars entered into point to Thunder Bay. 

Histoire du Canada, Sagard, p. 582 n., 636 o. : " . . . . ie 
partis du bourg de S. Ioseph auec le Capitaine Auoindaon au 
mois d'Octobre, et nous embarquasmes sur la mer douce [Lake 
Huron-], moy cinquiesme dans un canot. ou apres auoir longtemps 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 43 

nauigue et aduance dans la mer par la route de Nord, nous nous 
arrestames et primes terre dans une Isle commode pour la pesche, 
ou des-ia s'estoient cabanez plusieurs Hurons, qui n'attendoient 
rien moins que nous.'' .... 

"Cette mer douce de laquelle tant de personnes sont desireuses 
de scauoir, est un grandissime lac qu'on estime auoir pres de trois 
cens lieues de longueur de l'Orient a l'Occident, et enuiron cin- 
quante de large, et fort profond, car pour le scauoir par experience 
nous iettames la sonde vers nostre bourgade assez proche du bord 
en un cul de sac, et trouuasmes quarante-huict brasses d'eau, . ." 
(p. 589 n., 644 o.).* 

"Un mois et plus s'estant escoule, on commenca de penser de 
nostre retour, comme le grand poisson du sien, .... mais comme 
il fut question de partir, le Lac s'enfla si fort qu'il fist perdre aux 
Sauuages l'esperance d'ozer s'embarquer ce iour-la, craignant le 
danger eminent de quelque naufrage par la tourmente qui s'alloit 
renforcant .... (p. 590 n., 646 o.). 

". . . . ie leur dis qu'ils deuoient partir, et que dans peu la 
mer calmeroit a leur contentement, .... Si tost que la flotte 
fut en mer, 6 merueille du tout puissant, les vents cesserent, et 
les ondes s'acoiserent calmes et immobiles comme un plancher, 
iusques au port de S. Joseph, ou ie rendis graces a Dieu, etc." 
(p. 595 n., 647 o.). 

In Sagard's "Grand Voyage" (p. 183 n., 162 o.), there is a 
different reading which makes the distinction clearer between the 
town of Khinonascarant and the landing place. But both versions 
state that as night had fallen, and the Indians had much to carry, 
they pitched their wigwams there on the shore, intending to pro- 
ceed next day to the village. This shows that there was no village 
near the spot, but that it was a mere landing place without a 
sheltering roof: "A peine les canots furent-ils en mer, que les 
vents cesserent, et la mer calma comme vn plancher, iusques a 
nostre desenibarquement et arriuee a nostre ville de Quieunonas- 
carati. Le soir que nous arriuasmes au port de cette ville, il 
estoit pres de trois quarts d'heure de nuict et faisoit fort obscur, 
c'est pourquoy mes Sauuages y cabanerent : "mais pour moy, etc." 

"This measure, as most of Sagard's, is greatly exaggerated. There is no 
bay or "cul de sac" anywhere along the Bhores of northern Huronia having a 
depth of 48 fathoms (brasses'). By far the deepest bay, however, is Thunder 
Bay. About its middle point it measures 9 or 10 fathoms in depth, and at its 
opening about 19 or 20. To find a depth of 40 fathoms, in this part of 
Georgian Bay, wo should have to take our soundings at a point two mileB 
north of Faith or Beokwith Island and ono mile five-eighths east of Hope 
Island. 



U THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

But to return to the account as given in the "Histoire" : "II 
estoit nuict fermee auant que nous y pusmes prendre terre, et 
puis mes gens estoient tellement embarrasses de leurs poissons et 
filets qu'ils furent contraints de cabaner la iusques au lendemain 
matin qu'ils se rendirent au bourg, mais pour moy qui n'auois 
rien qui me pust empescher d'aller que deux petits poissons qu'ils 
m'auoient donne ie partis de la et m'en allay seul trauers les 
champs et la forest en nostre cabane, qui en estoit a une bonne 
dernie lieue esloignes i'eu bien de la peine de la trouuer a cause 
de la nuict, et m'esgarois souuent, mais la voix de quelques petits 
Sauuages qui chantoient la es enuirons me radressoit, autrement 
i'estois pour me voir coucher dehors, et me repentir de m'estre 
mis en chemin" (p. 592 n., G47 o.). 

In what precedes, Sagard gives an account of a fishing ex- 
cursion of his Indians whom he accompanied, and here is how it 
may be understood. They start out from Khinonascarant, and 
crossing over land to Thunder Bay, embark for the islands along 
Parry Sound, where they spend a month. In Sagard's remarks 
on the depth of Lake Huron, he mentions a sounding of 48 fathoms 
taken "vers nostre bourgade assez proche du bord en cul de sac," 
i.e., "pretty near the shore in a landlocked bay lying in the direc- 
tion of our village." A "cul de sac" is, properly speaking, a 
blind alley, a road with no thoroughfare or way through ; but we 
have scarcely an equivalent for Sagard's expressions as used here 
in connection with an estuary or inlet which promises at first a 
free passage through, but which suddenly comes to an abrupt 
ending. This "cul de sac" would be no misnomer for Thunder 
Bay, which, from the island where Sagard was encamped, lay 
towards, or as you draw near to Khinonascarant. 

They return by the same route and land at the head of Thunder 
Bay after dark. The Indians had their proyision of fish, their 
nets, etc., to carry home, and would have no little difficulty in 
packing them up in the dark. So they camp on the shore for the 
night. Had there been a village in the neighbourhood they would, 
according to custom, have quartered themselves without ceremony 
on the inhabitants. Sagard is less encumbered, he has only two 
small fishes to carry, and as there was but "one good half league," 
or about two miles of a tramp before him, sets out in the dark for 
the mission house near Carhagouha. 

One can hardly be taxed with drawing conclusions too hastily 
if it is inferred from what has just been read that the village of 
Carhagouha lay about two miles in a southerly direction from 
Douglas or Thunder Bay. The intersection of the two arcs, the 
one with a radius of a half league or a mile and a half from Khi- 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 45 

nonascarant, and the oilier with a radius of "une bonne demie 
lieuii" or, say, two miles from Thunder Bay marks the site of 
Carhagouha on lot 20, concession XVII. of Tiny Township. 

Mr. Andrew F. Hunter, in his monograph on the Indian 
remains in Tiny, has this to say: 

"On lot 20, concession XVII. — a farm now (1898) occupied 
by Telesphore Desroches, but formerly by James Drinnan — is the 
site of another Huron village. The usual ashbeds, with their 
contents, are to be seen, but no bonepit has been discovered." I 
would here state that ossuaries were never established in, or in 
the immediate vicinity of villages yet inhabited. When found on 
a village site, one may conclude that the village site antedates 
that of the bonepit. 

As for the mission house which stood on the outskirts of Car- 
hagouha, it must have lain to the north and perhaps a little to 
the west, since Sagard when returning from the landing on Thun- 
der Bay, and in quest of it, did not evidently pass through the 
town to reach it. 

Let me now resume our discussion of the good Brother Recol- 
let's Equilateral Triangle. 

TOANCHE I. 
Third Village of the Tkiangle. 

The name of this village is written in different ways. We have 
Toanche, Rel. 1635, p. 28, 1 col.; Toenchen, Sagard, Grand Voy- 
age, p. 78 new, 114 old; Toanchain, letter of Fr. Joseph de la 
Roche Daillon, 1637, in Sagard's Hist., p. 809 n., 892 o. ; Ton- 
achin, evidently a misprint for Toanchin, in the same letter in 
Le Clercq's Etablissement de la Foy, edit. 1691, p. 362; and Tro- 
enchain, Sagard, Hist, du Canada, p. 413. 

As the meaning of the name Toanche or Toanchain will he of 
some service in the present disquisition, I proceed to give its deri- 
vation. Te-o8an-ach,ien, and by the rules of compounding words 
(Huron Grammar, p. g. 66) contracted to Toanchien. 

1. Te. Among the Adverbia Negandi (Id. p. 70), I note the 

following : 

"Stan vel stena, non (solitarie); Stante vel te, non [English, no. 
not.] (junctum alicui voci)." 

2. "08an, in compositione et aliquando extra, retirer de l'eau 
[Radices Huronicee, 1751, p. 243], v. g. aaro8an, lever un ret qu'on 
a mis a l'eau; ahono8a?i, retirer un canot de l'eau." 



46 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

3. "Achen, die. achien, extr. vel int., quelque chose etre mau- 
vaise, mechante, ne valoir guere ou rien du tout; etre mal fait, 
mal tourne, n'etre bon a rien, et multa ejusdem generis quae ad 
contemptum pertinent, v. g. Ohendiati iSachien n'ondaie cela est 
tout a fait mechant, ne vaut rien; Te 8achien n'ondaie, cela n'e9t 
point mauvais, etc., etc." (R. H. 1751, p. 50, No. 14.) 

So that Te-o8an-achien, Toanchien, would mean "not a bad 
landing or landing place." 

But was Toanche I. really the Third Village of the Triangle? 

That there was a village which in relation to Father Viel was 
termed "son village" we have seen already, for in a passage 
quoted above this clause appears: "Le Pere Nicolas accompagne 
d'un Sauuage, me vint trouuer de son village," which was five 
leagues, he told us, from St. Gabriel (p. 207 n., 216 o.). It is 
equally certain that Troenchain was called the town of St. Nich- 
olas by the Recollet missionaries. Sagard writes: "II me sdu- 
uient qu'estant a la bourgade de Sainct Nicolas, autrement de 
Troenchain, etc." (p. 413 n., 446 o.). Now though I do not find 
it explicitly stated that St. Nicolas was Father Nicholas Viel's 
village, nevertheless, as Father Joseph Le Caron's village was St. 
Joseph, and Brother Gabriel Sagard's St. Gabriel, and as it is a 
fact that Father Nicholas Viel had "his village," and that Tro- 
enchain bore the name of St. Nicholas, the deduction that Father 
Viel's village was Troenchain, if not rigorously conclusive, is 
morally certain by analogy. 

Later on, as we shall see, Brebeuf enables us to identify Tro- 
enchain with ToanchS I. 

La Rochelle or Ossossane to Toanche I. 
Second Side of Triangle. 

Let us not forget that La Rochelle or OssossanS was the first 
village of the Triangle, Khinonascarant the second, and now 
ToanchS 1., third village of the Triangle, claims our attention. 
We have considered the First Side, that joining Ossossan6 and 
Khinonascarant, and found that between these two fixed points its 
length is not four or five leagues, Sagard's estimate, but a little 
over three, or, to be accurate, nine miles and one-fifth. 

In the order in which I have taken the sides it is the line join- 
ing the village of Toanche I. with Ossossani which forms the 
Second of the Equilateral Triangle. Sagard evidently thought it 
a little longer than the one we have considered, for he assigns 
five leagues to it, while for the OssossanS-Khinonascarant side he 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 47 

hesitates between four and five. The corrected measurement of 
this latter line, reducing it to nine miles and one-fifth, calls for a 
proportional reduction in the length of the side joining OssossanS 
and Toanche I., if anything approaching an equilateral triangle 
be the desired result. So that the radius I shall use will be ten 
miles. The arc of this radius from OssossanS would strike land on 
the west shore of the outer Bay of Penetanguishene, about lot A, 
XVI. concession of Tiny, otherwise on the tract of land marked 
on some maps as the Triangle Redoubt. 

Khinonascarant to Toanche I. 
Third Side of Triangle. 

As Khinonascarant and Toanche I. are already determined, 
we have but to join these two points and we have our third side 
of the approximate Equilateral Triangle. This last side stretches 
across the peninsula of what the Jesuit missioners were wont to 
call "La Pointe," and measures nine miles or three leagues. And 
this completes our study of Sagard's Triangle. 

The approximate equality of the sides has been preserved, at 
least as scrupulously as it was by Sagard ; and in the variation of 
their relative lengths that chronicler has been closely followed. 
His sides, in the order in which they have been taken, are re- 
spectively of 4 or 5 leagues, 5 leagues, and the third not given in 
figures, but said to be of about the same length as the others. 

If I have differed from him in the length of the first side, 
OssossanS to Khinonascarant, it was because well ascertained 
limits, determining its extremities, made a curtailing of its length 
imperative. This linear measurement once ascertained beyond 
doubt a proportion has been kept, which gave us in miles for the 
three sides respectively, and in the order already given, 9 1-5, 
10, and 9. 

I would remark that though Sagard may be unreliable when 
appreciating distances, by the mere mention of the triangle being 
about equilateral, a guess where one would be less likely to err 
than in judging distances taken separately, he has rendered us an 
invaluable service. It has determined the sites of villages, whose 
position was hitherto a mere surmise, and will be of no little help 
when there will be question of deciding where Champlain landed 
in Huronia. 



ARONTAEN, OTHERWISE CARHAGOUHA. 
Ihonatiria to Arontaen. 

Arontaen and Carhagouha same as Carantouan. 
Taruentutunum but another form. 

TONDAEHRA OR TONDAEEA. 
Arontaen to Tondakhra. 
Pagus Etondatrateus. 

TEANDEOUIATA OR TOANCHE II. 

TOANCHE I. TO TEANDEOUIATA. 

CARMARON OR KARENHASSA. 
OTOUACHA. 

CARMARON TO OTOUACHA OR TOANCHE I. 



[49] 



V. 
ARONTAEN. 

The Arontaen of the Relations was no other than the Carha- 
gouha of Champlain. 

This proposition will not be rejected when three facts are made 
clear : 

First, that it lay on the same arc of the circle as Khinonas- 
carant, with a radius of two leagues from Ihonatiria. It will be 
remembered that Khinonascarant lay two leagues from Ihonatiria 
and one half league in a westerly direction from Carhagouha. 

Secondly, that its synonym Karontaen is the equivalent of Ca- 
rantouan, which latter Champlain uses indiscriminately for Car- 
hagouha. 

Finally, that Taruentutunum, which on Ducreux's map occu- 
pies exactly the same position which has been shown to belong 
to Carhagouha, is but a modified Huron form of Karontaen, or 
Carantouan, but further disguised by its Latin dress. 

I. 

Ihonatiria to Arontaen. 

Rel. 1636 (p. 133, 1 col.): "Yn des plus riches, [an inhabitant 
of Ihonatiria], craignant qu'il ne luy arriuast quelque malheur 
transports sa Cabane a deux lieues de nous, an village d'Aron- 
taen." The Fathers lived at the time at Ihonatiria. 

Rel. 1637 (p. 110, 1 col.). An unfortunate Iroquois prisoner 
was brought to Onnentisati, where a council was held to determine 
his fate: "La resolution prise, il fut mene a Arontaen, qui est vn 
bourg esloigne de nous enuiron deux lieues." 

The arc of a circle with a two leagues' radius and centre at 

Ihonatiria has already done its share in determining the position 

of Khinonascn.rant. It passes also through lot 20, concession 

XVII., Tiny, which has been shown to be the site of Carhagouha, 

while from the above quotations it stands to reason that A rontaen 

must be placed on the same arc. 

[51 ] 
5 Ar. 



52 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

II. 

The Names Arontaex and Carijagouha are Interchangeable. 

Karontaen is the synonym of Arontaen. In Potier's Radices 
Huronicse, 1751, p. 188, No. 46, we read "Aron vel Karon, 1° 
active, mettre de travers, 2° neutraliter, etre de travers. Saepe 
ponitur impersonaliter et cum Te dualitatis." In Potier's Ele- 
ments Grammaticae Huronicae (p. 156, 1 col., 21 line) he trans- 
lates Karontaen by "detroit." In this case it would point to the 
straits between Christian Island and Huronia proper. 

Karontaen is the equivalent of Carantouan, which latter is not 
a correct spelling of a Huron word, for : "C semper est junctum 
cum h, et hae duae litterae simul junctae pronunciantur more 
Gallorum, v.g., chiean(g)nionk, tu fais chaudiere; et aliquando ut 
C italicum ut chioens. nesjrotas." (Elem. Gram. Hur., p. 1.) In 
other words, there is no hard C in Huron, it is replaced by K. 
Hence Karantouan and not Carantouan. Moreover, as the Hurons 
had no nasal sound for "on" as the French have, the Karon (in 
Karontaen) was pronounced very much as a Frenchman would 
pronounce the Karan (in Karantouan). The two words assume 
now almost an identical aspect, Karontaen and Karontonan, the 
terminations alone being different. 

I might go further, but for present purposes it is not at all 
necessary, not to say that juggling with words soon becomes tedi- 
ous ; and without invoking the famous dictum "les voyelles comp- 
tent pour rien et les consonnes pour peu de chose," I shall merely 
repeat what Sagard has to say in the preface to his vocabulary 
(p. 6) : "il ne se faudra point estonner si en voyageant dans le 
pays [Huronia], on trouue cette difficulte, & qu'une mesme chose 
se dise un peu differemment. ou tout autrement en un lieu qu'en 
un autre, dans un mesme village, & encore dans une mesme 
Cabane." If I remember well, Brebeuf somewhere makes the 
same remark. While Father Pierre Potier, who spent nearly 
forty years among the Hurons, furnishes us with an instance of 
faulty audition with regard to this very termination ouan. On 
page 101 of his MS. grammar, 1745, which embodies his own, 
together with the accumulated knowledge of all his predecessors, 
the Huron exclamation Sahouan ! (hold! attend!), which must 
have passed current through many generations, stands corrected ; 
a line is drawn through the last syllable, over which is written 
between the lines oin. The same word is similarly corrected in 
his Observationes in Adverbia, p. 73, 4°. Likewise we find the 
verb nndaouan, to lie comfortably warm, with an e marked over 

c 

the last syllable as a direction for its proper pronunciation. 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES. 53 

It would seem, from what precedes, a legitimate conclusion to 
say tha; we are not very far astray in maintaining that Karontaen 
and Carantouan arc one and the same word, and that Arontacn is 
the same village as Carantouan. 

We have yet to make good that this latter form, Carantouan, 
was used indiscriminately for Carhagouha by Champlain. 

In his Voyages et Descouvertes (Quebec Edit., 1870, upper 
pagination 29, lower 517) this passage occurs : "Et voyant vne 
telle longueur qu'ils apportoient a faire leur gros, & que i'aurois 
du temps pour visiter leur pays : ie me deliberay de m'en aller a 
petites iournees de village en village a Cahiague, ou debuoit estre 
le rendez-vous de toute I'armee, distant de Carhagouha de qua- 
torze lieues, etc." 

In the same Vol. IV., in Champlain's Voyages de La Nouvelle 
France, a parallel passage occurs, in all the same, word for word, 
as the above with a few variants of spelling or punctuation, save 
that instead of saying "distant de Carhagoiiha" it substitutes "dis- 
tant de Carantouan de 14 lieues, etc.," p. 251, lower 907. There- 
fore the two appellations are used indiscriminately, and thanks to 
this second reading we arc able to establish the identity of Carha- 
gouha and Arontaen. 

III. 

T AKUENTUTUNUM . 

T aruentutunum would seem t-* > be but another name for Carha- 
gouha, Arontaen and Karontaen. 

T aruentutunum [oppidum] must first be divested of what is 
foreign to the Huron idiom before any attempt is made to resolve 
it into its component roots. The final um is the Latin termina- 
tion ; and as there is no simple u in the Huron alphabet this letter, 
where it occurs, must be replaced by 8 or ou. The resulting form 
is TarSent8t8n, which may be decomposed thus (Gram. Hur., p. 
06): 

Te-ar8entacn-8t8n. 

Te. Potier, as we have just seen, in speaking of Aran or 
Karon, added "Saepe ponitur impersonaliter et cum Te duali- 
1 if is," hence Tarontaen. 

"8ton (et Stonnion), multiplicativum, significans multitudinem 
reruro quae suo situ eminent, v."-, r<ront8ton, la multitude des 
arbres; onnont8ton, quantite d montagnes, etc." It is used after 
all sorts of nouns. The identity of s '"» and 8t8n is presumed on 



54 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

account of the facility with which the Hurons replaced the o by 
the 8 and vice versa: "o et 8 aliquando promiscue adhibentur" 
(Gram., p. 1). 

Arontaen and ArSentaen are still different in appearance, and 
though the 8 in the latter might be replaced by o, the e remains 
unaccounted for ; nor have I found any other root at all appropri- 
ate whereby its presence could be explained. What I really think 
is that Taruentutunum should have been written TarontStonum. 

Why the multiplicative should have been tacked on is another 
question satisfactorily to be solved only under the supposition 
that Karontaen (detroit) does not derive from aron or haron but 
from aronta, a tree (R. H. 1751, p. 293, 1 col.), and aen, etre a 
bas, a terre, gisant, etc." (Id. p. 61). 8o aeh8atien te karontaen, 
asseions nous sur l'arbre qui [est] a bas" (Id. ib.). In which case 
Karon — or Taront8tonum [oppidum] would mean : The town where 
many trees lie felled. 

But the all-important point remains, and that is that Taruen- 
tutunum on Ducreux's map occupies precisely the same position 
as Arontaen or Carhagouha. Like lot 20, concession XVII., Tiny, 
it lies about midway between Thunder Bay and the coast line of 
Nottawasaga Bay. This alone, without having recourse to the 
etymology of the word, ought to be sufficient to establish beyond 
cavil its identity. 

TONDAKHRA OR TONDAKEA. 

Tondakea is the spelling on Ducreux's map, Tondahhra that 
of the Relations (Rel. 1637, p. 112, 1 col.). It is not a compound 
word, as most of the names of Huron towns, but simply two words 
in juxtaposition : Aton, a verb, with a number of cognate mean- 
ings, among which "s'evanouir, etre evanoui, s'effacer, se dissiper, 
etc." (R. H. 1751, p. 34, No. 6) to fade away, to vanish, to lose 
itself, etc. ; and "ondechra (atondecha) terre, pai's" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 295, 2 col.), land, country. It consequently means the land 
gives out, vanishes, fades away. It is the Finisterre or Land's 
End of the Hurons. 

Arontaen to Tondahhra. 

Rel. 1637( p. 112, 1 col.). "Et puis il fallut partir pour aller 
;i Tondahhra, qui est a. vne lieue d' Arontaen." It lay, therefore, 
three miles from Arontaen, Carhagouha or Taruentutunum. The 
direction on Ducreux's map is north and a little to the west. With 
the said length taken in this direction we land upon a site thus 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 65 

described by Mr. Andrew F. Hunter: "On the farm of Wm. H. 
Richardson, east half lot 19, concession XX., there is the site of 
a village, evidently of Hurons with whom the early French traders 
had come into contact. It extends across the XXI. concession 
line into the farm of John McLellan, sr., the two parts together 
covering a space of about five acres. 

"In company with A. C. Osborne, of Penetanguishene, on 
Sept. 2nd, 1898, I visited this site, its existence having been 
called to my attention a few days before by Geo. E. Laidlaw, 
of Balsam Lake. Its situation is on a kind of high lake terrace 
or plateau, overlooking Georgian Bay, with Beckwith Island just 
opposite. The land had been cleared about four years previous 
to our visit, and it was during this operation that the first evi- 
dences of Huron occupation had been observed. These consisted 
of the usual ash-beds containing pottery fragments in abundance 
and other relics common to such sites, etc.". (Huron Sites — Town- 
ship of Tiny— A. F. Hunter, 1899, p. 10). 

As no other village site has been found in this neighbourhood, 
and as Tondahea is marked in this vicinity by Ducreux, not to 
speak of its correct distance from Arontaen, and direction from 
Taruentutunum, I, without hesitation, take it for Tondakhra. 

Moreover, the only other Indian establishment mentioned in 
the Relations, and likely to be found in this quarter, is the Iro- 
quois fort alluded to in Rel. 1651, p. 5, foot of 1st col. : "Sur la 
fin de 1'Automne vne autre troupe d'Iroquois tirerent vers cette 
Isle a dessein d'enleuer le reste des Hurons qui l'habitoient, ils 
firent vn fort en terre ferme vis a vis de l'lsle, pour prendre ceux 
qui en sortiroient." But this, I should imagine, ought to be 
found more to the west on the shore of the strait facing Christian 
Island. 

P. Etondatrateus. 

Such is the inscription on Ducreux's inset map opposite the 
extremity of land to the north of Tondahea. The P. certainly 
does not stand for promontorium, or we should have Etondatra- 
team. It stands for par/us, and the Huron form of the proper 
noun is Etondatatie, and the whole means the district of Land's 
End. The Huron appellation is compounded of Eti, onda, and 
atatie. 

c 

Et, a prefix of time or place : "vocabulo incipienti a vocali 
rol h praefigitur ct, et h pro nihilo habetur, etc' (Gram., p. 24, 
6°). 



56 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Ondn (atonda), espaoe de temps, de lieu (R. H. 1751, p. 295, 
2 col.), from which ondia [pronounced ondffia] pointe de terre. 
(Id. ib.) 

Atatie "(lat. circa) ex. gr. andaouatatie, le long du fleuve ; 
annentratatie, le long du rivage (ab atatie in tine ; vid. ata) " 
(Gram., p. 7-5). We are referred to ata by the Grammar and in 
the Radices (p. 198, No. 84) I find "ata, in eompositione et extra 
(le bout, l'extremite de quelque chose)" and as a derivative, on 
the following page, " atatie- significat le long du bout, l'o'tendue 
du bout, item la fin approcher, etc." Compounded, according to 
rule (Gram., p, 66) we have Etondatatie, and for the r which is 
inserted see (R. H., p. 290, 2 col.) " Annent extra compositionem, 
Annentra vel annentrata vel annentara, in eompositione : le bord 
de l'eau, la greve." 

TEANDEOUIATA OR TOANCHE II. 

Toanche I., as we have seen, was about nine miles from Khi- 
nonascarant and ten from Ossossane. The arcs of these radii in- 
tersect in lot 1, concession XVII., Tiny, so that the village stood 
somewhere in this neighbourhood. Until all this part of the town- 
ship is cleared of forest it will not be an easy task to determine 
exactly where. I shall make use, however, of this point of inter- 
section to locate approximately the position of Teandeouiata. 

Toanche I. to Teandeouiata. 

Let us take de Brebeuf's narrative of his second arrival in 
Huronia, animadverting in a general way that he set foot on 
terra firma at what he calls "the port," in other words the landing 
place of old Toanche; for more than a month and a half he was 
the guest of Aouandoie, a well to do villager of Teandeouiata or 
new Toanche, and when he had managed to get all his scattered 
Frenchmen together, he built his cabin within what I might term 
the civil jurisdiction of Teandeouiata, but at a little distance from 
it, tbat is to say at a spot to which he gave the name of Ihonatiria. 

Rel. 1635 (p. 28, 1 col.) : "I'arriuay aux Hurons le cinqui- 
esme d'Aoust [it was in 1634] .... Ie pris terre au port du 
village de Toanchi on de Teandeouiata, ou autresfois nous estions 
habituez." He alludes to his sojourn at old Toanchi, when he 
had for companions Rev. Father de La Roche Daillon, a Recol- 
let, and Father Anne de Noue, a Jesuit .... "mais ce fut auec 
vne petite disgrace .... (2 col.) . . . . le mal estoit, que le village 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 57 

de Toanche auoit change depuis mon depart, et que ie ne scauois 
pas bonnement en quel endroit il estoit situe, et que ce riuage 
n'estant plus hante, ie ne pouuois pas bien m'asseurer du chemin" 



On the refusal of the Hurons to show him the way, for they 
all set out for their own distant villages, he starts alone: "ie 
m'en allay chercher le village, que ie rencontray heureusement 
enuiron a trois quarts de lieue, ayant en passant veu auec atten- 
drissement et ressentiment le lieu ou nous auions habite et celebre 
le S. sacrifice de la Messe trois ans durant, [1626-1629] conuerty 
en vn beau champ, comme aussi la place du vieux village, o\i cx- 
cepte vne cabane rien ne restoit que les ruines des autres .... 
(p. 29, 1 col. 1 ) . . . . Ie me logeay chez vn nomme Aouandoie, 
lequel est, ou au moins a este vn des plus riches des Hurons .... 
car leur village, nomme Teandeouihata (sic), ayant este brusle par 
deux fois, il n'y a eu en toutes les deux fois, que sa seule maison 
exempte de l'embrasement." 

.... (p. 29, 2 col.) .... "Ie me logeay done chez cet homme, 
ou ie demeuray auec nos deux Peres et vn de nos gens, l'espace de 
plus d'vn mois et demy iusques a ce que nous nous transportasmes 
en nostre nouuelle cabane." 

After having described Lis welcome, and the adventures of his 
companions in their upward journey to the Huron country, Bre- 
beuf adds: (p. 30, 2 col.) .... "Estans en fin tous rallies, nous 
prismes resolution de nous habituer icy a, Ihonatiria, et y bastir 
nostre cabane." 

From these excerpts we glean the following helpful facts: 

Toanche I. had had a landing place dignified by the appella- 
tion of "port" by Brebeuf, but of which he gives no name. Hence 
Toanche I. was not on the very shore, but a little inland and 
necessarily on the higher land skirting Penetanguishene Bay to 
the west. 

Teandeouita was the name of the new Toanche, and lay three 
quarters of a league from Toanche /., evidently in the direction 
of Ihonatiria, for it was in its immediate vicinity; so much so 
that Brebeuf speaks of it almost as the same village, though he 
gives it a distinct name. 

Taking these details into consideration, I should say that Te- 
andeouita was situated not far from lot three, concession XIX., 
Tiny, and Toanche I. very near lot 1, concession XVII., while 
the nameless landing place must have stood near the mouth of 
the little stream which takes its rise in lot D, concession XVIII., 



58 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

and empties into Penetanguishene Bay through the Triangle Re- 
doubt as marked on some maps, but which would be, if prolonged, 
lot A, concession XVI., Tiny. 

CARMARON, KARENHASSA. 

At this stage in the reconstruction of the map of Huronia, it 
is necessary that I should draw attention to the name of a village 
mentioned by Champlain : I refer to Carmaron, which as it is 
written by the great explorer, cannot possibly be a Huron word, 
and yet under his pen it is evidently intended as such. 

First, there is no hard C in Huron. "C semper est junctum 
cum h et hae duae litterae simul junctae pronuntiantur more Gal- 
lorum, v.g. Chiean(g)nionJc, tu fais chaudiere, et aliquando ut C 
italicum, ut chieons, aegrotas" (Potier, Gram., p. 1). It is the 
K that takes the place of the hard C : "K et x sonant ut Kh, 
v.g. %a, hie, haec, hoc, dicitur Kha" (Gram., p. 1). 

Secondly, the sound and the letter M are wanting in Huron: 
"Hurones carent litteris B, F, L, M, P, Q, U, V, X." (Id. ib.) 
What word, then, does Carmaron stand for? 

I should say that written in a cursive hand, the first member 
of the small m was intended for an e or an i, and the former 
rather than the latter, as the dot over the i could not easily have 
been overlooked by the typographer. So that the first part of the 
word should have read K-a-r-e-n, while the last part could very cor- 
rectly have been aron as printed. We should then have had 
Karenaron. 

Now, on Ducreux's inset map, on the north shore of the main- 
land beyond Penetanguishene Bay, we find a place marked Ka- 
renhassa. The two names differ in their terminations aron and 
hassa. 

The etymology of the first half of the two words is the same. 
The word is formed of x a and crenlia. "Xa hie, hue, hac, hinc, 
ibi" (Gram., p. 85), there, la "K et x sonant ut Kh, v.g. xa, 
hie, haec, hoc, dicitur Kha" (Id. p. 1). 

"Arenha, cime d'arbre" [tree tops, tips] (R. H. 1751, p. 292, 
2 col.). 

Hence Ka-arenha, Karenha (Gram., p. 66). 

The termination asa is from "aia vel iskaia, diminutivum for- 
matum a praecedenti [i.e. a], extra et intra compositionem. In 
compositione ponitur aia pro singulari et am pro plurali" (R. H. 
1751, pg. 1). "5 nunquam pronunciatur ut Z, licet inter duas 
vocales. sed ut duplex ss, v.g. Asara [assara], anse de chaudiere" 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 59 

(Gram., p. 1). Joined, the two parts of the word make Karen- 
assa, or with the aspirate h, Karenhassa, meaning at the place of 
the little tree tops, or pointed trees, for instance, spruce, cedar, 
pine, hemlock, etc. 

So far for Ducreux's Karenhassa, which finds no counterpart 
in the Relations, and now let us turn to Champlain's Carmaron, 
or correctly Karcnaron, mentioned by no other author. 

Its first part, Karena, is the same as in the above. 

Its second is "Oron, multiplicativum (a primitivo ar) extra 
et intra .... 2° etre distant l'un de l'autre, etre a quelque distance 
de lieu, de temps, etre multiplie en divers endroits, lieux" (R. 
H., p. 169), with the meaning of spaced, set out at intervals, etc. 
(Cfr. also its derivative, Karonnion, p. 170.) 

Hence Karenaron, meaning the place of the many separate 
tree tops, and, as it were, the pointed tips of the trees at inter- 
vals, standing out sharply against the sky-line, possibly as seen 
from the lake. I am inclined to infer that Carmaron and Karen- 
hassa were one and the same place. 

I would not have it thought that I look upon my conclusion as 
mathematically proven, but it seems to me that all points to the 
identity of Carmaron and Karenhassa. 

Judging from its position on Ducreux's map, I think that its 
site is not far from lot 2, concession XX., Tiny, about a mile 
and a half east of Ihonatiria. Thick woods cover its site at the 
present day. 

OTOUACHA. 

This is the spot where Champlain landed in Huronia in 1615. 
The particulars which are of immediate concern to us in Cham- 
plain's narrative are the following. (QEuvres IV., p. 26-514.) 

.... "Nous arrivasmes en la contree des Attigouantan a vn 
village appelle Otoiiacha, qui fut le premier iour d'Aoust .... 
(p. 27), le lendemain, ie feus a vn autre village appelle Carmaron, 
distant d'iceluy d'vne lieue .... Le chef du dit village me pria 
fort d'y seiourner, ce que ic ne peu luy accorder, ainsi m'en re- 
tournay a nostre village." 

Where did this village of Otoiiacha stand? The question 
would be satisfactorily answered if I could make out that it was 
one and the same as Toanche I., or at least was the nameless 
landing plane of Rrebeuf. I candidly acknowledge that I do not 
»ee how it can be apodictically proven, though there are not want- 
ing reasons which make it highly probable. 

Note. — See colored ek.'tch at page 226. 



60 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

To what extent etymology may be helpful in this case may be 
seen from what follows. 

Otoiiacha means the double landing place and derives from 
the roots, Oti, OSan and acha. 

"Oti, inchoativum, causale. Significat in compositione cum 
nomine annentara [Cfr. B. H. 1751, p. 290, 2 col. : annentra-^ vel 
annentrata vel annentara in comp. et annent extra. Le bord de 
l'eau, la greve] arriver an bord de l'eau — par terre [for par terre 
is added by Potier to limit the signification of ahannentaroha, 
from the same root annentara, "il arrive an bord de l'eau par 
terre" see eleven lines above]. So analogously with OSan (B. H. 
1743, p. 183). 

"OSan, (E. H. 1751, p. 243 .... in compositione et aliquan- 
do extra, retirer de l'eau .... v.g. aaroSan, lever un ret qu'on 
a mis a l'eau; ahono8an, retirer un canot de l'eau (Cfr. E. H. 
1751, p. 242). 

"Acha (E. H. 1743, p. 3) cum te affirmativo dualitatis prae- 
fixo, sive K8-acha per contractionum pro te Sacha. Habet significa- 
tionem alteram neutram alteram activam. Quando habet neutram 
significationem tarn extra quam intra compositionem, quelque chose 
etre double ; extra compositionem quidem ut : te Sacha, cela est 
double, etc." 

Now these roots may coalesce in two ways so as to result either 
in Otouacha or Otouancha. The rule governing either transfor- 
mation runs thus (Gram. Hur., p. 66, 2o) : "Ultima vocalis sub- 
stantivi perit, et consonans adjectivi vel verbi quae initialis est 
eliditur, sive, quod idem est, perit vel ultima primi verbi [word] 
littera, vel prima littera secundi verbi [word]." Thus : 

Ot(i)-oS(an)-ac7ia, OtoSacha. 

Ot(i)-oSan-(a)cha, Oto8ancha. 

Toanchc derives also from three roots, Te-oSan-achien, and 
means "Not a bad landing place." But this we have seen already, 
and I shall not dwell upon it further, except to say that though 
the first and last roots in the two words may differ, Oto8acha, or 
Otouancha could very well have passed gradually into Toanche. 
Father Potier (Gram. Hur., p. 1) informs us: "o et 8 [i.e., ou] 
aliquando promiscue adhibentur," and thus we would have Oto- 
ancha. Then again, nothing would be easier than that the final 
a should become e. The same authority (Gram., p. 87) in refer- 
ence to the interrogative annen? ubi? quo? unde? explains the use 
of the affix ae, without the diaeresis, or practically pronounced 
6; v.g. "annen ihentron? ubi est?" the answer is "andatae, in 
pago," at the village, and many other like examples. Nor is it 
necessary that a question should be asked, for we have at least one 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 61 

instance of its use in the name of a Huron village. I refer to 
Andiatae, from andiata, a bridge (R. H. 1751, p. 289, 1 col.), 
meaning at the bridge; so Otoancha, with the affix Otoanchae, or 
Otoanche, at the double landing place. And finally to get rid of 
the initial o. we would have but to invoke the eighth rule, in com- 
pounding words : "Saepe fiunt erases unius vel plurium syllaba- 

l'lim, v.g hiennonsteen, ils ont leurs cabanes proches 1'une 

de l'autre, pro te hicnnonchiandeen." 

Before dismissing this subject, let me remark that the original 
OtoSancha, without mentioning the successive stages it has gone 
through, differs but little more from Toanche than the many vari- 
ants of the name found in the same or in different authors. 

Were I now to have recourse to authorities, I find they favour 
the theory that Otoiiacha either occupied the same position as, or 
was indeed no other than Toanche. There are but two, to my 
knowledge who have touched upon the subject, M. l'Abbe Laver- 
diere and Father Felix Martin, S.J. The latter, in his manu- 
script notes, takes it for granted that the two names applied to 
the same place, while on his unpublished map he sets Otoiiacha 
down just where Sagard's triangle has determined its site. M. 
l'Abbe Laverdiere in a foot note (p. 26 upper, 514 lower) in Tom. 
IX. of his edition of Champlain's Works, says : "Otoiiacha est 
probablement le meme que Toenchain, ou Toanche." But au- 
thorities in these matters, unless good reasons are forthcoming 
have little weight. 

The first more valid proof I would allege is custom. It is 
certain that down to Father de Brebeuf's time there was no other 
landing made use of by those who came up to Huronia save To- 
anche, and for this reason it would seem more than likely that 
Champlain's Otoiiacha was indeed Toanche. 

But, granted that Carmaron and Karenhassa were the same, 
what to my mind would be the most cogent leason follows. Car- 
maron, as we shall presently see, was one league from Otoiiacha. 
With this length for radius, and a centre at Ducreux's Karen- 
hassa, the arc would strike the shore line either at Thunder Bay 
or Penetanguishene Bay, and the latter near the spot where the 
port or landing plane of Toanche I. is set down. A landing 
effected at Thunder Bay would have brought Champlain so near 
Cnrhagouha, Father Joseph Le Caron's dwelling place, that it is 
inconceivable he should not have visited his old friend at once 
instead of proceeding to Carmaron. Within the limits of my 
hypothesis, this latter consideration is sufficiently convincing to 
exclude the possibility of Otoiiacha being situated on Thunder 
Bay. 



62 . THE REPORT OF THE No. I] 

Carmaron to Otouacha. 

About three miles: "Le lendemain, ie feus a vn autre village 
appelle Carmaron, distant d'iceluy [Otouacha] d'vne lieue" 
(CEuvres de Champlaiu, Tom. IV., p. 27-515). 



VI. 

COUCHICHING, CHAMPLAIN'S "LITTLE LAKE." 

CAHIAGTJE. 

"The Narrows" at Couchiching Lake to Cahiaguk. 
Carhagouha or Arontaen to Cahiague. 
Cahiague and St. Jean-Baptiste identical. 
St. Jean-Baptiste not on the very edge of Lake Simcoe. 
With Ducreux's shore line corrected St. Jean-Baptiste 
would lie near Hawkestone. 

ST. ELIZABETH. 

(OXTAEEA OR CONTAREIA. 

contarea remote from "lacus c'ontarea." 
Contarea quite distinct from St. Jean-Baptiste. 
Ihonatiria to Contarea. 
Champlain's "Little Lake" not Bass Lake. 



[63] 



VI. 

COUCHICHING, CHAMPLAIN'S "LITTLE LAKE." 

Following the usual highway of those days, that is proceeding 
up the Ottawa and down French Eiver, Champlain crossed Mat- 
chedash Bay and set foot in the country of the Attigouantans or 
Hurons. Here are some extracts from his journal : 

Page 514. "We arrived at the country of the Attigouantans 
at a village called Otoiiacha, this was on the first of August. . . . 
On the morrow (Aug. 2) I went to another village called Carma- 
ron, about one league from the former (p. 27-515) .... The 
chief of the said village begged me to remain there, in this I 
could not yield to his wishes, so I returned to our village [Otoii- 
acha]." 

This much we have seen, and commented on, let us now follow 

him on his journey "The next day (Aug. 3, 1615) I started 

for another place called Touaguahichain (p. 28-516), and to still 
another called Tequenonquiaye [St. Gabriel or Ossossane] in both 

of which we were most graciously received Thence I had 

myself conducted to Carhagotiha, inclosed by a triple palisade of 
timber thirty feet high, which served to defend and protect it. 
At this village Father Joseph [a Eecollet] lived, and there we 

found him Seeing that they of Carhagouha took so much 

time to get the bulk of their expeditionary force under way, I 
determined to journey on by short stages, from village to village, 
to Cahiague" , which was to be the trysting place for all the army; 
it lay 14 leagues from Carhagouha (29-517) .... and we set out 
on August 14, I and ten of my companions. I visited five of the 
principal villages, all inclosed in wooden stockades, while on L'.y 
way to Cahiague, the principal town of the Country, where there 

are two hundred rather large sized cabins The whole of 

the country through which I pnssed overland is twenty or thirty 
leagues in extent" (p. 518). 

Page 520. "On August 17, I arrived at Cahiague .... (p. 
522) we left the village \Cahiague] on September 1, and passed on 
the shore of a little lake [Couchiching], three leagues distant from 

the said village. Here there are extensive fisheries There 

is another lake [Simcoe] communicating with it which is 26 
leagues in circumference, and it flows into the little one at the 
spot where the great fisheries mentioned are carried on by means 

[65 1 



66 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

of a number of weirs which almost completely close the narrows, 
leaving only small openings where the nets are set, and in which 
the fish is taken. Both these lakes empty into the Mer Douce," 
i.e., The Fresh Water Sea, Lake Huron. 

It would be impossible to describe with greater precision and 
accuracy the relative size and position of these two lakes, the 
greater one, Lake Simcoe, flowing through the narrows at Orillia 
into the smaller one, Couchiching, and then emptying by way of 
the River Severn into Matchedash Bay, an inlet of Lake Huron. 

But it is now the small lake and the narrows with which we 
are most concerned — the narrows at which even to the present day 
odd stakes of the old weir are drawn out of the ooze. 

CAHIAGUE. 

The "Nakeows" at Couchiching Lake to Cahiague. 

I shall take up for discussion the latter part of the preceding 
quotation, the order the most convenient for my present purpose. 
"Nous passames," says Champlain, "sur le bord d'un petit lac 
distant du dit village [Cahiague] de trois lieues." Nothing could 
be clearer. The Little Lake, that is Couchiching, where the 
Fisheries were, was three leagues from Cahiague. Consequently, 
when our explorer says "nous passames sur le bord d'un petit lac" 
he evidently does not mean that all his journey lay along the 
Little Lake; but after having travelled three leagues he passed 
along its shore and reached the spot "ou il se fait de 
grandes pescheries." It stands to reason now, that if we wish 
to determine the spot where Cahiague stood we must take for 
centre the shore at Orillia, and with a radius of nine miles 
describe our arc towards the west, for Champlain was com- 
ing down from the north-west, visiting in his zigzag course the 
five palisaded villages of the Hurons. This arc in its sweep 
downwards intersects the convex shore line of Lake Simcoe at the 
present village of Hawkestone, and somewhere along this curve 
the site of Cahiague must be placed. 

Carhagouha or Arontaen to Cahiague. 

Champlain's computation of the distance from Carhagouha to 
Cahiague was forty-two miles: "ie me deliberay de m'en aller a 
petites iournees de village en village a Cahiague . . . .distant 
de Carhagouha de quatorze lieues" (CEuvres de Champlain, Tom. 




6 Ah 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 67 

IV., p. 29-517). He meant apparently as the crow flies, for on 
the following page (30-518) he adds, I must say a little ambigu- 
ously, "Tout ce pays ou ie fus par terre contient quelque 20 a 30 
iit'iies." This may either refer to his circuitous journey ('"ou ie 
fus par terre") or to the whole stretch of the Huron country 
("tout ce pays"). But what we have to deal with at present is 
the direct distance. Now, the very greatest measure across the 
Huron country is a line from north-west to south-east from Point 
Clover, better known now as Cedar Point, to the shore line of 
Lake Simcoe at Hawkestone, measuring at most thirty-eight and 
three-quarter miles, say forty in round numbers. It has been 
clearly shown, however, that Carhagouha lay a few miles to 
the south-east of Cedar Point. From Carhagouha, as already 
determined, to the same point on Lake Simcoe, the distance in a 
straight line is thirty-five and one-half miles. Were we to take 
as radius the full fourteen leagues of Champlain, otherwise forty- 
two miles, the two intersecting arcs would mark a point in Lake 
Simcoe some four and three-quarter miles from the shore. The 
mouth of Hawkestone Creek is consequently the site of the "port" 
or landing place of Cahiague, and the remains of a Huron village 
have been found on the spot, which is thus described by Mr. 
Andrew F. Hunter in his monograph on Oro Township (p. 32) : 
"On the west halves of lots 24 and 23, concession XII. [Oro]. 
This was a famous Indian landing-place at the outlet of Hawke- 
stone Creek William Hodges, the occupant, who has lived 

there since his birth in 1834, ploughed up some stone fire-beds, 
pottery fragments, iron tomahawks, etc. These were on the west 

side of the outlet of the creek Similar remains have been 

found on the Capt. Davis farm, on the east side of the creek's 
outlet; and also at places nearer the creek itself." 

Cahiague itself lay a little inland and a shade west of the arc 
of the circle from the "Narrows." Lot 20, concession XL, of 
Oro, which I visited in May, 1899, and where I counted on finding 
some traces of the old Huron village, is covered with forest 
growth. This is on the high ground north of Hawkestone, and 
till the ground is cleared no satisfactory search can be made. 

But of the adjoining farm, to the west, and just a little, as I 
said, beyond the reach of the arc from the "Narrows," Mr. 
Andrew F. Hunter, in the above mentioned monograph, p. 31, 
has this to say: "On the east half of lot 20, concession X, Wil- 
liam Laughead. When Edward H. Allingham lived on this farm 
he found a few relics — a piece of a sword (rapier), two stone 
skinners, steel hunting knife, clay pipe — just enough to show 
occupation during the French period. The place is quite wet. 



68 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

and apparently unfit for permanent habitation, etc." But it 
shows more, it shows the passage at least of French soldiery, and 
the rapier might very well have belonged to one of Champlain's 
companions. 

Cahiagtje the same as St. Jean-Baptiste. 

Recourse must again be had to the account of Champlain's 
diary. From it we glean that he sojourned longer among the 
inhabitants of Cahiague than at any other town of the Huron 
country. In 1615, he spent ten days at Carhagouha, but re- 
mained at Cahiague and its immediate vicinity from August 17 
to September 10, without counting the time he spent there on his 
return from the Iroquois. In the Rel. 1640 (p. 90, 1 col.), Fr. 
Jerome Lalemant, under the heading "De la mission de St. Jean- 
Baptiste aux Arendaronons," establishes the identity of Cahiague' 
with St. Jean-Baptiste : "The Arendaronons constitute one of the 
four nations which, strictly speaking, are called Huron. It is 

the most eastern of all It is where the late Monsieur de 

Champlain sojourned the longest on the occasion of his journey 
up here some twenty-two years ago [more correctly twenty-five 
years ago], and where his great name is still a living remembrance 
in the minds of these barbarous tribes." 

To corroborate this view, that of the identity of Cahiague and 
St. Jean-Baptiste, it must be remembered that Champlain inci- 
dentally told us that Cahiague was "le principal village du pais" 
(op. cit, p. 30-518), while Fr. Jerome Lalemant (Rel. 1640, p. 90, 
2 col.), speaking of the new mission among the Arendaronons, tells 
us "lis [the Fathers] firent leur premiere demeure et la plus ordi- 
naire dans le bourg le plus peuple de S. lean Baptiste, etc." 
Of course in a quarter of a century a Huron village could undergo 
great changes, but we have no hint given us anywhere that such 
had been the case with the great centre of population of the 
Rock Clan or Arendaronons. So it may safely be presumed that 
what was the most populous village in Champlain's time remained 
still the most populous in Jerome Lalemant's time, in other words 
Cahiagui was no other than the St. Jean-Baptiste of the Rela- 
tions. 

St. Jean-Baptiste not on the vert edge of Lake Simcoe. 

And now that this fact may be looked upon as established, I 
wish to add that the supposition that Cahiague lay a little inland, 
and as a consequence had a landing place, is not a gratuitous one 




Hawkestone, the Site of Ducreux's St. Jean Baptiste. 

a. b, c, d. Incorrect concave sliore-line of Lake Simcoe as given by Ducreux. 
.1. Ducreux's site of St. John Baptiste crowded to the north by the faulty shore-line. 
a. e. f, q. Dotted line, showing the correct convex shore-line. 

IS. Position of Hawkestone, the site St. Jean Baptiste would occupy if moved south to about the same 
relative position from Lake Simcoe. 
Map by Rev. Father Jones. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 69 

as evinced by a passage in the Relations dealing with St. Jean- 
Baptiste. 

As was intimated by Champlain of Cahiague, so also was St. 
Jean-Baptiste a palisaded town situated not far from a lake. The 
passage which I shall quote proves this, but proves also that one 
might be outside its line of fortifications and yet be at a certain 
distance from the lake shore, though that distance is not specified. 
The citation is taken from Relation 1640 (p. 92, 2 col.), and runs 
thus: "Certains supposts du (liable confirmoient toutes ces medi- 
sances, asseurant auoir veu en songe des robes noires, maintenant 
hors la palissade du bourg, ores sur le bord du lac, qui deuelop- 
1-oient de certains liures d'ou sorloient des estincelles de feu, 
etc." "Some agents of the evil-one gave consistency to these 
calumnies by asserting that they had seen in their dreams black 
robes, now without the palisade of the town and anon on the lake 
shore, busied turning the leaves of certain books, whence sparks 
of fire shot out, etc." This is taken from a chapter entitled "On 
the Mission of St. Jean Baptiste among the Arendaronons^' and 
refers to the slanders which gave rise to the sudden revulsion of 
feeling in the village with regard to the ministrations of the 
Fathers. They had been welcomed with the utmost cordiality 
when they first came to reside in the village, hut this feeling, 
owing to the most silly rumours, had changed in a moment to dis- 
trust and bitter aversion. 

In explanation of the quaint phraseology it would be well to 
add that the Fathers were reciting together their hreviary, and as 
they turned the leaves the sun struck on the gilt edges, and the 
glinting rays, together with the movement of their lips, were 
taken hy the superstitious red-men for spells and incantations. 

The' inference to be drawn is that since a distinction was 
elearly made between the precincts outside the ramparts and the 
borders of the lake, the town of St. Jean-Baptiste was situated a 
little inland, not far, since the fathers found it convenient to 
repair thither occasionally to recite their office. 

With correct shore-line Hawkestone and St. Jean-Baptiste 
occupy about the same site. 

Were there any doubt left as to St. Jean-Baptiste being none 
other than the former village of Cahiague, a name which had 
gone entirely out of use since Champlain's time, and which we 
find nowhere mentioned in the Relations, a study of Ducreux's 
map would convince the most incredulous. Remember first that 
the distances given by Champlain (fourteen leagues from Carha- 
gouha and three from the smaller lake, i.e., L. Couchiching), fix 



70 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

beyond question the site of Cahiague in the immediate vicinity of 
Hawkestone. Now, had Ducreux's Lake Ouentaron (Simcoe) been 
outlined as it should have been, that is with a convex instead of a 
concave shore line facing Lake Simcoe, and had he placed his 
"S. I. Baptistse" neither further east nor west, but as near to 
the remodeled convex shore line as it is to the concave one, the 
village would stand, as near as can be computed, where Hawke- 
stone is now situated, due south of the site of "S. I. Baptistse," 
just about where the "a" is in Ouentaronius . 

I shall quote but one more passage relative to St. Jean-Bap- 
tiste; it is taken from Eel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col.: "Les Arendaen- 
ronnons, qui estoient a nos frontieres vers le coste de l'Orient, que 
nous appellions la Mission de Saint lean Baptiste, ont receu tant 
d'eschecs ces dernieres annees, qu'ils ont este contrains de quitter 
leurs pays, trop expose a l'ennemy, et se retirer dans les autres 
Bourgs plus pleuplez qui sont aussi de meilleure deefense." 

This migration took place either towards the close of 1647 or 
very early in 1648, for Fr. Ragueneau's prefatory letter bears the 
date of April 16, and the last facts recorded in the post scriptum 
transpired May 11, 1648. The bulwark of the Huron villages 
had ceased to exist. 

I should not have tarried so long in studying the position of 
St. Jean-Baptiste had it not been that both Father Martin and 
Parkman seem to have gone astray, the former in locating St. 
Jean-Baptiste, on one of his unpublished maps, on the south- 
western outskirts of the present town of Orillia, and on a second 
map on Shingle Bay south of the town ; while Parkman places St. 
Jean-Baptiste as far north as Washago and some five or six miles 
to the west of it. In this position it would be pretty close to the 
spot occupied on Ducreux's map by St. Elizabeth. For this rea- 
son T shall take up immediately the subject of St. Elizabeth's site, 
and point out a statement in the Relations which most probably 
misled him. As for Father Martin's site of St. Jean-Baptiste, 
holding as he did that it was one and the same with Cahiague 
and Contarea, I shall defer speaking of it until treating separately 
of the latter Huron town. 

STE. ELIZABETH. 

On Ducreux's map "S. Elizabetha" is set down in what would 
now be the vicinity of Washago P. 0., in the Township of 
North Orillia, a little to the south and west of that village. It 
may be observed that it is not marked, on the same map, like the 
other Indian villages, whose sites are indicated by a small circle, 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 7j 

but by what resembles a little chapel somewhat similar to that 
which marks the site of Ste. Marie I. on the Wye. This distinc- 
tion must have had some special significance which might imply 
that there was a scattered mission in that region with no perman- 
ent village as its headquarters ; or perhaps it was to indicate the 
intention of the Fathers of building later on the spot a perman- 
ent residence which might serve as a rallying centre for the wan- 
dering bands of the Algonquins, just what had been done at Ste. 
Marie I. for the more sedentary Hurons. This much is certain, 
Ste. Elizabeth was not a Huron but an Algonquin mission, under- 
taken for the benefit of the Atontrataronnons of the St. Lawrence 
valley. The other missions for the Algonquins were St. Esprit, 
for such as came to Huronia to winter from the eastern shore of 
Lake Huron and the Nipissing district, and St. Pierre for those 
of the north shore and Manitoulin Island. 

It was not a permanent village, so we must not be misled when 
we see it, in conjunction with St. Joachim, termed a "bourg" 
(Eel. 1640, p. 90, 2 col., p. 94, 2 col.), for we are sufficiently put 
on our guard by what we are told in the Eelation of 1644 (p. 
100, 2 col.) : "Les Iroquois qui se font craindre sur le grand fleuue 
de S. Laurent, et qui tous les hyuers depuis quelques annees ont, 
este dans ces vastes forests a la chasse des hommes, ont fait quitter 
aux Algonquins qui habitoient les costes de ce fleuue, non seule- 
ment leur chasse, mais aussi leur pais, et les ont reduits cet hyuer 
a se ranger icy proche de nos Hurons pour y viure plus en asseur- 
ance; si bien que s'estant trouue vne bourgade entiere de ces 
pauures Nations errantes et fugitiues aupres du bourg de Sainct 
Tean Baptiste, nous nous sommes veus obligez de leur donner 
quelque assistance, et de ioindre pour cet effet au P. Antoine 
Daniel qui auoit soin de la Mission Huronne, dont i'ay parle dans 
le Chapitre precedent, le P. Eene Menard, qui ayant suffisamment 
1'vsage de l'vne et l'autre langue, auoit en mesme temps le soin de 
cette Mission Algonquine, a laquelle nous auons donne le nom de 
Sainct Elizabeth. 

"Dans ce ramas de peuples qui d'ordinaire n'ont point d'autre 
maison que les bois et les fleuues, il s'est trouue dix ou douze 
Chrestiens, etc." 

This winter encampment in 1644 was near St. Jean-Baptiste, 
and the distance is given in 2 col. of the following page : " . . . . 
d'autres le venoient trouuer reglement tous les soirs et matins, 
quelque orage et tempeste qu'il y eust au plus fort de l'hyuer, quoy 
one ces cabanes Algonquines fussent esloignees du bourg de S. 
lean Baptiste vn quart de lieue de tres-mauuais chemin." The 
neighbourhood, however, seems to have been a favorite one for 



72 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

their winter camping ground, for we read (Eel. 1640, p. 94, 2 col.) 
hit four years previously the Algonquin* had been near there: 
«Vn capitaine des Algonquins qui hiuernent a vn demy quart de 
lieu, d'ici, nous vient chercher en haste. etc." The "d'ici refers 
to St. Jean-Baptiste. as may he seen by turning to the head of 
the chapter on page 90. 

The incidents related in the passages from which I have 
quoted took place in 1640 and 1644. Ducrenx -»setniap though 
draughted many vears earlier, is dated 1660. and on it Ste. Eliza 
Z h and St. Jean-Baptiste are set down at points very remo 
rom each other. It would, therefore, be more m keeping with 
hTf to suppose that towards the close of the Huron M».io» 
h wintering grounds for the bulk of these Algonquin wanderers 
™ rather to the north than to the south of Lake Couchichmg. 
When Parkman placed St. Jean-Baptiste, on his map as far 
north as Ste. Elizabeth is on Ducreux's, and some four or five miles 
west of the same site, he was no doubt influenced by the co»- 
deration that part of North Orillia was a -cy region and 
that St Jean-Baptiste was the great village of the Nation oi 
i Rock;" that" moreover, the territory of the A^daronon 
was the most easterly portion of the Huron ™^Jf™2 
Brobability the main reason was the statement in the Relations 
h t thl ligonquin "bourgade," in 1644 and «-*^*£ 
were but a quarter of a league apart. If it were this that really 
Ttermined him, and I can find no other indication given bearing 
tT point, he followed Ducreux in one particular ™^££ 
from him in another. The position he assigns to St. Jean Bap 
sto isTndeed near Ducreux's Ste. Elizabeth, but more than the 
whole 1 ngth of Lake Couchiching intervenes on Ducreux s map 
between Ste. Elizabeth and the site the latter marks as that of 
St. Jean-Baptiste. 

In the first place, it should be remembered that there is no 
reason assi-ned in the Relations or elsewhere, as far as I am 
:Zl for the appellation of "The Nation of £ Hock" being 
applied to a particular branch of the Huron family. The word 
Irenda certainly means a rock. Potier (R. H. 1751, p. 292, i 
col ) translates it "rocher, roc ;» but whether the word referred ^or 
not to some particular rock, or to a rocky country, or tc , the^power 
of resisting attack, in the same sense that the name Stonewall 
was g "en to the Confederate general, we have no mtimation. So 
1 at we can no more answer the question why the Arendaronons 
bore That name than if we were asked why one of the other nation 
"" 8 call d "The Nation of the Cord." And, by the way, it will not 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 73 

be uninteresting to note that the equivalent in Huron for cord 
(R. H. ib.) is also arenda, but without the circumflex. 

Secondly, any site in the eastern part of Oro, or in North or 
South Orillia, would make of St. Jean-Baptiste the most easterly 
"bourgade" of the Huron country. 

As for the last reason suggested, that is, the supposed prox- 
imity of Ste. Elizabeth to St. Jean-Baptiste, it can have little 
weight once the nature of the mission of Ste. Elizabeth has been 
well understood. The visiting Algonquins were placed under the 
patronage of that Saint, and wherever they settled down for the 
winter months, the spot necessarily became the centre of the 
mission of Ste. Elizabeth. But they were a restless, roving tribe 
at home, and they could be said to have been very little else when 
abroad. The Relation of 1642 (p. 93, 2 col.), hits off the character 
of this nomadic nation in a single paragraph : "C'est vne vie 
errante de gens dissipez ca et la, selon que la chasse et la pesche 
les meine, tantost dedans les bois, tantost sur les rochers, ou dans 
les Isles au milieu de quelque grand lac, tantost sur le bord des 
riuieres, sans toict, sans maison, sans demeure asseuree, ny sans 
recueillir rien de la terre, sinon ce qu'elle donne en vn Pais ingrat 
a ceux qui ne l'ont iamais cultiuee. II faut suiure ces Peuples 
si on veut les rendre Chrestiens ; mais comme ils se diuisent tou- 
jours, on ne peut se donner aux vns, qu'en s'eloignant dea 
autres." 

Thus the Relations themselves afford a solution to the apparent 
contradiction between their own statements that in 1640 and 
1644 St. Jean-Baptiste and Ste. Elizabeth lay close to one an- 
other, and the fact that they are placed so widely apart by Du- 
creux. For in view of the roaming and inconstant habits of the 
Algonquin tribes, there is no inconsistency in maintaining the 
absolute correctness of the two sites (of St. Jean Baptiste and Ste. 
Elizabeth) given by Ducreux, provided we refer them to the last 
years the Fathers remained in Huronia, and in supposing that in 
previous years the mission centre of Ste. Elizabeth was the camping 
ground described as being close to the Arendaronon village of St. 
1 1 in-Baptiste in the vicinity of Hawkestone. 

CONTAREA. 

There are three distinct spellings given of this name in the 
Relations : Contarrea, Relation 1636, p. 94, 2 col., and p. 111. 
2 col.; Kontarea, Rel. 1642, p. 74, 1 col.; and Contareia, Rel. 
1656, p. 10. 1 col. 



74 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Two erroneous notions entertained by some authors must be 
dispelled before any attempt is made to determine its exact posi- 
tion. Not a few have fancied that it should be set down on the 
maps in the immediate neighbourhood of the Lacus Contarea of 
Ducreux, while others have imagined that Contarea was but an- 
other name for Cahiaguc or St. Jean-Baptiste. 

Contarea was not in the neighbourhood of Ducretjx's lake 

of that name. 

The "Lacus Contarea," set down on Ducreux's map, is indeed 
liable to mislead the chartographer by suggesting that vicinity 
as the most likely region wherein to locate the site of the village 
of that name. The appellation is generally taken as designating 
Lake Semple, owing to its position on the map. We have here 
another instance where etymology can be of great assistance 
to us. 

In R. H. 1751, p. 295, Potier gives Ontara, a noun, with the 
meaning a lake, a sea, and we find a note by him (Gr., p. 156, 
2 col.), wherein he tells us that the Hurons called all lakes indif- 
ferently Ontare, with one exception: "lis appellent ainsi tous 
les lacs a l'exception du lac Superieur qu'ils nomment OkSateen- 
eiide;" while elsewhere (Gr., p. 60) ,he renders the word Ontare, 
taken singly and impersonally, "il y a un lac." Among the ad- 
verbs of place (Gr., p. 85), I find Xa, hie, hue, hac, hinc, ibi." 
Using it as a prefix, we have Xontare, signifying "There is a lake 
there," or "Where there is a lake," and which very naturally 
would have been printed in the Relations not with the Greek X, 
but with a C or a K. Compounding, now, the latter word with 
the second root ea, water (R.H., p. 294, 2 col.), the result is 
Kontare-ea, Contarea. "There is a watery lake there," or "Where 
there is, etc." This would sound very absurd in English, but the 
redundancy is quite in keeping with the genius of the Huron 
language: "Junguntur aliquando," says Potier (Gr., p. 80), 
"duo verba idem significantia." 

Should we wish to reach the form Contareia, found in Rel. 
1656 (p. 10, 1 col.), we have but to add to Contarea the diminu- 
tive termination aia (Rad. Hur., 1751, p. 1), and we have Con- 
tarea-ala, or Contareia, "There is a little lake there," or "Where 
there is, etc." 

Therefore, from the mere fact that we find a lake "Contarea" 
marked somewhere on the map, we are not to conclude that a 
village bearing a similar name should occupy contiguous ground, 
especially when the etymology of the word shows it to be of so 



1<MI7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 75 

generic a character that it might be applied to every lake. "Lacus 
Contarea," in fact, is very much the same thing as "Lake Lacus." 

In any case, Contarea did not lie in the vicinity of "Lacus 
Contarea," for, in Eel. 1642, p. 74. 1 col., it is said to be the 
"principal bulwark of the country" : "Les Hurons eurent cet 
Hyuer vne veritable crainte, en suite d'vne fausse alarme 
qui leur estoit venue, qu'vne armee d'Iroquois estoit sur 
le point d'enleuer le bourg de Kontarea, principal boul- 
euard du Pais. Ceux de la Conception [Ossossane] nous 
firent demander si nous ne les Baptiserions pas tous lorsque 
l'Ennemy paroistroit, etc.'' Now, there was no village lying 
so near Ste. Marie I. which, at that date, could in any sense be 
termed "the bulwark of the country." Nor was there question 
of La Conception (Ossossane), which in fact was strongly forti- 
fied, as it is mentioned in the same breath as distinct from Kon- 
tarea ; while on Ducreux's map, Lacus Contarea is a long way 
from the site he marks as that of La Conception. To be styled 
the principal bulwark of the country, the town should have been 
situated somewhere along the frontier most exposed to the incur- 
sions of the Iroquois. Two Huron strongholds alone could, at the 
time the Relation was written, lay claim to that dangerous dis- 
tinction, Teanaostaiae (St. Joseph II.) and St. Jean-Baptiste, un- 
less there was a third, by name Contarra, quite distinct from 
those mentioned. 

But apart from this reasoning, we have it very expressly 
stated that Contarea was the last of the Huron towns, and a day's 
journey from the Nation of the Bear, among which the Fathers 
were residing in 1636: "le n'ay que faire de parler du danger 
qu'il y a du coste des ennemis, e'est assez de dire que le treiziesme 
de ce mois de Iuin ils ont tue douze de nos Hurons aupres du 
village de Contarrea, qui n'est qu'a vne iournee de nous" (Rel. 
1636, p. 94, 2 col.). 

A parallel passage, relating the same fact, may be found on 
page 92, 2 col. of the same Relation, giving identically the same 
date, but not mentioning the name of the village : "Le treiziesme 
du mesme mois (i.e., June, see foot of col. 1), nous eusmes 
nouuelle qu'vne troupe de Hurons, qui s'en alloient en guerre et 
a'estoient cabanez a la portee d'vn mousquet du dernier village, 
a vne iournee de nous, apres auoir passe pres de deux nuicts a 
chanter et a manger, furent surpris d'vn si profond sommeil, que 
lVnnemy suruenant en fendit la teste a douze sans resistance, le 
reste se sauna a la fuite." 

In both these passages there is question of Contarea which, 
consequently, was far removed from the "Lacus Contarea," a 



76 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

day's journey, and the most advanced outpost of the Hurons to- 
wards the enemy. But how conciliate this with the statement, 
relative to St. Joseph or Teanaostaiae, contained in Rel. 1G41 (p. 
74, 2 col.) : "Arriuez qu'ils furent a S. Ioseph ou Teanaustajae, 
dernier bourg des Hurons, oil ils deuoient faire leurs prouisions 
pour leur voyage et trouuer des guides pour le chemin, etc."? 

The two statements do not conflict one with the other. In the 
latter citation from Eel. 1641, there is question of two Fathers 
who on November 2, 1640, set out for the Neutral Nation. In 
the same chapter from which I have just quoted (p. 71), it is said : 
''Cette Nation [the Neutral] est grandement peuplee : Ton y 
compte enuiron quarante bourgs ou bourgades. Partant de nos 
Hurons pour arriuer aux premiers et plus proches, on chemine 
q autre ou cinq iournees, c'est a dire enuiron quarante lieues, 
tirant tousiours droit au Sud." The Fathers were travelling due 
south, and Teanaostaiae was the last town towards the south. No 
Milage lay further south then in all the stretch of country through 
which the Nottawasaga River flows. 

But this was not the direction in which Contarea lay. The vil- 
lages of the Arendaronons, or Nation of the Rock, lay all towards 
the east or south-east-by-east of the Bear Nation. (Rel. 1640, 
p. -90, 1 col.) : "Les Arendaronons font vne des quatre nations qui 
composent ceux qu'a proprement parler on nomme Hurons : elle 
est la plus Orientale de toutes . . . . (2 col.) Cette alliance si par- 
ticuliere [dating from Champlain's time] que ces peuples Arenda- 
ronons ont auec les Francois nous auoit souuent donne la pensee 
de leur aller communiquer les richesses de l'Euangile, mais le 
deffaut de langue nous auoit tousiours empesches de pousser 
iusques la, nous estans trouuez engagez de premier abord a nostre 
premiere demeure, qui estoit situee a l'autre extremite du pays 
tout opposee. 

"Cette annee nous estant trouuez assez forts pour cette entre- 
prise, nous y auons commence vne mission, qui a eu dans son 
ressort trois bourgs : de S. lean Baptiste, de S. Ioachim, et de 
Saincte Elizabeth. Les Peres Antoine Daniel et Simon le Jloine 
en ont eu le soin. 

"lis firent lour premiere demeure et la plus ordinaire dans le 
bourg plus peuple [of the three mentioned] de S. lean Baptiste.'' 

So that we must look for Contarea towards the eastern ex- 
tremity of the Huron Country, in the very opposite direction to 
the territory of the Bear Nation. 

The next passage I shall quote, and which refers to Contaria 
by name, is to be found in Rel. 1636 (p. Ill, 2 col.) : "Cet 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 77 

hyuer dernier, il s'eii fit vn (of the feasts described in the chap- 
ter) au village A'Andiata de vingt-cinq chaudieres, ou il y auoit 
cinquante grands poissons, qui valent bien nos plus grands Bro- 
ckets de France, et six vingts autres de la grandeur de nos Saul- 
mons. II s'en fit vn autre a Contarrea, de trente chaudieres, ou 
il y auoit vingt Cerfs et quatre Ours : aussi y a-t-il ordinairement 
Ihiihu' compagnic; lis buict et neuf villages y seront souuent inu- 
itez, et mesme .tout le Pais, etc." 

1 know of only one other explicit mention of Contarea in the 
Relations, and it occurs as late as 1656, long after Huronia had 
been laid waste. In the Relation of that year (p. 10, 1 col.), an 
account is rendered of the ministrations of the missionaries among 
the Hurons who were held captives in the country of the Onon- 
dagas: "Le Pere entend les Confessions, instruit ces pauures 
gens qui n'auoient pas oui parler de Dieu depuis leur captiuite. 
Les Hurons du village de Contareia, qui n'auoient iamais este 
instruits, pour ce qu'ils auoient de grandes auersions de la Foy, 
ont deja commence a se rendre, prestant l'orielle auec attention 
aux discours du Pere : tant il est vray que afflictio dat intellec- 
tum." 

Consequently the town of Contarea was very far removed from 
the lake of that name. 

The Village of Contarea was quite distinct from St. Jean- 
Baptiste otherwise Cahiague. 

"Les Hurons du Village de Contareia n'auoient iamais este 
instruits." It was this statement, so irreconcilable with what is 
said of St. Jean-Baptiste, that first shook my faith in the theory 
that it and Contarea were one, and all but convinced me that it 
was really quite distinct from all the other villages whose names 
have become familiar to us through the Relations. The Fathers 
had, indeed, visited frequently and had carried on their instruc- 
tions in all the most populous villages : Arontaen, Ossoisane 
('Conception), Scanonaenrat (St. Michel), Teanaostaiae (St. Joseph 
II. ),TaenhatentarOTi (St. Ignace I.), and even St. Jean-Baptiste. 
In several of them they had had fixed residences, at least for a 
time. All this is absolutely certain, while the formal statement, 
cited above, is not to be explained away by saying that the writer 
of the Relation of 1656 was misinformed. It was Chaumonot 
himself who met and instructed these Hurons of Contarea, prison- 
ers among the Onondagas, the same who, in 1642, had evangelized 
the village of St. Jean-Baptiste among the Hurons. 

But on the other hand (to put in the strongest terms tbe 
weightiest objection), it seems incredible, if Contarea, bad bad a 



78 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

separate existence, and could have been termed, as we have seen 
above, "le principal boulevard du pays," that it should never 
have been deemed worthy of mention save in the few passages 
quoted. The Fathers would certainly have paid it a visit, else 
they would have left some record of their reasons for not going 
there. 

How thoroughly the country was canvassed in the interests 
of religion will appear from the following extract taken from 
the Relation of 1640 (p. 61, 2 col., p. 62, 1 col.), which gives us 
at the same time an idea of how the Christian names, so to speak, 
of the Indian villages originated. The Fathers parcelled out 
their work, allotting to each band of missionaries its field of 
labour : "On auoit fait pendant l'Este vne ronde presque par tout,* 
pour pouruoir au plus presse, et prendre quelque cognoissance de 
la disposition des esprits. Dans cette course on donna le nom de 
quelque Sainct a tous les bourgs et villages qu'on rencontra, ce 
qui depuis dans les missions d'hyuer a este acheue, dans la pensee 
que si iamais Dieu donnoit benediction a nos petits trauaux, et 
que 1'on vint a dresser vne Eglise ou Chapelle en ces lieux, elles 
seroient erigees en l'honneur du Sainct dont on imposoit le nom. 

"En suite nous auons eu le moyen de faire le denombrement 
non seulement des bourgs, et bourgades, mais aussi des cabanes, 
des feux, et mesme a pen pres des personnes de tout le pays, n'y 
ayant autre moyen de prescher 1'Evangile en ces contrees qu'au 
foyer de cheque famille, dont on a tasche de n'obmettre pas vne. 
II se trouue dans ces cinq missions [the fifth was that of the To- 
bacco Nation] trente-deux tant bourgs que bourgades, qui com- 
prennent en tout enuiron sept cens cabanes. de feux enuiron 
deux mille, et enuiron douze mille personnes." 

In 1641 two new missions were added, one Huron, the other 
Algonquin, and the Fathers were able to say (Rel. 1641, p. 60, 
2 col.) : "Nous voila done incontinent apres distribuez en sept 
missions, ou on a presche et publie le Royaume de Dieu a seize 
ou dix-sept mille Barbares de diuerses nations. II n'y a eu bourg 
ny bourgade, cabane ny feu oil on a pu aborder, ou on ne se soit 
acquitte de sa fonction, etc." 

The work here described seems to have been very painstaking 
and thorough, and whether this census was absolutely correct or 
not matters little: one thing is certain, no "bourg" was over- 
looked since the missionaries affirm that they endeavored to omit 
not even one family. 

A seemingly well warranted conclusion from what precedes 
would be that Contarea, mentioned four or five years previously 



""Almost everywhere." Consequently some places were not visited. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 79 

in the Eel. 1636 (p. Ill, 2 col.) as sufficiently important to give 
a feast to the whole country-side, a kind of barbecue, with its 
thirty great kettles hung high, in which were stewing twenty 
stags and four bears, and the Kontarea of 1642, which is de- 
scribed as "le principal bouleuard du Pais," must have figured 
somewhere in this census. 

In other words, if not appearing in the enumeration of the 
great Huron villages under its Indian appellation. Contarea must 
have been mentioned under its Christian name. 

All the great towns or important centres rejoiced in a twofold 
appellation : Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. ; Ossossane or La Con- 
ception ; Scanonaenrat or St. Michel; Taenhatentaron or St. Ig- 
nace I. ; Teanaostaiae or St. Joseph II. One important town 
alone, which was palisaded and near a lake, has to go abegging 
for an Indian name. Similarly, Contarea, the principal bulwark 
of the country, whose very name suggests the proximity to some 
lake or lakes, is in equal penury for a Christian equivalent. No- 
thing more natural, then, than to assume that Contarea was the 
Indian name for St. Jean-Baptiste, and that St. Jean-Baptiste 
was the Christian name for Contarea. Father Martin was of this 
opinion. 

The strongest reason which militates against this conclusion, 
and I think it will be found unanswerable, is drawn from the 
statement made in the Bel. 1658 (p. 10, 1 col.), concerning the 
captive Hurons of Contareia, when taken in conjunction with a 
hitherto unexplained event recorded in Bel. 1644 (p. 69, 1 col.). 
This event was nothing less than the complete wiping out by the 
Iroquois of a Huron village, whose name is not given, but which 
was remarkable especially for its impiety. 

The date of this occurrence is important and not easy to de- 
termine off-hand. The account, as I said, is contained in Bel. 
1644 (p. 69, 1 col.), and begins with these words: "Scarcely had 
I completed the preceding Belation when, etc." This Belation 
is prefaced by two letters, the first of which is by Fr. Bartholo- 
mew Yimont, Quebec, Sept. 1, 1644, setting forth that as the 
first copy of the Belation "of last year" coming from the Huron 
Mission had fallen into the hands of the Iroquois, and that as 
the second had reached Quebec too late to catch the last ships 
sailing for France, he sends "this year" (1644) the Belation of 
"last year" (1643), together with a fresh letter (of 1644) from 
tne same Mission. This explains why in the Belation 1643, as 
printed, there is no separate account of what took place among 
the Hurons that year. The real Belation of the Huron Mission 
for 1643 is embodied in the printed Belation of 1644, from p. 68 

7 Ar. 



80 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

to page 105 ; while what follows, in the form of a letter, dated 
March 31, 1644, is all that we have from the Huron Mission in 
the latter year. . 

The second prefatory letter (p. 68) from Fr. Jerome Lalemant, 
dated Sept. 21, 1643, is the real opening of the Huron Relation 
of that year, and the title is given correctly between the two pre- 
fatory letters: "Depuis le mois de Ivin, 1642, iusques av mois 
de Ivin de l'annee 1643." So that "Scarcely had I completed 
the preceding Relation" should be made to read "Scarcely had I 
completed the Relation of 1642." The date of the latter was 
June 10 (Rel. 1642, p. 55). It will be remembered that it was in 
this Relation (1642, p. 74, 1 col.) that tne false alarm of an 
attack on Contarea, in the winter of 1641-1642, is mentioned. The 
alarm turned out to be well grounded, for Contarea was utterly 
destroyed soon after the date of the Eelation of 1642, that is, 
after June 10 of that year. 

Now that we have ascertained the correct date of the event, 
June or July, 1642, let us see what the Relations have to say of 
the nameless town, in which no one can fail to recognize, from 
the character given of the inhabitants, the ill-fated Contarea. 

Rel. 1644, p. 69, 1 col. (but in reality Relation of 1643) : "A 
peine auois-ie termine la precedente Relation, qu'vne troupe de 
harbares Iroquois, ayant surpris vne de nos bourgades frontieres, 
n'y pardonna a aucun sexe, non pas mesme aux enfans, et reduisit 
le tout en feu, a, la reserue d'vne vingtuine de personnes, qui 
trouuant iour au milieu de ces flammes et des fleches ennemies, 
nous vint apprendre en mesme temps leur mine, que la venue de 
cet orage, qui disparut auant le leuer du soleil. C'estoit le bourg 
le plus impie et le plus reuolte contre les veritez de la foy de 
toutes ces contrees, et qui plus d'vne fois auoit dit aux Peres qui 
les alloient instruire, que si tant est qu'il y eust vn Dieu vengeur 
des crimes, ils le defioient de leur faire sentir son courroux, et 
qu'a moins que cela ils refusoient de recognoistre son pouuoir." 

This explains fully what is said in Rel. 1656, that the Huron 
Captives from the village of Contarea had never been instructed 
as they entertained an intense aversion for the faith, and estab- 
lishes as a fact the separate existence of Contarea as a village. 
Nowhere, in fact, in the Relations do I find mention of Contarea 
as still existing after the subversion of the nameless town recorded 
in Rel. 1644 (or eorrectly 1643) ; while the town of St. Jean-Bap- 
tiste is expressly mentioned in the same relation, page 99, 2 col., 
and again on page 101, 2 col., and a still more formal mention 
occurs in Rel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col. : "Des sept Eglises que nous 
auons icy, il y en a six a, demeure [with residences, I suppose]. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 81 

La premiere en Qostre Maison de saincte Marie, les oinq autres 
dans lea cinq principales bourgades des Hurons : de la Conception, 
de sainct Iosepk, de sainct Michel, de sainct Ignace et de sainct 
lean Baptiste, etc.'' Nothing consequently can he clearer than 
that the town of Contarea was indeed quite distinct from St. Jean- 
Raptiste or Cahiague. 

From Ihonatiria to Contahea. 

What now remains is to ascertain as well as we can the posi- 
tion of Contarea. 

Contareia, the form used by the Relation of 1656, means, as 
we have seen, "at the little lake." The only small lakes suf- 
ficiently removed from Ihonatiria to be a day's journey distant 
are Little Lake near Barrie and Bass Lake near Price's Corners. 
A site near the former seems to be excluded by the fact so clearly 
stated that Teanaostaiae was the last Huron village on the way 
to the Neutral Nation. The only alternative left would be the 
vicinity of Bass Lake; or perhaps Couchiching itself might have 
been styled Little Lake, (as it was by Champlain) with reference 
to the larger body of water of Lake Simcoe. In any case, every- 
thing would seem to point to a more easterly position than St. 
Jean-Baptiste. 

Let us turn now to something more positive which I have 
already quoted, but incidentally. Breheuf is the author of the 
Huron Relation of 1636, which is dated from Ihonatiria, July 16 
of that year (R. 1636, p. 139, 2 col.). On page 94, 2 col., of the 
Relation in question he writes: "It would be quite superfluous to 
mention the danger threatening us on the part of our enemies, 
suffice it to say that on the thirteenth of this month they killed 
twelve of our Hurons near the \illage of Contarea, which is but 
one day's journey from us," that is Ihonatiria. 

What the missionaries looked upon as one day's journey we 
may gather from a passage in Rel. 1641 (p. 71, 2 col.) : "On 
ihemine quatre ou cinq iournees, e'est-a-dire enuiron quarante 
lieues." Were the journey made in fotir days ten leagues would 
be covered in one day; were it made in five, then eight leagues 
would be gone over. So that Contarea lay eight or ten leagues 
south-east of Ihonatiria. 

In the Township of Oro three-quarters of a mile south of Bass 
Lake and about five miles and a quarter from the shores of Lake 
Couchiching, where Orillia now stands, there is an extensive 
village site which Mr. Andrew F. Hunter thus describes in his 
monograph on Oro (p. 25, No. 38) : 



82 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

"On the west half of lot 7, concession XIII. The late Donald 
Buchanan, sr., was the first settler here, many years ago, and in 
early years began to find evidences of aboriginal occupation. Hie 
son Donald is the present (1903) occupant of the farm, and an- 
other son, Frank Buchanan, has also paid close attention to the 
remains of the aborigines found here. Considerable remains of 
a town or village have been found, and, like the other sites here- 
about, it was evidently connected with the fishery at the neigh- 
boring Bass Lake. The site was seven or eight acres altogether, 
on a raised plateau, which includes the present dwelling-house and 
farm buildings. In the garden of the original dwelling, beside 
a pond, there were thick deposits of ashes with relics and frag- 
ments. A few European beads and iron tomahawks have been 
found, but not in any great quantity. A few human bones have 
also been found. Dr. Bawtree of Penetanguishene made an 
archaeological visit here in 1848, or earlier, and obtained pipes, 
etc. There is a group of artificial holes (probably empty caches 
or empty single graves) on the higher ground southward of the 
site, but on the same farm. In consequence of the proximity of 
Bass Lake, fish bones have been found in the debris at this site 
in great quantities. This is an important site, and I have con- 
cluded that it represents the earlier position of the "capital" of 
the Rock Nation of Hurons (Arendarronons), and was probably 
the town visited by Champlain and called Cahiague. My reasons 
for this view will be found in the Introduction." 

I am in perfect agreement with Mr. Hunter, inasmuch as he 
considers this the site of one of the great villages of the Arenda- 
ronons, but, of course, not that it was the spot where Cahiague 
stood for the reasons given above ; and much less could I bring 
myself to see in Bass Lake the Little Lake of Champlain, as Mr. 
Hunter does in his Introduction (p. 10). That the little lake of 
the great explorer, and the only little lake he mentions in this 
vicinity, was no other than Couchiching is placed beyond the 
shadow T of doubt by the details Champlain himself gives : "[Nous] 
passames sur le bord d'vn petit lac, distant du dit village [Cahi- 
ague] de trnis lieues, ou il se fait de grandes pescheries de poisson. 
qu'ils conseruent pour l'hyuer. II y a vn autre lac tout ioignant. 
qui a 20. lieues de circuit, descendant dans le petit par vn endroit 
ou se fait la grande pesche du dit poisson, par le moyen de quantite 
d* pallissades, qui ferment presque le destroit, y laissant seule- 
ment de petites ouuertures on ils mettent leurs filets, ou le poisson 
se prend, & ces deux lacs se deschargent dans la mer douce." 
(CEuvres IV., 254-910.) Which means that there was a large lake 
twenty-six leagues in circumference near a little one (tout ioign- 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 83 

ant) and which flowed into the little lake (descendant dans le 
petit) at the fishing place at the narrows. Lines of stakes were 
so arranged as to leave in the flow at the narrows small apertures 
only, where the nets were set and the fish taken, and both these 
lakes emptied into Lake Huron. 

There is nothing in all this applicable to Bass Lake and every- 
thing to Lake Couchiching. 

While on this topic, it will not be out of place to add that the 
lake furthermost east, on Ducreux's map*, and north of L. Ouen- 
taronius (L. Simcoe) can be no other than L. Couchiching. It 
surely ought not to be mistaken for Bass Lake for the reason that 
Bass Lake empties through North River into the same bay as the 
Coldwater and mingles with the waters of the latter at its very 
mouth, while no such lake nor river is marked on Ducreux's map. 
But the river which is marked makes the fifth principal stream, 
counting from the west, just as does the Severn, and the spacing 
between their outflows is similar. 

Again, if we take in with the eye, on a modern map, the shape 
and proportions of the region bounded by L. Couchiching, the 
Severn and the Coldwater, and compare it with that included be- 
tween the lake in debate, the river that carries its outflow, and 
the fourth stream (from the west) on Ducreux, its proportional 
expanse and configuration will be found to be very much the 
same. This is a matter of visual discernment in which I am con- 
fident no draughtsman could go astray. 

Moreover, the trend of the long lake on Ducreux (out of all 
proportion greater than Bass Lake, were it marked on the map 
like Lacus Anaouites, its equal in size) is perceptibly north-east, 
and the river that receives its waters flows to the north-west and 
discharges at Chionhiara, a point much to the north of what 
might be called Coldwater Bay. And just as the Severn is a much 
more copious and ample stream than the other four rivers running 
northward through Huronia, so is the corresponding river of Du- 
creux's map marked with much greater width. Then, from the 
point of its outlet, the coast line of greater Matchedash Bay runs 
due north-west, leaving no room for any other outlet to the east. 
Why? because Ducreux was setting down the very last stream to 
the east. 

Similarly, if we consider the eastern shore of L. Ouentaronius 
(Simcoe Lake) on Ducreux's map, we shall indeed find no room 
further east wherein to locate L. Couchiching if the one marked 
he not that hike, for the eastern shore sworves sharply towards the 
south-east. 



*See Decreux, p. 6. 



84 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4] 

Now to offset all this the one only adverse reason would be that 
the cartographer, or more likely the engraver, has failed to out- 
line the junction of the two lakes, an unpardonable oversight, but 
one readily accounted for by the long drawn out inscription of 
"S. I. Baptistas" covering the. ground, and which, as it were, 
bars the way. 

I regret this long digression, and return with relief to the 
consideration of the site, the Buchanan Farm, west half lot 7, 
concession XIII., Oro. Brebeuf told us that Contarea was but 
one day's journey "de nous," which would mean either from 
Ihonatiria, whence he wrote, or the region of the Bear Nation, 
where the Fathers were then labouring. One day's journey was 
equivalent to eight or ten leagues. Now the Buchanan Farm lie? 
exactly thirty miles from Ihonatiria and twenty-four from Ossos- 
sani, the capital of the Bear Country. Here, then, I mark Con- 
tarea, three-quarters of a mile south of Bass Lake and five milet- 
and a quarter from the Couchiching shore line at Orillia. 



VII. 

ST. IGNACE I. OR TAENHATENTARON. 

St. Joseph II. or Teanaostaiae to St. Ignace I. 
St. Jean-Baptiste to St. Ignace I. 

ST. JEAN. 

St. Jean quite distinct from St. Jean-Baptiste. 
Ste. Marie I. to St. Jean. 
St. Ignace I. to St Jean. 



85 ] 



VII. 

ST. IGNACE I. OR TAENHATENTARON. 

All writers on the subject seem to be agreed on one point with 
regard to Ducreux's inset map, and that is that its geography 
refers to a much earlier date than 1660. To say nothing of the 
total evacuation of Huronia in 1650, St. Joseph II. or Teanaos- 
taiae, which was destroyed July 4, 1648, is marked on it as still 
existing. St. Jean-Baptiste, which was abandoned towards the 
close of 1647, or very early in 1648, is also set down. Contarea, 
however, which was utterly ruined by the Iroquois soon after 
June 10, 1642, finds no place on the map, so I should say that 
this inset map delineates Huronia as it was during the years that 
elapsed between the summer of 1642 and that of 1648. But as 
St. Ignace appears on the map it must necessarily be the St. 
Ignace of that period, consequently St. Ignace I. or Taenhaten- 
taron, whose removal took place not earlier than Feb., 1648, nor 
later than the middle of April of the same year. 

A glance at the inset map shows this St. Ignace I. very dis- 
tinctly marked on the east side of the third river, counting from 
the west, which is the present Sturgeon River. So that if the 
measures of distance given, when followed rigorously, should tend 
to displace it they should be shortened or lengthened a little so as 
to maintain it in its position as given by Ducreux. 

St. Joseph II. ok Teanaostaiak to St. Ignace I. 

It was about two leagues from St. Joseph II. or Teanaostaiae 
to St. Ignace I. or Tacnhatentaron : "Le 30 de Nouembre, iour 
de saint Andre, vn de nos Peres estant alle au Bourg de Taenha- 
tentaron, que nous auons surnomme de sainct Ignace [I.], esloigne 
d'enuiron 2. lieues de celuy de la Residence de sainct Ioseph 
[II.] il y baptiza vn ieune enfant, etc." (R. 1639, p. 74, 2 col.) 
At the date of the Relation, the Residence of St. Joseph was at 
the village of Teanaostaiae, otherwise St. Joseph II. This is 
evident from the heading of the chapter on page 66 of the same 
Relation. 

[87] 



88 THE REPORT OF THE No. U 

St. Jean-Baptiste or Cahiagtje to St. Ignace I. 

Taenhatentaron (St. Ignace I.) was, moreover, six leagues 
from St. Jean-Baptiste. Eel. 1644 (more correctly 1643), p. 99, 
at the opening of the chapter "De la Mission de Sainct lean Bap- 
tiste aux Arendaronnons" : "Le Pere Antoine Daniel a continue 
dans le soin de cette Mission, qui cette annee a eu dans son ressort 
les bourgs de S. lean Baptiste et de S. Ioachim, et vn troisiesme 
esloigne d'enuiron six lieues, qui porte le nom de S. Ignace (!.)•" 
The distance is taken from Fr. Daniel's headquarters, which that 
year were at St. Jean-Baptiste. This new departure was spoken 
of already in 1640 (p. 90, 2 col.) : "Cette annee nous estant trouuez 
assez forts pour cette entreprise, nous y auons commence vne 
mission, qui a eu dans son ressort trois bourgs : de S. lean Bap- 
tiste, de S. Ioachim, et de Saincte Elizabeth. Les Peres Antoine 
Daniel et Simon le Moine en ont eu le soin. Us firent leur premiere 
demeure et la plus ordinaire dans le bourg plus peuple de S. lean 
Baptiste, y ayant plus a trauailler." 

It will be remarked that both these converging distances are 
given as "about two leagues," "about six leagues," "enuiron 
deux lieues," "enuiron six lieues," and not rigorously, two or 
six. 

Taking St. Joseph II. as centre for our radius of two leagues, 
or six miles, we find that the arc strikes the Sturgeon Eiver at 
lot 21, concession VII., Medonte. And with a radius of six 
leagues, having for centre the landing of St. Jean-Baptiste, the 
arc described intersects the Sturgeon Eiver on lot 24, concession 
VIII., Medonte, leaving a distance of about a mile and a half 
between the points where the two arcs intersect the stream. A 
farm exactly half way between these points is thus catalogued by 
Mr. Andrew F. Hunter: "On the east half of lot 22, concession 
8 (Medonte). Wm. Greatrix. This site is beside a stream that 
flows into the Sturgeon Eiver, and appears to have been that of a 
village of some importance. Iron tomahawks and other relics 
have been found at it." (Sites of Medonte, 1902, p. 88, No. 42.) 

This site stands seventeen and a quarter miles from St. Jean- 
Baptiste landing, and six and three-quarters from St. Joseph II. 
or Teanaostaiae, which tallies well with the distance given, of 
about two and about six leagues respectively. 

ST. JEAN. 

This village appears to have had no Indian name, at least 
there is none identified with it in the Relations. Ducreux places 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 89 

his "S. Joannis" east of Sturgeon River and not very far from 
its mouth. This assures us of the direction in which it lay with 
regard to Ste. Marie I. 

St. Jean was a village quite distinct from St. Jean-Baptiste. 
This assertion may seem altogether superfluous. However, the 
compiler of the general index to the three volumes of the Quebec 
edition of the Relations omits all mention of St. Jean, and on 
page 38 of the same index refers to St. Jean-Baptiste what is said 
of St. Jean on pages 70, 72, of Rel. 1640. 

Chapter V., however, of this Relation (p. 70) treats of the 
Mission of "Ste. Marie aux Ataronchronons," and we are there 
told that the villages comprised in its territory were: Ste. Anne. 
vSt. Louis, St. Denis and St. Jean. In the same Relation, Chapter 
IX., p. 90, 1 col., the heading informs us that what is therein to 
be touched upon relates to the "Mission of St. Jean Baptiste aux 
Arendaronons," and that the villages included in its circumscrip- 
tion were (p. 90, 2 col.) : St. Jean-Baptiste, St. Joachim and Ste. 
Elizabeth. Other proofs might be drawn from the Relations, but 
the one given is quite sufficient, it is clear and conclusive. 

Ducreux's map is in full agreement with the above. On it we 
find "S. Joannis" marked not far from the mouth of the stream 
which now bears the name of Sturgeon River, and to the east of 
it, while his "S. J. Baptista?" is marked near what is now Lake 
Simcoe. 

St. Maete I. to St. Jean. 

St. Jean was situated two "good leagues" from Ste. Marie I. 
The passage from which this inference is drawn is to be found (p. 
72, 2 col.) towards the close of Chapter V., Eel. 1640. The whole 
chapter is taken up with the recital of what occurred that year 
within the limits of the mission of "Ste. Marie aux Ataronchro- 
nons." The last paragraph runs as follows : "A ce propos ie racoQ- 
teray vne chose qui nous estonna il y a quelques iours [conse- 
quently just before the closing of the Relation]. Le Pere Pierre 
Pi j art est ant en dispute dans le bourg de sainct lean auec vn vieux 
Magicien du pays, ce barbare s'estant mis en colere, le menace 
que nous pouuions bien nous resoudre a mourir, et que desia 
Echon (c'est le Pere de Brebeuf) estoit frappe de maladie. Le 
Pere Pijart se mocque de ce vieillard, n'y ayant pas trois heures 
qu'il auoit laisse le Pere de Brebeuf a la maison de sainct Ioseph 
en fort bonne sante. Le Magicien luy repart, tu verras si ie suis 
menteur, ie t'en ay assez dit. En effect le Pore Pijart s'en estant 



90 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

retourne le mesme iour a S. Ioseph, esloigne de deux bonnes 
lieues, trouue le Pere de Brebeuf attaque d'vne grosse fieure, 
d'vn mal de coeur et mal de teste, et dans tous les symptomes 
d'vne grande maladie ; an moment que le Magicien en auoit porte 
la parole, aucun Sauuage n'en auoit este aduerty, etc." 

From tliis I conchide that there were "two good leagues" from 
St. Jean to Ste. Marie I. 

In the above quoted paragraph a distance of "deux bonnes 
lieues" is given. Two places are mentioned which stood at that 
distance one from the other. One is called "le bourg S. lean,'' 
the other "la maison de sainct Ioseph." It would not be difficult, 
though it would be a waste of time, to adduce further proofs to 
show that this St. Jean was not St. Jean-Baptiste, for every time 
it is mentioned in this chapter it is mentioned as belonging to the 
Mission of "Ste. Marie aiix Ataronchronons," while what oc- 
curred of interest at St. Jean-Baptiste during this same year, 
1640, is rehearsed in Chapter IX. (p. 90), which deals exclusively 
with the Mission "aux Arendaronons ;" and what occurred at St. 
Joseph of Teanaostaiae, before its residence was removed to Ste. 
Marie I., is detailed in Chapter VI. (p. 73). 

But the main difficulty centres round the expression "la maison 
de sainct Ioseph," which I contend was used in this instance by 
the writer to denote the Fathers' Residence or house at Ste. 
Marie I. 

The only other place it could possibly designate at that date, 
1640, was St. Joseph II. of Teanaostaiae. Now what were the 
facts as set forth in the Relations and other records? 

1. That as late as 1639 the missionaries were still divided into 
two separate communities or permanent residences. Rel. 1640, 
p. 63, 1 col. : "I'ecriuois l'an passe que nous auions deux Resi- 
dences dedans le pays des Hurons, l'vne de S. Ioseph a Teanan- 
stcixe (sic, for TeanaustayS), l'autre de la Conception a Ossos- 
sarie (sic, for Ossossane)." 

2. That during the summer of 1639 the community or resi- 
dence of Ossossane was transferred to Ste. Marie I., and in the 
spring of 1640 the community or residence of St. Joseph of Tean- 
nostaiae was likewise transferred to Ste. Marie I. After de- 
scribing the new "residence fixe de saincte Marie" (see heading of 
the chapter), the writer proceeds to say, Rel. 1640, p. 63, 2 col. : 
"Nous commencasmes des l'Este passe a nous y establir, et sur le 
milieu de l'Automne nous y transportames la residence que nous 
auions a Ossossarie, ayant differe d'y reunir pareillenient celle de 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 91 

sainct Ioseph (i.e., de Teanaostaiae), mais des le commencement 
du Printemps l'insolence des Sauuages nous a obliges de le faire 
bien plus tost que d'ailleurs nous n'auions resolu. Et ainsi nous 
n'auons maintenant dans tout le pays qu'vnc seule maison, qui 
sera ferme et stable, etc." 

3. That the name of Ste. Marie was given to this new resi- 
dence or community house, and that the church which the mis- 
sionaries purposed to build or had already commenced building 
adjoining the house was to be called St. Joseph, Eel. 1640, p. 64, 
1 col. : "Nous auons donne a cette nouuelle maison le nom de 

saincte Marie, ou de Nostre Dame de la Conception Au 

moins pretendons nous doresnauant cette consolation qu'autant de 
fois qu'on parlera de la principale demeure de cette mission des 
Hurons, la nommant du nom de saincte Marie, ce soient autant 
d'hommages qui luy seront rendus de ce que nous luy sommes et 
tenons d'elle, et de ce que nous luy voulons estre a iamais ; ioinct 
que sainct Ioseph ayant este choisi pour le patron de ce pays, et 
en suite la premiere et principale Eglise qui se bastira dans les 
Hurons luy estant destinee, nous n'auons pas deu prendre d'autre 
protectrice de nostre maison que la saincte Vierge son espouse, 
pour ne pas separer ceux que Dieu a liez si estroitement.'' 

4. That the new residence of the missionaries was about three 
leagues from Ossossarie, the dwelling place of Joseph Chihoua- 
tenhoua. See same Relation, 1640, p. 103, 1 col. : "Dimanche 
dernier il (Joseph C.) estoit venu en nostre maison, esloignee 
maintenant [i.e. since it was removed to Ste. Marie] de la sienne 
d'enuiron trois lieues;" and p. 78, 2 col.: "Les cabanes de nos 
Chrestiens sont, dans ce bourg de la Conception [otherwise Ossos- 
sane], les plus affligees de la maladie : outre vne seule de Ioseph 
Chihouatenhoua, etc." 

5. That, on the other hand, St. Joseph of Teanaostaiae was 
five or six leagues distant from Ossossane. See extract from 
Father Francois du Peron's letter already quoted under the head- 
ing of Teanaostaiae. 

6. In the passage we are discussing (Pel. 1640, p .72, 2 col.), 
it was Father de Brebeuf who was said to be stricken with a sud- 
den sickness, and it is true that on page 75, 1 col. (always of the 
same Relation), he is spoken of as the superior of the Residence 
of St. Joseph of Teanaostaiae ; but we are informed at the close 
of that Chapter VI. that subsequently the missionaries were ex- 
pelled from the villages of this mission, beginning by St. Michel 
and St. Ignace, and though afterwards they managed to resume 
llieir missionary visits to them, there was no question of anything 
like a permanent residence being- reestablished therein that year. 



92 THE REPORT OF THE No. U 

Rel. 1640, p. 78, 1 col. : "Ces deux bourgs ont este les premiers 
qui nous furent solennellernent interdits par les Capitaines et 
Anciens, qui prirent pour pretexte que quelques-vns de leurs 
ieunes gens auoient dessein sur nos vies ; il fallut interrompre 
pour quelque temps, rnais depuis peu nous auons trouue le moyen 
de reprendre le cours de nos visites, les esprits s'estans aucune- 
ment appaisez." 

7. Though the trouble first began at the two villages above 
mentioned, it culminated in the outrageous treatment of the mis- 
sionaries at St. Joseph of Teanaostaiae, and in the complete 
demolition of their missionary residence there. The summary 
given of these proceedings serves as a kind of introduction to the 
Chapter, which merely relates the labours of the Fathers previous 
to their departure. Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col. : "11 est bien difficilp 
/le viure en paix parmy vue iuenesse barbare, altiere de son 
naturel, et d'ailleurs aigrie par les mauuais bruits qui courent 
incessaniment de nous. Nos Peres Font esprouue dans le bourg 
de S. Ioseph, car c'est la que les pierres ont vole sur nos testes 
iusques au fond de nostre cabane; c'est la que les croix ont este 
abbattues et arrachees, les haches et les tisons leuez sur nous 
. . . . et mesme quelques Capitaines des plus considerables voyant 
la ieunesse desia dans la fureur et les armes en main, 1'ont 
excitee a faire pis qu'elle ne faisoit, .... ont commande qu'on 
eust au plus tost a demolir nostre cabane, et la mettre par terre, 
adioustant que quand mesme on nous massacreroit, nous n'aurions 
que selon nos merites, etc." 

All the facts, not already given elsewhere, bearing favourably 
or unfavourably on the point under discussion, are summed up in 
these seven paragraphs. 

The Relation of 1640 was closed on May 27 (Rel. 1640, p. 53, 
1 col.). The incident related in connection with Father de Bre- 
beuf's sickness occurred a few days before ("il y a quelques 
iours"). But the Residence of St. Joseph of Teanaostaiae was 
transferred in the beginning of the spring ("au commencement du 
Priutemps"), the community house there having been totally de- 
stroyed (Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col.). Therefore the "maison de 
sainct Ioseph" mentioned in the narrative does not refer to St. 
Joseph of Teanaostaiae. 

If not to Teanaostaiae, to what other place does the expression 
"Maison de sainct Ioseph" refer? 

It can only possibly refer to the new establishment at Ste. 
Marie I. The term, as we have seen, occurs on p. 72, 2 col., of 
R. 1640, and on page 63, 2 col., of the same Relation, as we have 
also seen, it is clearly stated "et ainsi noiis n'avons maintenant 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 93 

dans tout le pays qu'vne seule maison, qui sera ferme et stable," 
and a few lines above we read in the heading of Chapter IV.,. 
"De la residence fixe de saincte Marie," while the description 
tfiven of its site is unmistakable. 

Chapter IV. (p. 63) deals with the Residence of Ste. Marie, 
and the following, Chapter V., (p. 70), deals with "La mission 
de saincte Marie aux Ataronchronons," and in the opening lines 
the villages dependent on it are enumerated: "Cette mission de 
saincte Marie ne porte pas seulement la qualite do Residence, mais 
encore de Mission, comme ayant quatre bourgs dependans du soin 
et de la culture de ceux qui y font leur demeure. Ces quatre 
bourgs sont saincte Anne, S. Loiiys, S. Denys et S. lean, 1c 
nombre des ames peut arriver a quatorze cens." And two pages 
further on in the same chapter (p. 72, 2 col.) occurs the passage 
recording the encounter of Father Pijart with the magician, and 
Father de Brebeuf's strange sickness. Now, as nothing is related 
in this chapter save what concerns Ste. Marie I., the mission 
centre, and its dependencies, the "maison de sainct Ioseph" must 
be found among them. On the other hand, Father Pijart had set 
out from this "mission de sainct Ioseph," where less than three 
hours previously he had left Father de Brebeuf in good health, 
and he was back there the same day when he found him sick. 
Presumably, therefore, for one reason or another the mission 
centre of Ste. Marie I. was called on this occasion "La Maison de 
Sainct Ioseph." 

But what occasioned this misnomer? Before all it must be 
remembered that it was a time of transition, when places and 
names were being changed, very naturally for a time there would 
be some slips made. Father Jerome Lalemant, the author of the 
Huron Relation of- 1640, receiving Father Pierre Pijart's contri- 
bution, embodied it in his own account without revision ; and in 
it "La maison de Ste. Marie" is called "La maison de St. 
Joseph," mistaking the name of the Church for the house, just 
as one would say inaccurately "the College of the Gesu, Mont- 
real," instead of saying the "Church of the Gesu" and "St. 
Mary's College," both forming one establishment and being 
under one and the same administration. 

The project of building a church then under way, to be dedi- 
cated to St. Joseph, was eventually carried out. Of this we have 
positive proof, not only in the Relation of 1642, but in a most 
precious document still preserved in St. Mary's College, Mont- 
real. It is nothing less than the original rescript or brief of Pope 
Urbain VIII., dated Feb. 18, 1644, granting special spiritual 
favours to those who, after approaching the Sacraments, should 



94 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

on the feast of St. Joseph visit the little chapel built at Ste. 
Marie, "qui ecclesiani Presbiterorum Societatis Jesus Residential 
S. Maria? Viiginis, nullius Dicecesis, Provincise Huronum Novae 
Francise, die festo S. Josephi, a primis vesperis usque ad occasum 
solis festi hujusce, singulis annis devote visitaverint, etc." 

There is no other possible solution than the one I have sug- 
gested, and in whatever light we consider the difficulty one only 
conclusion can be reached, and that is that Ste. Marie and its 
church in this case were meant when the expression "la maison 
de St. Ioseph" was used. It follows that St. Jean stood at a dis- 
tance from Ste. Marie I. of "two good leagues," say a little over 
six and a half miles. 

St. Ignace I. to St. Jean. 

St. Jean was one league from St. Ignace I. This distance 
given may be found in Rel. 1642, p. 81, 2 col. Astiskoua, a chief 
from Teanaostaiae, in answer to an invitation, repaired to the 
Residence of Ste. Marie I. An inward power which he appar- 
ently was unable to overcome, preventing his entering the chapel : 
"II sort done de la Maison sans dire mot. Apres trois lieues on 
enuiron de chemin, il fait paroistre ce qu'il est : il entre furieux 
dans les bourgs de Sainct lean et de Sainct Ignace, enfonce les 
Cabanes, brise les portes, etc." 

The whole distance from Ste. Marie I. to St. Ignace I. (not 
removed to its second site until 1648), passing through St. Jean, 
is here set down as three leagues or about. Ste. Marie I. to St. 
Jean was "deux bonnes lieues," that is a little over six miles, so 
St. Jean lay one league or three miles from St. Ignace I. The 
arcs of two coordinates intersect on lot 6, concession X., Tay. 
"Passing to the high ground," says Mr. Andrew Hunter, "east 
of Sturgeon River, one finds the most northerly site of the group 
on the land of Frank Joseph, the west half of lot 6, concession X. 
(Tay). Here on a patch of ground, cultivated only during the 
past two seasons, they have found stone axes, an iron tomahawk, 
a tobacco pipe and some fragments of deer bones." (Sites in 
Tay, 1900, p. -34, Xo. 3T.) 



VIII. 
VILLAGES OF THE MISSION OF STE. MAMIE I. 

ST. FRANCOIS-XAVIER. 

Ste. Marie I. to St. Francois-Xavier. 
Direction from Ste. Maeie I. 

STE. ANNE OK KAONTIA. 
Stf. Marie I. to Ste. Anne. 

ST. DENIS. 

ST. Moris. 

Direction from Ste. Marie I. 
Ste. Marie I. to St. Lottis. 

ST. IGNACE II. 

Configuration of the Ground. 

Correct distance from St. Louis and from Ste. Marie I. 

Direction from Ste. Marte I. (Old Fort). 

An Untenable Theory. 

The French League of the Relations. 

Chris rorHi Regnaut's Letter 



[ 95 : 

- is 



VIII. 

VILLAGES OF THE MISSION OF STE. MARIE I. 
ST. FRANCOIS-XAVIER. 

One league and a half from Ste. Marie I. Without being 
positive, T am inclined to think that the following passage bears 
reference to St. Francois-Xavier. It occurs in Chapter IT., "De 
la Maison ei -Mission de saincte Marie," Rel. 1644, p. 77, 2 col.: 

"Le soin de la Mission qui polio le nolii de cette Residence, et 

qui comprend Ies bourgades les plus voisines est escheue en 
partage au P. Pierre Piiart. Comme le nombre des Chrestiens 
u'y est pas si considerable, que nous ayons iuge a propos de leur 
bastir vne Chapelle dans leurs bourgs, c'est en cette Maison qu'ils 
se rendent les Festes et Dimanches pour y faire leurs deuotions. 
Yn iour d'hyuer que les vents estoient dechaisnez, que Pair estoit 
remply de neiges, d'orages et tempestes, le Pere reprit vn de ses 
Neophytes d'estre venu d'vne lieue et demie, par vne baye d'vn 
lac glace, ou plusieurs y demeurent quelquefois morts de froid, 
on enfoncez dans les eaux, sous le plancher qui leur est infidele." 

The "lac glace" would be Mud Lake, and tbe bay, its north- 
western end, across wbicb one going 1 from St. Francois-Xavier to 
Ste. Marie I. would naturally strike as a short cut to his destin- 
ation. 

Compare, now, this passage with another in Chapter V., "De 
la Mission de saincte Marie aux Ataroncbronons," Rel. 1640, p. 71, 
1 col.; "II y a quclques iours qu'vn ieune homme de sainct Fran- 
cois Xauier entra de grand matin dedans nostre cabane; 
nous luy demandons son nom, d'ou il est, et quels sont ses parens, 
pour les aller querii . . . toutesfois vn de nos Peres pari en haste 
pour aller querir ses parens .... a. peine auoit-il trauerse la 
moitie de la largeur du lac, donl les glaces estoient encore assez 
fermes, qu'il rencontra ea et la quelques Sauuages . . . . il dit ii 
celuy qui esioit le plus proche, qu'vn tel ieune homme du bourg 
prochain estott bien malade dedans nostre maison, etc." 

In this second extract, the name id' the village is mentioned, 
but the distance to Ste. Marie 1. is omitted. It proves, however, 
to a certaintj that the ordinary route in winter from St. Fran- 
cois-Xavier t'> Ste. Matic 1. was across Mud Lake. Though there 
is Tio peremptory proof that the two passages refer to the same 

I 97 ] 



98 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

village the accompanying circumstances all point to that conclu- 
sion. This is why St. Francois-Xavier is marked on the present 
m ap one league and a half from Ste. Marie I. In 1642 (p .61, 
1 col ) tins village was attached to the mission centre of Ste. 
Marie Fr. P. Pijart had charge of it and of Ste. Anne, while 
Si Louis and St. Denis were confided to Fr. Chastelam. 

In the Township of Tiny there is a site thus catalogued by 
Mr Andrew Hunter: "Pottery fragments, pipes, stone axes, etc., 
indicating another small village, have been found on lot 93, con- 
cession II., Zachariah Casselman, owner. An iron collar and 
small chain, very much rusted, were once ploughed up at the 
Bite." (Sites in Tiny, p. 40, No. 43.) It is a little over a league 
■md a half, that is to say nearly live miles from SI,. Mane I., and 
;,„. straight line drawn from it to Sic Marie I passes over the 
aorthem part of Lake Isiargui or Mud Lake [ S posrtion con- 
sequently, answers well to tin nditions required by the extracts 

,iv„, above from the Relations, and tallies well With the Site of 
"S. Xauerij" on Ducreux's map. 

STE. ANNE OE KAOTIA (I.E. KAONTIA). 

It 1. not identified with any Indian name in the Eolations, 
lmt occupied the spot where Kaotio is marked on Ducreux s map. 
A, a mission village, it was, together with St. -us. St. Denis 
and St Jean dependent on the mission centre of Ste. Marie 1. : 
He] 1640, p. TO. 1 col.: "Cette Maison de saincte Marie ne 
porie pas settlement la qualite de Residence, mais encore de Mis- 
sion, conime ayant quatre bourgs dependans du some de la cul- 
tnre ,1,. ceU x qui v font leur demeure. Ces quatre bourgs sunt 
saincte Anne S. Louys, S. Denys, et S. lean, 1- nombre des ames 
pent arriuer a quatorze cens." 

It wa. one league from Ste. Marie I. Ste. Anne was the Erst 
villa ,„ 8tricken with the contagion in 1640 (lb. ,0, 1 col.). Le 
bourg de saincte Anne fut le premier qui nous donna de 1 exer- 
ciee, ayant este tout le premier afflige de la maladie. How this 
sickness was carried to Ste. Anne is explained on page 54, .col. 
An Indian coming up from Quebec had caught the smallpox from 
the Algonquins. He landed at Sic Marie, whence he was carried 
to his village, a league away. Those of his own cabin contracted 
the disease, and il spread from house to house and from village 
to village- "Ce fut an retour du voyage que les Hurons auoient 
fait a Eebec, qu'elle se mit dedans le pays, nos Hurons en remon- 
tant icv haul, sYstans inconsiderement meslez auec les Algon- 
quin qu 'il s recontrerent par le chemin, dont la pluspart estoient 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 99 

infectez de In petite verole. Le premier Huron qui I'apporta vint 
aborder au pied de nostre maison, nouuellemenl bastie sur Le bord 
d'vn lac, d'ou estant porte a son bourg, eloigne de nous enuiron 
viii' licuc, il en miiuiiil inciiiil incut apres. Sans estre grand pro- 
phete, mi |iiiiiiiint s'asseurer que le trial seroit bieu tost respandu 
par iiiuics ccs contrees ; car les Hurons, quelque peste ou con- 
tagion qu'ils ayent, viuent an milieu de leurs malades, dans la 

va.es indifference et communication de toutes choses que si on 

estoit en pleine sante; en effet dans pen de iours, quasi tons ceux 
ile la caliane ilu ilefunt se Irouuerenf infectez, puis le nial se res- 
pandit de maison en maison, de bourg en bourg, et enfin se trouua 
dissipe par tout le pays." The village of this Indian was evi- 
dently Ste. Anne, for it was there that the sickness first liegan, 
and this village was about a league from Ste. Marie I. 

In 1640, as we have seen, Ste. Anne was grouped with St. 
Penis, St. Louis and St. Jean to form the mission of Sic Marie 1. 
(lb. p. 70, 1 col.). In 1042 (p. 61, 1 col.), four villages still 
depended on Ste. Marie as on a mission centre, St. Louis, St. 
Denis, Ste. Anne: but St. Jean no longer figures in the list, being 
replaced by St. Francois- Xavier. These four villages, relatively 
to Ste. Marie I., are said by the Eelation to be "pretty near," and 
consequently they were not far from eacn other (loc. cit.) : "Cette 
maison de Saincte Marie porte aussi le titre de Mission, a raison de 
quatre Bourgs assez proches qui en sont dependans. Le Pere Pierre 
Chastelain en a cultiue deux, de sainct Louis et de sainct Denys. 
Le Pere Pierre Pijart a eu le soin des deux autres, de saincte Anne 
et de sainct Francois Xauier." 

Evidences of Huron occupancy occur on a farm in Tay Town- 
ship at the proper distance from Ste. Mario I. It is thus noticed 
in Mr. Andrew Hunter's Sites in Tay (p. 26, No. 12): "On the 
east half of lot 9, concession III., there is a village site that shows 
some evidences of fortification. It is situated on the level top of 
a hill or spur of high ground, and was probably palisaded. Ash- 
beds are numerous, and there was a refuse heap or mound, in all 
of which the usual relics have been found. The lot is owned by 
•T. 1). Carscadden, Elliott's Corners, and occupied by the family of 
Sylvester Campbell, Midland." 

The data are not sufficient to enable one to conclude with cer- 
tainty that tin- was the site of Ste. Anne, still, as there are no 
other known sites at the correct distance, save those on the adjoin- 
ing lot to the north, which wore in all likelihood its dependencies, 
it is morally certain that the village of Ste. Anne stood on thi> 
spot, lot east half 9, concession TIL, Tay. 



100 THE REPORT OF THE No. If 

ST. DENTS. 

This is the village "S. Dionisij" of Duereux, which he places 
i ii hi- map to the east of t lie second river of Huronia. counting 
from the west, styled to-day Hogg River, but further from its 
mouth than his "S. Ludouici." 

The data available are very scanty. It is mentioned in Rela- 
tion Iti-lU (p. TO, 1 col.), as being one of the villages dependent on 
the mission centre of Ste. Marie I. together with Ste. Anne. St. 
Louis and St. Jean, 'hi the same page 70, 'J col., taken collec- 
tively with the two last mentioned, it is said to lie a little further 
away from Ste. Marie I. than was Ste. Anne, which, as we know, 
was one league distant, while St. Jean was "two good leagues" 
from Ste Marie I. 

In Relation 1642 (p. 61, 1 col.), it is again mentioned as one 
of four villages belonging to the mission of Ste. Marie I., hut St. 
lean is dropped from the list and St. Fran^ois-Xavier added. St. 
Denys and St. Louis were allotted as missions to Father Chaste- 
lain, and Ste. Anne with St. Francois-Xavier to Father Pierre 
Pijart. St. Ignace II., which later on was a mission centre in 
the region of Ste. Marie II., was not yet in existence, since it was 
founded only in 1G48. 

There is not much to work upon, merely its position on Du- 
creux's inset map, ami the fact that it lay a little further away 
than one league from Ste. Marie I. 

At a distance of one league and two-thirds from the ruins of 
Ste. Marie I. in a south-easterly direction, and to the east of Hoge 
River, there is an Indian site described at considerable length by 
Mr. Andrew Hunter in his Sites in Tay, 1900. p. 31, No. 31. I 
subjoin a few passages, quite enough for our purpose : "The re- 
mains id' a Huron village, the inhabitants of which appear to have 
used the same position for several years, have been found upon 
the west half of lot •'.!, concession V (Tay). The first settler on 
this farm, Robert Webb, came in 1865, and remained on it until 
about twelve years ago. As he was a close observer, besides hav- 
ing resided here so long, our information in regard to the site is 
fuller than in many other cases." Here follows a detailed account 
of the numerous Indian relics found by him and others. It is 
stated towards the end of the description that "the usual frag- 
ments of pottery and clam shells were to lie seen. The ashbeds 
were most numerous at the head of a small ravine, the abrupt 
descent to which is about 30 feet ; and here the inhabitants found 
their supply id' fresh water in springs. Passing from this ravine 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 101 

thr ground rises gently through the field, which contains about 12 
acres, hut is not all covered with ashbeds, etc." 

This to my mind was the site of St. Denys, though apodictical 
proofs are wanting. 

ST. LOUIS. 

This is the "S. Ludouici" of Ducreux, which he locates oil the 
east side of the first stream to the east of the one on which Ste. 
Marie I. stands, lower down than St. Denys, and not far from its 
outflow into the bay. As this was the village at which .lean de 
Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemanl were captured, it is very natural 
that we should be most anxious to determine very definitely its 
location. 

We have authorities the most capable and reliable when there 
is question to determine its distance from vSte. Marie I., but un- 
fortunately we have no co-ordinate. This, however, is the less to 
be regretted as, lying at so short a distance from an absolutely 
indisputable starting point, it is impossible to mistake the direc- 
tion so clearly given by Ducreux. 

Ste. Marie T. to St. Louis. 

According to Eel. 1649, p. 11, 1 col., it was not more than one 
leagiie from Ste. Marie I. : "Sur les neuf heures du matin, nous 
apperceumes de nostre maison de Saincte Marie, le feu qui con- 
surnoit les cabanes de ce bourg, oil 1'ennemy entre victorieux auoit 
tout mis dans la desolation, iettant au milieu des flammes des vieil- 
lards. les malades, les enfans qui n'auoient pas pii sauuer et tous 
ceux qui estant trop blessez, n'eussenf pas pu les suiure dans la 
captiuite. A la veue de ces flammes et a la couleur de la fumee qui 
en sortoit, nous iugeasmes assez de ce qui en estoit, ce bourg de 
Sainct Louys n'estant pas esloigne de nous plus d'vne lieu." 

St. Louis was a palisaded village. Eel. 1649, p. 10, 2 col.: 
"L'ennemy ne s'arreste pas la, il poursuit dedans sa viotoire, et 
auant le Soleil leue il se presente en armes, pour attaquer le bourg 
de Sainct Louys, fortifie d'vne palissade assez bonne." 

And rendered into English: "The enemy did not stop at this 
[the sacking of St. Ignace I.] but followed up their victory; and 
before sunrise their armed bands appeared before the village of 
St. Louis. Eel. 1649, p. 10, col. 2, line It. . . . About nine in the 
forenoon from our residence id' Ste. Marie [I.], we caught sight 
of the flames which were consuming the wigwams of that village. 

Id. p. 11, col. 1, line 10 On observing the flames and the 

cidour id' the smoke that rolled up from them, we formed a correct 



102 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

enough idea of what was taking place : fur the village of St. Louis 
was not more than a league distant from us." Id. p. 11, col. 1, 
1.19 et ss. 

This expression "not more than a league," is that of a man 
who has not actually measured the distance, and who, in his esti- 
mate, does not wish to exaggerate. His meaning is clear, and 
would be equivalent to "about one league, lmt not more." This 
is the interpretation accepted by all authors who have touched 
upon the subject. Thus PAbbe J. 15. <>. Ferland, formerly Pro- 
fessor of History at Laval University, and author of the "Cours 
d'Histoire du Canada," paraphrasing the passage, writes: ''Le 
feu est mis atix cabanes, et bientof une colonne de fumee, s'elevant 
au-dessus du bourg de Saint-Louis, avertit les habitants de Sainte- 
Marie, situee a tine lieue de la, que les Iroquois ont commence 
leur oeuvre de devastation." (Op. cit. Quebec, 1SS2, vol. I., p. 'J74.t 

Parkman interprets the expression, "n'estant pas esloigne de 
nous [at Ste. Marie I.] plus d'vne lieue," and J5res~ani's two 
Italian miles in like manner: "At nine o'clock on the morning 
of tlie sixteenth of March, the priests [at Ste. Marie I.] saw a 
heavy smoke rising over the naked forest towards the south-east, 
about three mile^ distant. They looked at each other in dismay. 
'The Iroquois! They are burning St. Louis!* ' (The Jesuits in 
X. A., Boston, 1868, p. 3T8). 

Bressani adds his testimony: "In fatti, il neniico non si fermo 
nel prinio forte, se non quanto hisngnaua per dar' ordine alia 
sicurezza de i prigioni, et di quelli, che restatiano come in guar- 
nigione per guardarli" i Breve Relatione, In Macerata, 1653, p. 
109), L doppo se ne venne dritto a San Luigi . . . (Id. ib.) . . . 
II fumo, che vedemmo dal luogo della nostra dimora, che non era 
piu de due miglia lontana, col sun colore, ci auuerti il primo di 
questo disastro, e poco doppo due o tie fuggitiui" (Id. il>.). 

"In fact the enemy tarried at the first fort (St. Ignace II. ) 
only long enough to provide for the security of the prisoners and 
of such who were to remain as garrison to guard it. Thence they 
marched straight on St. Louis The smoke which we per- 
ceived from where our dwelling stood, and which was not further 
off than two miles, together with its (peculiar) hue, was the first 
intimation we had of disaster, but voon two or three fugitives 
confirmed our fears." 

Two Italian peoe'raphical miles would he equal to -3,704 metres, 
or some 400 metres in excess of two English statute miles. This 
would not he sufficient to reach the river at the spot where Du- 
creux has marked his St. Louis, hut the measure given in the Re- 
lation of 1649. one league and not more, would overlap it a little. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 103 

while two miles and three-quarters would cover the distance be- 
tween Sic Marie I. and the west balf of Lot II. concession VI., 
Tay. This lot is bisected by Hogg River, and lies in the same 
direction from Ste. Marie I. as does the "S. Ludouici" on 
Ducreux's map. 

Mr. Andrew Hunter's Sites in Tay (p. 20, Xo. 8) contains a 
lengthy sketch of this site, from which I shall take a few excerpts : 
"Through the farm of Chas. E. Newton, Esq., the west half of 
lot 11, concession VI. [Tay], the Hogg River lias cut a couloir or 
path in the old lake bed deposits to a depth varying from fifteen 
to twenty feet. In this pari of its course the river makes a loop 
something like the letter U, which encloses an ideal spot for a 
village requiring means of defense. 

"Hurons selected for one of their villages this plot of ground, 
containing four or five acres, in the bend of the river. This 
ground is covered with ashbeds and blackened soil, mixed with 
relics. The latter consisted of iron tomahawks, knives, pieces of 
metal probably cut out of worn-out brass kettles, and pottery 

fragments in endless quantities What appears to have been 

"the village corn patch" occurs near the house of Wm. Bennett, 
on lot 10, and it may have extended as far north as the site itself, 
though the cultivated ground no longer shows any traces of the 
corn-hills." 

It must not be thought, however, that this is the precise site 
of St. Louis as laid down by Ducreux. It is St. Louis fortified in 
dread of an attack, after the fall of St. Joseph II. in July, 1648, 
to which Bressani refers: "Haueua gia il nemico preso due 6 
tre borghi nelle frontiere : gli altri s'erano assai fortificati" (op. 
cit. p. 108). "Two or three frontier towns were taken by the 
enemy; the others were fortified.' - The site of the village in 
previous less threatening 1 years was, as Ducreux puts it, 
in the immediate neighborhood, but to the east of the 
river on what is now the north-east quarter of lot 10, 
concession VI., and extending northward and eastward into ad- 
joining lots. "Its position," says Mr. Andrew Hunter, "is on a 
high ten-ace with low ground along- the south. The remains have 
been found chiefly at the fronts of these two farms [those of Ed- 
ward and Wilson flocks] near the dwelling houses, etc.," and it 
is not without reason that he adds: "Its position agrees closely 
with that of the mission of St. Louis as marked on Ducreux's 
map." (Sites in Tay. No. 21, pp. 28, 29.) 



104 THE REPORT OP THE No. 41 

ST. IGNACE II. 

St. [gnace If. was the scene of the heroic sufferings of Jean de 
Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, and for this reason of all the sites 
in Iluronia it has lieen the most anxiously sought for. We have 
no two co-ordinates wherewith to determine its position, but hap- 
pily there are, apart from these, sufficient data to secure a result 
which, though less mathematical in form, is not less certain in 
its conclusions. 

These conclusions, and the process leading to them, have been 
before the archaeological public since 190 ; 3, and I have not yet 
noticed that any of the arguments have been invalidated. On the 
contrary, I have received a number of letters from eminent men, 
foremost in archaeological research, who have spontaneously con- 
veyed to me their approval. But, as I have had already the 
honour of saying, authorities in these matters have less weight 
than sound reasoning. My reasoning 1 , sound or otherwise, is as 
follow- : 

East half lot 4, concession Til., Tay Township, is absolutely 
the only spot : — 

1. Where the configuration of the ground tallies at all with 
the description of St. Ignace II., as given in the Relations and 
in Bressani, and 

2. Which at the same time lies at the proper distance, and 

3. In the right direction from Ste. Marie I. (the Old Fort). 

I. Configuration of the Grot/nt>. 

Relations. St. Ignace II. "was enclosed by a palisade of posts 
fifteen or sixteen feet high, and encircled by a deep depression 
(in the land), with which nature had powerfully fortified the 
place on three sides, leaving hut a small space weaker than the 
other sides. It was through that part that the enemy, at early 
dawn, forced an entrance, but with such stealth and suddenness 
that he was master of the position before any attempt at defence 
was made, for the inhabitants were sound asleep, nor had they 
time to take in the situation. (Eel. 1G49, p. 10. col. 2, 1-10.) 

So that as a place of defence, the site was not merely strong, 
but powerfully so,, and those who visit the Campbell Farm, the 
lot in question, air immediately struck with its conformity to the 
foregoing description. 

More meagre in detail as to the conformation of the ground, 
Bressani's narrative is stronger in expression as to its powers of 
resistance. 



1'MIT BUREAU oh ARCHIVES. 105 

Bressani. "So stealthily iliil they [the [roquois] make their 
way through the forests thai a1 break of day, on March L6, with- 
iiiii having so far betrayed their approach, they reached the gates 
nl the first village "I the Hurons, named St. [gnace. Both its site 
ami (lir fortifications which we had made there rendered it 
impregnable, at least for savages. Bu1 as it- inhabitants were 
taken unawares, while the bulk of their braves were abroad, som< 
bent mi ascertaining if the enemy had already taken the field, 
others to engage in the hunt, the Iroquois easily managed to ap- 
proach under cover of darkness, and, at dawn, as we have said, 
to effect a breach while the inhabitants were -till fast asleep." 
(Martin's Bressani, p. 252, line 11 et ss.; see also Clev. edi . ol 
Relations, Vol. 39, p. 247). 

To tally witli this description, the site of St [gnace II. must 
have been on a commanding height, otherwise it could hardly lie 
said to he impregnable. This is nowhere predicated of the posi- 
tion of St. Joseph II., though that village was perched on the 
brow of a very steep hill — a plateau or table-land — at least 250 
feet above the valley of the Coldwater. St. [gnace II.. in respect 
to its own site, must have possessed, to say no more, equal natural 
advantages; so that, when in quest of this village, all thought of 
finding it on low-lying ground is perforce precluded. Three of 
its sides, not all necessarily of equal dimensions, nor of equal 
strength, mtist be protected powerfully protected, — by a natur- 
all\ formed ''fosse pro-fond." whose -teep acclivity must be 
sealed to reach the circumvallations ; this talus to consist, not in 
a rising slope of a few feet, hut. in tin main, of one of fifties oi 
hundreds; with a weak point, however, the level plateau in the 
rear. 

This fourth side weaker than the rest, hut -mall in comparison 
with the extent of the three others, would require to he more care- 
fully fortified by the palisade, a Nature had left it without 
defence. The work had been begun not only at the instigation of 
the Fathers, hut French workmen had taken a leading part in 
the construction of the defences, as i- implied by Bressani's 
words: "the fortifications which we had made there." — (Rela- 
tions, Clev. edit. Vol. 39, ic '247.) 

Brebeuf was present, ami it was he who years before had given 
the Hurons practical lessons in fortifying Ossossane: "The 
Hurons" these an- his words, "have remained very friendly to 

us account of the promptitude we showed in assisting them. 

We have told them also that henceforth iln-.\ should make their 
foil- square, and arrange then- posts in straight lines; and by 
mean- i! four little tower- at the lour corners, four Frenchmen 



100 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

might easily with their arquebuses or muskets defend a whole 
village. They are greatly delighted with this advice, and have 
already begun to practice it at La Rochelle [i.e., Ossossane]. (Eel. 
1636, p. 86, 1 col., Quel,, edit., Clev. edit. Vol. 10, p . 53; Gar- 
nier's letter, 1638, to his father: Parkman, op. cit. Introil., foot- 
note, p. XXIX.) 

Even had Bressani remained silent on the point, it stands to 
reason that what had been done at ' >ssossane in 1636 would be 
repeated at St. Ignace II. in 1648-49, and on a much more elab- 
orate scale. There was no great crisis in 1636; in 1648-49 there 
was question of preserving Huronia from impending ruin, and of 
saving not only the Hurons, but the missionaries as well from 
death, amidst the tortures of a slow fire, at the hands of the 
iTuel invaders. All the other bulwarks of the country had either 
fallen or been abandoned as no longer tenable. So, St. Ignace II. 
was to be reared as an impregnable fortress to confront the enemy. 
No pains could have been spared, nor was any effort too great to 
effect the all-important object. 

As for the expression made use of in the Relation 1649 (p. 10, 
2 col.) "entouree .... d'vn fosse profond, dont la nature 

auoit puissamment fortifie ce lieu "I fear I have not 

given it sufficient strength in my translation. ''Deep ditch, or 
trench" is out of the question, when it is s ; iid that nature had 
powerfully fortified a place wdiicb was impregnable. "Excava- 
tion" is not less inappropriate and is suggestive of digging. "A 
deep depression in the land" conveys the sense of the phrase, but 
is not forcible enough. Parkman, combining the two ideas, that 
it was a deep "fosse," but not artificial, has rendered it by a 
stronger term and one more truthful to nature: "It was defended 
on three sides by a deep ravine," (The Jesuits in N. A., Boston, 
186S, p. 379). But the historian, Ferland, gives probably the 
best paraphrase: "II etait protege de trois cotes par de profondes 
ravines et environne d'une palissade de quinze a seize pieds de 
hauteur. Un seul point etait accessible, et ce fut par la qu'a l'aube 
du jour l'ennemi fit ses approches." — (Op. jam cit. Vol. I., p. 
373.) 

That "fosse profond" should be rendered by "deep ravine," 
might seem a trifle extravagant were it not explicitly stated in 
the original documents that it was a natural formation . But all 
scruples may be thrust aside since "fossa." the Latin for our 
French "fosse," was used, in connection with the idea of a natural 
fortification of much vaster proportions by Cicero himself, than 
whom no writer was more judicious in the choice of words or more 
discriminating in the niceties of language. 




IS 

a 

60 



C4 
S 



ill. 'l ? 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 107 

Before quoting him, however, let me first give Ducreux's 
equivalent in Latin of the passage under consideration; the pity 
is that he gives no estimate of thr distances between the severa] 
villages with which we are here concerned: "Nocte intempesta, 
cunctis, vt in publica aliqua tranquillitate, alto somno depressis, 
atque adeo nullo exeubitore, acceduni propius exploratores 
[Iroquii] ad pagum S. [gnatii (citimus is erat) lustrant aditus 
omnes per otium, qui firmior locus, qui magis idoneus impressioni 
faciendse. Vident fossam vbique depressiorem, eandemque vallis 
munitam pedes ipsos quindecim assurgentibus : interuallum 
modo erat angustum, ascensu facilius : iliac decreta irruptio." 
(Hist. Canad. etc. Parisiis— Cramoisj H.DC.LXIV.lib. sep- 
t ini. p. .337). 

Which may be translated thus: "On a stormy night, while all 
were buried in deep sleep, and, as a fact, no sentinel posted, as 
would be the ease were the nation enjoying an interval of Peace, 
the scouts [of the Iroquois] draw nearer the settlement of St. 
[gnace (which lay close by). They examine every approach at 
their leisure, notin»- which part was stronger and which the more 
promising for an assault. They find the moat ("fossam") every- 
where too deep ("depressiorem," from deprimo, depressum, 
whence also the post-Aug. Latin term "depressio" and our 
English derivative "depressum") and strengthened ("munitam" 
lit. fortified) with palisades ("vallis") rising quite fifteen feet 
high. There was but one small intervening space easier of ascent, 
and at that spot it was determined to force an entrance." 

And now for the quotation from Cieero. He wishes to have 
his hearers understand that the reliance he places on Csesar's 
pr wess is unbounded, and declares that with such a commander 
at the head of the legions the fatherland would be secure even if 
the protection afforded by its natural barriers ceased to exist. 

"Cujus (that is Tatar's) ecu imperio imn Alpium vallum 
contra adscensum transgressionemque Gallorum, non Rheni 
fossam, p-ui's-itibus illis redundantem, Germanorum immanissimis 
gentibus objicio et oppono. Perfecit ille, ut, si montes resedis- 
sent, armies exaruissent, non nut urn prcesidio, sed victoria sua. 
rebusque gestis Italiam munitam haheremus."* (Orat. iu 
Pisonem, XXXIII.) 



"With Csesar in command, it is no longer with the rampart (vallum) of 
flic Alps I would oppose tlic Cauls attempting their ascent and passage; it 
is no longer the protecting moat (fossam) of the Rhine, with its ever-recur- 
ring whirlpools, with which I would confront the fiercest German tribes. 
Csesar lias achieved this much that even it' the mountains should sink to 
level earth and rivers run dry. we should have an ltal\ still invulnerable 
{munitam, lit. fortified), not, it is true, on account of the protection 
afforded l>\ natural harriers (natura prcesidio) hut by victory won by him 
and by his deeds of valour. 
9 An. 



108 THE REPORT OF THE No. II 

The italics are mine, and I would draw the reader's attention 
to the similarity of these expressions to those used in the description 
of the defences of St. Ignace II. "Vallum," as all know, is pri- 
marily and strictly a rampart set with palisades or trunks of trees; 
with Cicero it does duty for the "rampart of the Alps." "Fossa,' 
in everyday language, is a moat, ditch or trench, and Cicero sees 
no incongruity in applying it to the Rhine, though from Basel 
to Mentz it flows through a wide valley bounded on the left by 
the rano-e of the Vosges and on the right by the mountains along 
the Bergstrasse; while from Mentz the ridges approach the stream 
at first only on the right bank, forming the Ehemgan, but at 
Bingen hem in the left bank also, and continue thence to 
Konigswinter to present a succession of lofty mountain summits 
and bold precipices. And this Cicero considered quite allowable 
because he took "fossa" in the sense of a natural system of 

defence. 

The river-bed and steep banks of the Sturgeon, or other streams _ 
in Huronia, are not comparable in magnitude with the Rhine with 
its wide valleys and mountain-girt channel; but if "fossa" may 
be aptly applied to the latter when taken as a defensive natural 
feature, surely it may stand for the former with all their more 
restricted proportions. 

I have not been too urgent on this point, for, when endeavor- 
ing to determine the site of St. Ignace II., if we have present 
in mind something like a mere "ditch" or "trench," encircling 
on three sides a low-lying position in an open campaign, we are 
doomed to disappointment. In the right direction from bte 
Marie I., and anywhere at the proper distance, there is no such 
position to be found in Tay township. Such a site would answer 
the descriptive requirements of St. Louis, (and, as we have seen, 
one actually exists, lot 11, concession VI., about a league from 
the Old Fort), for as Parkman quite correctly observes: "It had 
not the natural strength of St. Ignace; but, like it, was _ sur- 
rounded by palisades" (op. cit. p. 3S0). A commanding position, 
like that of St. Joseph II.. but with a deep drop in the land on 
three sides is the ideal to have in mind m searching for St. 
Ignace II., and we shall see presently with what success the 
search was prosecuted. 

2. Correct Distance from St. Louis and Ste. Marie I. 

Bressani. "Three persons only managed to escape [from St. 
Ignace II.] half naked, and they hastened to warn the_ neigh- 
bouring village of St. Louis not more than three miles distant. 
(Martin's Bressani, p. 253; Orig. ItaL, p. 108.) 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 109 

Relations. "Three men only managed to escape all Imt naked 
through the snow, and spread alarm and dismay through a neigh- 
bouring village [St. Louis] about one league distant. This first 
village [mentioned some lines above as the first to he attacked] is 
the one we call St. [gnace." (Rel. 1649, p. 10, 2 col., line 30 
et ss.) 

Gamier. "They [Brebeuf et Lalemant] therefore remained 
(though it would have been very easy for them to have escaped) 
so as to hear the confessions of the Christians and to baptize the 
catechumens and unbelievers, which they continued to do till the 
enemy laid waste the town, captured them and carried them off 
to a league from there, where they made them endure all sorts of 
cruelty, etc." (Letter to R. F. Pierre Boutard, S.J., at Bourges, 
St. Mary's Residence, Apr. 'J7, 1G49, in Rocheinonteix, Tom. II., 
p. 164.) 

"When the enemy (at St. Louis] took them [the two Fathers] 
prisoners, they brought them to their fort, distant a league or 
thereabout, and made them suffer every kind of torture." (Letter 
to his brother Henry, Apr. 25, 1G49.) 

That Brebeuf and Lalemant were taken to St. Ignace is evident 
enough, but the following passage from the Relations renders in- 
telligible the expression "their fort" when applied by Gamier 
to St. Ignace II. ; 

''As soon as the Iroquois had dealt their blow, and reduced to 
ashes the village of St. Louis [at first the dwellings only, see Rel. 
1649, p. 12, col. 1, line 43], they retraced their steps to St. Ignace, 
where they had left a strong garrison, so as to assure a safe retreat 
in case of mishap, and to secure the stores they had found there, 
which were to serve as refection and supplies on their journey 
homeward." (Rel. 1649, p. 11, col. 3. line 42, et ss.) We have, 
consequently, the best authority for saying that St. Ignace II. 
was about one league from St. Louis; St. Louis, in turn, was not 
more than one league from Ste. Marie I., it follows that St. 
Ignace IT. was about two leagues from Ste. Marie I. 

But quite apart from this last deduction, a document exists 
which gives the entire distance of St. Ignace II. to Ste. Marie I. 
as two leagues, confirming by independent evidence the conclu- 
sion arrived at, when there was question of St. Louis, that it lay 
about one league south-east of Ste. Marie I. 

Brother Francois Malherbe died on the Saguenay mission 
April 19, 1696. The Superior sen! bis obituary in the form of 
a circular, as was the custom in the Society, to all the houses of 
the Province. It contains the following passage relating to the 
Brother while he was as vet hut a hired servant at Ste. Marie I.: 



110 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

"He had the honour as well as the charity to carry back to us [at 
Ste. Marie I.] ou his shoulders, for a distance of two leagues the 
charred and blistered bodies [corps grilles et rotis, literally, 
broiled and roasted] of these two religious [Brebeuf and Lale- 
mant]." 

It is not necessary to say that the terminus a quo was St. 
Ignace II. As for the terminus ad quern, there can be no doubt 
concerning it. The Fathers were at Ste. Marie I., which they 
gave over to the flames on May 15. 1649 (E. 1649, p. 30. 1 col.), 
and on June 14 following, the final migration to St. Joseph's 
Island was effected (R. 1650, p. 3, 1 col.). 

From what has gone before, no one surely could be justified in 
savin.? that the site of St. Ignace II. did not lie about two leagues 
from Ste. Marie I. The Campbell Farm, or lot 4, concession 
VII., Tay, is a little short of two leagues from the Old Fort. 

3. Direction fkom Ste. Marie I. (Old Fort). 

Roughly speaking, St. Ignace II. should lie in the same direc- 
tion from Ste. Marie I. as St. Louis does. Were the sum of the 
distances from Sie. Marie I. to St. Louis and from St. Louis to St. 
Ignace II. exactly two leagues, and the full distance from Ste. 
Marie I. to St. Ignace II. exactly two leagues also, St. Louis and 
St. Ignace II. would lie on the same line drawn from Ste. Marie 
I., in which case the site of St. Ignace II. should be placed on 
Ihe west half of lot 6, concession IX. But the qualifying terms 
"about," "not more than," remind us that the distances were 
not measured with a tape-line, nor determined by triangulation. 
In any case lot 6, concession IX., three-quarters of a mile due 
west of St. Jean, could not have been pitched upon for two rea- 
sons. First, it was too near St. Jean, which could claim priority 
of occupancy, and this crowding together of towns was to be 
shunned as liable to cause friction, owing, among other things, to 
the need each village had of an abundant supply of fuel, to be 
taken from the surrounding woods. The second reason is that the 
spot is not one that could easily be put in a state of defence, as 
it was overlooked, if not commanded, by the uplands west of St. 
Jean. Now, since the line deflected at St. Jean — which would 
mean that the sum of the distances between Ste. Marie I. and St. 
Louis, and between St. Louis and St. Ignace II., was somewhat 
greater than the full distance between Ste. Marie and St. Ignace 
II. — it is not difficult to decide whether the apex of the triangle, 
St. Louis, thus formed lay to the north-east or to the south-we^t. 
If the apex lay to the south-west, St. Ignace II. would have occu- 




J3 
w 



V, 



o 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. Ill 

pied the very low-lying ground near the east shore of Sturgeon 
Bay, lint tliis would have rendered nugatory t tu- purpose of the 
Indians when they removed Taenhatentaron, or St. [gnace I., to 
its now site, that of St. [gnace II. 

Sometime in L648 nut earlier than February nor later than 
April It! (the date of the Relation), they had met with two serious 
looses inflicted by the Iroquois: "Ce qui depuis a oblige eeux 
de ce bourg de St. [gnace |I.| a s'approcher de nous [at Ste 
Marie I.J et se mettre plus a I'aln'v qu'ils n'estoient des incursions 
de I'ennemy" (Eel. 1648, 50, col. 2, and 51, col. 1). At the site 
on the low land near Tannerville, they would lie a little nearer, 
with, however, the Sturgeon River between them and Ste. Marie, 
while the weakness of their position would have invited an attack 
from every roving band of the enemy. Hence, the apex of the tri- 
angle did not lie towards the south-west, it must have lain to the 
north-east. 

How much, then, should the line deviate from the straight 
line at St. Louis? First, enough so as not to have St. Ignace II. 
encroach on the precincts of St. Jean on the one hand, nor in- 
fringe on the regional rights of St. Denis on the other. But 
before all else, enough to place the village on a commanding 
height overlooking the country, and with natural barriers between 
it and the enemy, otherwise how could it ever claim to lie power- 
fully protected by nature or with the addition of a palisade, to be 
impregnable at least for savages. 

All these requirements could be satisfied, and then alone, by 
the placing of the new site on what jreolojjists term the Old Al- 
gonquin shore line, which stands, as it is generally averaged, 250 
feet above the level of Lake Huron. Though this latter consider- 
ation was not present to my mind at the time of the discovery of 
the site of St. Ignace II., the Campbell Farm was eventually 
found to occupy what must in geological ages have been a pro- 
montory along the coast. The deflection from the straight line 
drawn from Ste. Marie I. to St. Louis, at the latter point, was one 
approximating 23° 10'. The triangle formed with its apex 
towards the north-cast proved to lie about isosceles, the two 
shorter sides measuring, it our maps can be trusted. 
very nearly three miles, and the base five miles and 
seventeen twenty-seconds. The impression left upon the 
missionaries, travelling between these three villages, that the 
distance was rather le~s between St. Marie I. and St. Louis than 
between the latter and St. [gnace TI. is not difficult to account 
for; the journey between the first two villages was all but level, 
at least there were no heavy grades in the way, while between 



112 THE REPORT OE THE No. II 

St. Louis and St. Ignace II. there was some steep climbing to be 
done, which in a forest trail is never devoid of asperities. 

An Untenable Theory. 

It is always a very disagreeable thing to have to differ from a 
friend, especially when that friend is working in the same field, 
and has already rendered invaluable service to the common cause. 
I regret above all this necessity, for necessity it is, since our aim 
is to unravel archaeological tangles, and to disengage historical 
truth from error how earnestly and sincerely soever it may be 
advocated. For this reason literary amenities will be best ob- 
served by dealing with the difficulty impersonally. 

West half lot 11, concession VI., the Newton Farm, has been 
suggested as the probable site of St. Ignace II. Not to mention 
its being but one league from the Old Fort, while St. Ignace II. 
was double that distance from Ste. Marie I., it is comparatively 
but a low-lying field, encircled, if you will, on three sides by the 
windings of the Hogo- River, but all resemblance to the site of 
St. Ignace II. stops there. Though strong as a position, were it- 
palisaded, it could never be said to be powerfully fortified by 
naiure, and much less could it be termed impregnable. It is 
doubtless the once fortified site of St. Louis, and it afforded 
shelter, especially in 1049, to the inhabitants of the outlying 
settlements of the same village, across the little stream, on lots 
10 and 11, east halves of concession VI. and west halves of con- 
cession VII. In fact, we duly noted, the inset map of Duereux 
sets down St. Louis to the east of what is now Hogg River, which 
on the map is the first stream counting from the one on which 
Ste. Marie was built, and which is now known as the Wye. 

In connection with this mistake, it will not be amiss to point 
out another which is to a certain extent a sequence to it, since 
place must be found between St. Ignace II. and Ste. Marie I. for 
the important village of St. Louis. It has been seriously main- 
tained that lot 15, concession IV., Tay, was the spot where St. 
Louis stood. This site is much too close to Ste. Marie I., being 
a little loss than a mile from il . Let us examine the reasons given 
for this choice. 

The first is the large number of the lodges indicated by the 
ashbeds, and consequently the great number of the inhabitants. 
In the first place, I would remark that had St. Louis been re- 
moved early enough from its former site to leave traces of such 
extensive ashbeds. and to a spot so close to Ste. Marie I., the fact 
would not have gone without mention in the Relations. But how 



1!H)7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 113 

accouni otherwise for the presence of 30 many Indians at this 
spot? To say nothing of the numerous bands, so frequentlj men- 
tioned in the Relations, who, coming from the shores of Lake 
Nipissing and Parry Sound, wintered in the neighbourhood of Sic 
.Maiic I., we have a passage in the Relations which sets (he mat- 
tor at rost. 

"A part of those who hail made good their escape from the 
taking and burning of this mission of SI. Joseph [II.] hurried to 
take refuge near our house at Ste. Marie [I.]. The number of 
those slaughtered or carried off captives readied well on to seven 
hundred souls, mostly women and children. The number of those 
who escaped was much greater. We endeavored to assist them 
out of our poverty, to clothe the naked, and to feed those poor 
people who were dying of hunger, to mourn with the afflicted, 
and to comfort them with the hope of Paradise, etc.'' CRr}. 164!), 
p. 5, 2 col.). 

The second reason is based on the supposed knowledge of how 
the Indian trails ran, a reason entirely futile, as we have very 
little knowledge of them. It must he borne in mind as a principle 
that it was not the direction of the trail that led to the choice of 
a village site, but primarily the village sites that determined the 
course of the different trails. When a site was eminently desir- 
able the Indians were never at a loss to establish a line of com- 
munication between it and already existing centres of population. 

The third reason is that the relics found were such as to show 
that it was a village of the very latest period of Huron occupa- 
tion. Quite so, but early enough to give time for the formation 
of extensive ashbeds. This all would fpply better to the village 
of the refugees from Teanaostaiac. As for the palisades, they, 
too, might have existed in the hypothesis 1 have suggested, but I 
would add that through my many wanderings over village sites 
I have, with the exception of Ste. Marie, never come across any 
well defined vestiges or traces of palisading. When a village 
was perched on a hill in a commanding position it was supposed 
to be palisaded, ami that i> all. Without the evidence 
cf the Relations or other original documents we would still be at 
a hiss to say which villages had a stockade, and which were with- 
out line. 

The fourth reason of the series is decidedly the weakest, in 
lai t it properly put, it would preclude the possibility of lot 15, con- 
cession IV., Tay, being the site of SI. Louis. 

In speaking of the distance of St. Louis from Sir. Marie I., 
I have already quoted two authorities. Bressani in his Italian 
"Breve Relatione," written tor [talians, stated that St. Louis 



114 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

was not more than two miles distant from Ste. Marie I., that is, 
not more than o,~!0i metres, and the Relation 1G49, written by 
Ragu.en.eau, assures us that it was not more than a league distant, 
which would mean something like three miles. Father Rapueneau 
was the Superior of the Huron Mission and had resided in Huronia 
since the summer of 1637 with the exception of one year's absence 
from August, 1G40, to August, 1641. Of all men he was the most 
thoroughly acquainted with Huron topography. He was not writ- 
ing of events which had occurred long since, hut of what was 
occurring under his eyes that very year, and it was in relating 
these occurrences that lie mentioned the distances between Ste. 
Marie I. and St. Louis. His words are "not more than a league 
distant," and the obvious meaning of such an expression would 
be "it may be a league or a little less, but not more." In what 
has gone before, we have seen that Ferland takes the expression 
as meaning one league, and Parkman, about three miles. Father 
Martin also, in his "Life of Fr. -lean de Brebeuf," held correctly 
that the distance from Ste. Marie I. to St. Louis (Paris edit. 1877, 
p. 279) was the same as that from St. Louis to St. Ignace II. 
(Id. p. 269), that is, four kilometres. But the latter distance, as 
all a«4'ree, was about one league, so that no doubt remains as to 
what he judged the former was equal. 

The French League of the Relations. 

Still, we must not lose sight of the fact that four kilometres 
is a very modern term, and a purely conventional equivalent of 
cine league. In the unabridged No-uveau Larousse Illustre, about 
the best authority on the French language, under IAeue, we read : 
"Lieue .... mesure itineraire dont la valeur ancienne n'est 
pas bien fixee el dont la valeur moderne a beaucoup varie, 
mais 7//'";/ fait egale aujourd'hui ii 4 kilometres. "Trautwine, 
whose name is familiar with civil engineers, on page 22G of his 
manual has this note (if warning: "There is much confusion 
about these old (French) measures. Different measures had the 
same name in different provinces." 

In France before the Revolution, just as there was no common 
national flag, the king having his own, and the different cities 
theirs, so also were there 710 national standard measures. The 
league in some provinces was of the same length as in some 
others, but there were no less than eight different provincial 
leagues, varying as to length in kilometres from 3.268 to 5.849 
(Guerin, Encycl, Universelle, Paris, Tom. IV.. p. LOGD. 
But besides these there was the lieue tie terre of U44 k., accord- 
ing to Larousse. and according to Littre of 4.444 and a half, and 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 115 

the hi u<- marine, 5.555 k.. and the lieue de paste, 3.898 k., and 
the lieue d'une heure, 4.872 k. 

During the French Revolution, or to be precise, on April 7, 
1792, the new metric system was decreed legal, and was so recog- 
nized until Feb. L2, L812, when, in deference to the emperor 1 
wishes, the systeme usuel was introduced. It In t urn was abolished, 
July 4, 1837, and the metric system, by force of law, (nice more 
became the recognized standard of measures on January 1, 1841. 
The very nomenclature of tin- old system was prohibited and the 
mere use of the terms was punishable as an infraction of the 
penal code. 

This accounts for Father Martin's using the words "quatre 
kilometres," instead of one league, in his popular edition of 
Brebeuf's Life, deeming them sufficiently exact for the general 
reader. This is the distance he gives not only as that from St. Ig- 
nace II. to St. Louis (Vie de Brebeuf, Paris, 1877, p. 269), but 
also as thai from St. Louis to Ste. Marie I. (Id. p. 279). 

At this date it is impossible to say with absolute certainty 
which of all the different leagues, enumerated above, was the one 
the Fathers made use of in their calculations, but most probably 
it was the "lieue d'une heure;" for as they evidently did not 
measure off the distances given in the Relations, they naturally 
computed the space travelled by the time it took to tramp from 
village to village. 

Now, the English statute mile (or 1,760 yards) measures in 
metres 1609.3149 (or 1,609 kilometres); three statute miles, or one 
land league (5,280 yards), 1827.9447 metres (or 4,827 kilometres 
about ) which is the nearest approach, In our measures of length, to 
the "lieue d'une heure" of 1,872 k., the latter exceeding the 
former by 15 metres only. For this reason | have always taken 
three statute miles, or one land league, as about equivalent to the 
"lieue" of the Relations, and with good results, as 1 have found 
by experience. It may sometimes prove too long, sometimes too 
short; but the very estimates in the Relations, in the ease of dis- 
tances between the same two points, occasionally vary to a greater 
extent one from the other, than does one common Land league from 
the "1 ieue d'une heure." 

( IHRISTOPHE REGK ITJTS' 1,1.1 II R. 

Brother Christophe Regnaut's letter, dated 1678, is quoted as 
an offset to Father Ragueneau's evidence, and it is said that be 
"explicitly makes it [the distance] much less." Tin letter is quite 
authentic and written in perfectly good faith: "I.e Pere Jean de 
Breboeul et le Pere Gabriel I'Alemant partirent de nostre cabane 



116 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

pour aller a vn petit Bourg, nonirne St. Ignace esloigne de nostre 
cabane enuiron un petit quart de Lieue pour instruire les 
Sauuages, et les nouueaux Chretiens de ce Bourg, etc." (See 
Report on Canadian Archives, Ottawa, for 1884, p. lxiii.) "Father 
Jean de Breheuf and Father Oabriel Lalemant set out from our 
cabin to go to a small liourg, called St. Ignace, distant from our 
cabin about a short quarter of a league, etc.," which is equivalent 
to "a short three-quarters of a mile." Now we have more than 
one authority to show that St. Ignace II. lay about one league 
beyond St. Louis, to which must be added the distance from St. 
Louis to Ste. Marie I., and moreover we have a good authority 
to show that the entire distance from St. Ignace II. to Ste. Marie 
was two leagues. 

This, it appears, would be met by saying that though Brother 
Regnaut said they went to a small bourg named St. Ignace. dis- 
tant from mil- cabin about a short quarter of a league he meant 
they went to St. Louis, since St. Louis was one of the villages 
belonging to the mission centre of St. Ignace: "The latter writer 
('Brother Rearnaut) uses the name 'St. Ignace' [really applied to 
the mission among all these villages, as Ragueneau also tells us] 
for the village to which the two missionaries had set out, and does 
not mention the name 'St. Louis.' ' If so there is no question of 
his having explicitly made the distance less. But even had he 
meant St. Louis, matters would not be mended entirely, for Ra- 
gueneau makes the distance out as not more than a league, while 
the Brother would have said it was but a short three-quarters of 
a mile. 

The answer to all this, it seems to me, is very simple. Chris- 
tophe Regnaut at the time the events occurred was one of the 
hired men attached to the Fort of Ste. Marie I. Born in 1613, 
he was then thirty-six years old. He left Huronia with all the 
others, and in 1650 returned to France, where he became a lay 
brother. Twenty-nine years after the occurrence of the massacres, 
and when he was sixty-five years old, he wrote an account, not 
precisely of the martyrdom id' Brebeuf and Lalemant. but of the 
wounds he saw inflicted on their bodies just as they appeared when 
they were about to be carried back to Ste. Marie I. The evidence 
of the tortures they must have suffered would have made a lasting 
impression on his memory, faithless in old age in the matter of 
distances, dates and names. So it need be no matter of surprise 
if through the haze of nigh on thirty years, one all but faded 
name should be mistaken for another, and topographical otitlines 
should have become blurred. The authority of such a witness, in 
such circumstances could never outweigh that of Father Rague- 
neau, whose testimonv we have given. 



[907 BUREAl OF ARCHIVES'. 117 

The fifth reason rests on the supposed difficulty, not to say im- 
possibility, of being able to distinguish the flames of 1 lie burning 
village of St. Louis from Ste. Marie f. were il not placed on the 
site mentioned. An inspection of my own map of Tay Township, 
or of that of Mr. Andrew I'. Hunter, placed as frontispiece in his 
monograph of Huron Sites in Tay, will contribute not a little to 
settle the difficulty. On either side of the Midland Branch of the 
Grand Trunk Railway, in its stretch from Ste. Marie I. to the 
bead of Victoria Harbour, lie at a little distance north-east and 
south-west three well defined knolls. The three to the north-east 
are considerable enough to be called hills, and cover nearly all the 
peninsula lying between Gloucester Bay and Victoria Harbour. 
They effectually shut out all view of the latter harbour for about 
three-quarters of a mile from its southern extremity. The three 
smaller hills, to the south-west of the railway line, would shut out 
a view of any object lying more than a quarter of a mile to the 
south-west of the head of Victoria Harbour Bay. But, between 
these two limits, the visual ray is unimpeded as far as what Mr. 
Hunter has named the Vasey-Ridge, and it is nearly in the middle 
of this open space, widening as we recede from Ste. Marie I., that 
the site of St. Louis lies on lot 11, concession VI. Add to this 
that the top of the tower or look-out of Ste. Marie I. before the 
fort and the residence were destroyed, was not on a level with the 
ruins of the Old Fort of to-day, while the summit of the first hill, 
lying north-east of the fort, and immediately contiguous to it, 
was always available for purposes of observation. I may add that 
I say this, not relying merely on a study of the topography of the 
surroundings as laid down on the maps mentioned, but for having 
carefully gone over the ground with this object in view, namely, 
to ascertain if the flames of a conflagration at the Newton Farm, 
the site of St. Louis, could not easily be seen from the immediate 
vicinity of Ste. Marie I. 




o 



IX. 

DISCOVERY AND IDENTIFICATION OF THE 
SITE OF ST. IGNACE II. 

THEORIES TESTED BY LOCAL OBSERVATION. 

The Search Systematized. 

Presence of Ashbeds not likely. 

A Field of Hatchets — West half lot 4, cox. YIT. 

Would mark Scene of Battle. 

Sites examined without result, particularly the above. 

The Newton Farm Scrutinized, — not St. Ignace II. 

The Newton Farm, Site of St. Louis. 

A Promise ahead — Other Sites rejected. 

St. Ignace II. recognized in east half lot 4. con. VII. 

A Corroborating Fact. 

Replica of St. Ignace II. of the Old Records. 

An Ideal Outlook. 

Hallowed Ground. 



[119] 
10 Ar. 



IX. 
THEORIES TESTED BY LOCAL OBSERVATION. 

Before setting out from Coldwater, on August 15, 1902, in 
company of Father Nicholas Quirk, S.J., Mr. J. C. Brokovski, 
barrister and solicitor of the village, and Mr. George Hamilton 
(both the latter having been my companions, together with Father 
•T. J. Wynne, S.J., in a like expedition three years previous), I 
was in possession of all the foregoing data concerning distance 
and direction. So confident was I of the soundness of the infer- 
ences drawn from the scraps of information gleaned from Bres- 
sani, Charles Garnier, Malherbe's Obituary, Ducreux's maps and 
the Relations, that,' taking for centre a point within, and not far 
from the S.E. corner of lot 3, con. VII., with a radius of one 
mile, I traced on the map of Tay Township a circle two miles in 
diameter. It overlapped the town line, taking in the N.W. corner 
of lot 24, con. VIII.,* and the N.E. corner of lot 24, con. VII., 
Medonte Township; and, in the Township of Tay, the greater 
portion of lots 1, con. VII. and VIII., the entire lots 2, 3, 4, con. 
VII. and VIII., the greater portion of lots 5, same two conces- 
sions, and finally, just the eastern ends of lots 2, 3, 4 of con. VI. 
If within this circle one spot only could be discovered, answering 
perfectly to the description given in Bressani and in the Rela- 
tions, one might conclude indubitably that the place was none 
other than that once occupied by St. Ignace II. 

I left the ashbeds, the most reliable indication of Indian occu- 
pancy, out of the count; for, plainly discernible as they are, even 
for years after the plough has passed over them, there where vil- 
lages had stood for ten, twelve, or fifteen years, it was not to bp 
expected that such would be the case with the site of St. Ignace 
II. The life of the village had been too short. Two partial dis- 
asters had befallen its braves, following one on the other at an 
interval of a few days only (Rel. 1648, p. 50, col. 2, line 41), the 

*It was on this spot on the map giving the "Theoretical Reconstruction 
of Huronia." which I contributed, in 1898, to Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites' re- 
issue of the Relations, that I set down St. Ignace II.. a little over a mile 
and a quarter too far south-east. I had stretched the distance of St. Louis 
from Ste. Marie from three miles, as given in the old records, to three 
miles and two-thirds, and correspondingly, in the same proportion, the 
distance of St. Ignace II. to St. Louis. This was done out of deference to 
Ducreux's map, where St. Louis is shown lving east of Hogg River. 

[ 121 ] 



122 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

first of which had occurred "towards the end of this winter" (Id. 
p. 49, col. 2, line 38) and forced the inhabitants to move to some 
other site more out of reach of the enemy and nearer Ste. Marie 
I. (Id. p. 51, col. 1, line 1). As this Relation, 1648, was sent down 
to Quebec from the Huron Country, April 16th, 1648 (Id. p. 45, 
col. 1), the words "towards the end of this winter" must point 
to the interval between February 1 and April 16 — say, sometime 
well on in March. Now, St. Ignace II. was surprised and sacked, 
March 16, 1649, so that the site could have been occupied one 
year only. Two hundred and fifty-three years of winter snows, 
spring thaws, with summer and autumn rains, would amply suf- 
fice to wash away any accumulation of ashes from the lodge fires 
of a twelvemonth. 

On the other hand, I had seen recorded a very significant par- 
ticular in one of Mr. Andrew F. Hunter's pamphlets, most valu- 
able archaeological repertories for one in search of a catalogue of 
those township lots, within the limits of Tiny, Tay and Medonte, 
which have yielded unmistakable evidences of Indian occupancy. 
On the farm of Andrew Brown, west half lot 4, con. VII., Tay, 
many iron tomahawks had been found. John Moad, who had 
first cleared the land, picked up no end of them, the number in his 
possession varying ; for, it is said that his shanty was sometimes 
covered with them, fifty or more lying on its roof at one time 
(Monograph on Tay, p. 30, No. 26). Some few relics of the kind 
were also found on Ira Hazel ton's farm, across the concession 
road, that is, on east half lot 4, con. VI. 

The presence of hatchets in such numbers, scattered over the 
surface of the ground, was a sure indication that the spot was 
once the scene of conflict between savage tribes. As the weapons 
fell from the relaxing grasp of the dying brave they were trampled 
beneath the snow. The spring came, and the rank weeds or the 
fronds of fern, in forest and glade, shrouded them from the sight 
of the prowling savage, until they lay securely buried beneath the 
decaying leaves of two centuries and a half of recurring autumns. 

I candidly acknowledge that my hopes of finding what had 
been anxiously sought for during the last fifty years, namely, the 
spot which had witnessed the martyrdom of the two heroic mis- 
sionaries, Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemaut, were centered 
on this west half lot 4, con. VII., Tay. In consequence, the pro- 
giamme of the day's outing was so arranged that an inspection of 
the locality was to be made as early in the forenoon as possible. 

With this in mind, we shaped our way westward from Cold- 
water, on the old Sturgeon Bay road, and soon our double carriage 
was lumbering up the eastern declivity of Bosemount Eidge. At 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 123 

the XI. concession we struck the townline between Medonte and 
Tay, which we followed in a south-westerly direction as far as the 
concession road running north-west between VI. and VII. This 
ground Father Wynne and myself had already gone over twice, 
in May, 1899, but with unsatisfactory results, owing to a drizzly 
rain which not only had dampened our enthusiasm somewhat, but 
had shut out effectively all view of the hills any considerable dis- 
tance away. But on this occasion a kind Providence favoured us 
with delightful weather, cool for August, and with an atmosphere 
of faultless transparency. 

We could take in all the outlines of the distant hills and every 
break in the ground in our nearer surroundings. There were pos- 
sibilities in lot 24, concession VIII., Medonte, which were noted 
for further inspection should our attempts at discovery among 
the north-westerly sites prove abortive. To class it among the 
probable sites of St. Ignace II. was, I know, to stretch the mea- 
sure of distance, reasonably elastic, to its utmost limit. 

Lots numbered 1 of concession VI. and VII., including John 
A. Swan's farm, showed no favourable feature. Entering on the 
concession road between VI. and VII., and moving north-west- 
wardly, we passed without stopping, Daniel Chambers' on the right 
and Hector McLeod's on the left — lots 2 in VI. and VII. — as their 
appearance gave us little encouragement. Lot 3, concession VI., 
the farm first cleared by Mathew Campbell, sr., and lot 3, con- 
cession VII., that of the late John Campbell, brother of Mathew 
senior, were just as unpromising. 

We were still working within the two-mile circle, and had yet 
to visit two sites fronting on this concession line, one of which was 
on the farm of Andrew Brown, west half lot 4, concession VII., 
where so many tomahawks had been found, so that we were not 
nt all dispirited by our failures so far. But it was precisely here 
that a great disappointment awaited us. We drove well into the 
farm, and though alighting, when we could penetrate no further 
unless on foot, we so extended our investigation as to be able to 
form a perfectly correct idea of the lie of the land, we recognized 
no single feature of resemblance to the descriptions given of St. 
Ignace II. For a similar reason, the farm of Ira T. Hazelton, lot 
4, concession VI., was alike barren of results. 

Of course there yet remained for our inspection five sites, whose 
approach must necessarily be made by the concession line between 
VII. and VIII., but since, at the point we had reached, we were 
more than half-way to the site of St. Louis, we determined to push 
on, and take in the unexplored portion of the circle on our return. 



124 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

The itinerary lay north-west, by the same concession road we 
were on, as far as the side road between the lots 5 and 6, conces- 
sion VI., over which we passed; thence again north-west by con- 
cession line between V. and VI. to the side road between lots 10 
and 11, into which we turned to the N.E., and entered Mr. Charles 
E. Newton's farm, west half lot 11, concession VI. We examined 
carefully the eastern bank of Hogg River, facing the defensive 
position of the Indian village site. The verdict, unhesitatingly 
given, was that even were this village at the proper distance from 
Ste. Marie I., it could not claim to be powerfully fortified by 
nature, though the slope towards the stream, abrupt in some 
places, and extending to three sides of the position, would con- 
tribute materially to strengthen its defences. Nor could it be. 
as St. Ignace was said to be, impregnable by its site and forti- 
Hc;itions. 

It was now getting well on into the afternoon, so putting off 
for the nonce a more searching examination of the western ban]; 
of the river, we repaired by the side road between lots 10 and 11 
to the foot of a high plateau, which, beyond the middle of con- 
cession V., barred further progress. Here man and beast, amic- 
ably picnicking together in the shade, were refreshed. Thence w<- 
returned to the concession line, up which we drove for a short 
distance till fairly opposite the site of the Newton Farm. After 
proceeding on foot to the very edge of the slope on the west bank, 
and having taken into consideration all the possibilities of the 
locality we confirmed our former verdict. The ultimate conclu- 
sion arrived at was, that we were standing on the site of St. Louis, 
the spot where Brebeuf and Lalemant bad been taken by the 
Iroquois while engaged in ministering to the dying Hurons. 

Entering once more the side road between lots 10 and 11, in 
concession VI. and VII., and heading in a north-easterly direc- 
tion, we remarked, for we were driving leisurely, the contours of 
the high ground, where Indian remains had been found on four 
farms, viz., east and west half lots 10 and 11, in concession VI. 
and VII. Soon we neared the shore of Sturgeon Bay, with Wau- 
baushene and Tanner's Mill well in sight, and turned S.E. into 
the road between concessions VII. and VIII. 

The view of Mr. John Hamilton's farm seemed full of promise. 
as we toiled up the hill approaching it, but it lay a mile from 
the circle. Our most obliging driver, George, is the son of the 
present occupant and owner. He "gave a lift" to some of his 
little relatives on their way to the homestead, and was only too 
glad to have an opportunity of introducing us to his respected 
parent. The father, in turn, gave us all the information he could. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 125 

We went over the farm, but found , alas, that it did not tally with 
the description in the old records. 

Out once more upon the road, we continued along the same 
concession line and in the same direction, S.E. We had not made 
much headway, labouring slowly up the long ascent, when there 
loomed, high ahead of us, a long even eminence, crowned with a 
level field of golden wheat, and lit up with a gleam of sunshine 
against the blue sky beyond. The table-land extended back till 
it blended with the plateau to the west ; but to the north-east the 
ground fell away sharply towards the highway, as it apparently 
did also on the side facing us. 

We were now on a level with two sites, one on either side, 
east half lot 5, concession VII., occupied by Mr. William Hop- 
kins, and west half lot 5, concession VIII., of which Mr. Arthur 
Loney is the proprietor. Neither could lay claim to distinction 
of any kind, and both were, moreover, dwarfed by the site so con- 
spicuous ahead. 

Our expectations ran high — but were we to be again disap- 
pointed? If so, there was little chance of success further on, for 
evidently the three succeeding sites, in close proximity — the only 
ones of the circle remaining unexplored — would be overtopped 
and commanded by the prominence that filled our vision. As 
well as we could judge, from our position, of the configuration 
of the ground, two sides answered the description. One facing 
the north-west was fully in view. The second, on the north-east, 
of which we could see but one profile, sloped precipitately towards 
the road, and beyond it with a rapid fall stretched down the valley 
to Sturgeon River a mile away. On these two sides it was cer- 
tainly powerfully fortified by nature. But of the third side it 
was impossible yet to tell. If the precipitous descent towards the 
X.E. should skirt the road for any considerable distance, the con- 
figuration of the ground would not be that of St. Ignace II. Our 
suspense lasted until we were well abreast of the position, when to 
our great relief we plainly saw that the high land sheered off 
abruptly towards the S.W. A description of this part of the 
Campbell farm, lot 4, concession VII., for such it turned out to 
be, would be an exact replica of the description given by Father 
Paul Ragueneau, in the Relations, and confirmed by Bressani. 

We were so thoroughly convinced that the spot found was in 
reality St. Ignace II. that we did not even alight; calmly elated, 
and content beyond measure, in view of the result of our day's 
wanderings, we decided to proceed on our way back to Coldwater 
while the sun was vet above the horizon. But we were resolved 



126 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

to return the following morning the better to examine the ground 
and enjoy fully the satisfaction to be derived from the certainty 
of our discovery. 

It was not until we had returned to Coldwater, and had al- 
ready gathered for a quiet chat on the various incidents of the 
day — not all of which have found place in this account — that we 
became aware of one oversight. ' One final corroborative fact, 
pointing to the identity of the Campbell farm (lot 4, concession 
VII.) with the site of St. Ignace II. had escaped our notice, no 
doubt because we were too full of our find, at the time, to think 
of much else. Moreover, it proved an ample compensation for our 
keen disappointment of the morning, for it showed that, in our 
forenoon researches, we had not gone much astray. 

The fact which had remained unnoticed was simply this : The 
farm of Mathew Campbell, Jr., and that of Andrew Brown were 
contiguous ; they were east and west halves of the same lot. No 
wonder, therefore, that so many tomahawks were found on the 
latter, the only approach on the level to the gates of St. Ignace 
II. We are told in the Eelations that it was through the weakest 
part of the enclosure that the enemy forced an entrance ; that is, 
as we now know, through the line of palisades facing south-west. 
For many of the villagers, if not for all, this was also practically 
the only way of escape. 

The Iroquois were clever strategists. In all likelihood they 
foresaw that many would escape through the opening in the 
stockade in the confusion and turmoil of the fearful slaughter 
going on within. Reserve bands would have been posted on that 
part of the plateau to intercept the fugitives, and bear them down 
by weight of numbers, before they could reach the sheltering for- 
ests. There was no concerted action in the defence. The terrified 
Hurons, who had escaped butchery in their wigwams, sought 
safety individually, after having snatched up the first weapon at 
hand, the tomahawk. Numbers no doubt succeeded in reaching 
the open, but only to meet with capture or certain death beyond 
the enclosure. How thoroughly the bloody work was done by the 
implacable Iroquois is evinced by the fact that three only escaped 
half naked through the snows. 

On Saturday, August 16th, the morrow of an auspicious day, 
our party of four returned by the shortest route to lot 4, concession 
VII., the farm of Mathew Campbell, Jr., and, by the gracious 
leave of the proprietor, proceeded forthwith to make ourselves 
better acquainted with the salient features and main outlines of 
the table-land, or plateau, on which the old town was perched. 
No site could have been better selected, none more capable of a 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 127 

vigorous defence. Given the usual and necessary adjuncts of any 
fortified posit ion, Bressani's one word "impregnable" is the 
fittest to convey an idea of its strength. 

Its strongest side was that facing the present road, where the 
slope toward the concession line is broken midway by another 
terrace before reaching the highway, rendering possible, on that 
side, at least, a first line of defence, in full view and commanded 
by the second on the crest of the hill. On the other two sides, one 
facing the north-west the other the south-east, the escarp gradu- 
ally becomes less precipitous. Towards the south-west the position 
offers no natural advantages; but, with the other sides secure, it 
could have been made to present quite a formidable front, with 
converging, flanking fires* provided for in laying down the line 
of the palisades. 

This part of the farm has, to all appearances, been a long time 
under cultivation, and for that reason, no doubt, many of the 
sharper lines have been rounded off by plough and harrow, or Ty 
the washing down to the lower level, by rain falls, of the upturned 
soil along the slopes. 

We could not, without damage to the standing grain, attempt 
to reach the very brow of the hill where the declivity is steepest, 
hut from where we stood we had a commanding view of the Rose- 
mount Ridge, towards the east and south-east, and the eye 
plunged deep into the sombre valley of the Sturgeon that lay at 
our feet. 

As a look-out for the child of the forest, grown familiar with 
the ways of the wilderness, and with his keen vision, sharpened 
still more by his every-day contact with nature in her every mood, 
• he site of St. Ignace was a near approach to the ideal. And had 
it not been for the innate apathy of the Huron, of which Brebeuf 
time and again complained, St. Ignace II., instead of falling an 
easy prey to the enemy, might have proved the bulwark of the 
nation. But the Huron lacked the vigilance of the Mohawk and 

*The Fathers had shown the Hurons the advantage in fortification of 
bastion, gorge and curtain. This Brebeuf has placed beyond doubt in a 
passage already quoted. I find the following example of the use of the 
adverb Vis-a-vis in Father Potier's Huron Grammar (p. 72, 1 col., midway): 
etiontenketas d'eeias en tirant v.g. d'un bastion, on aura vis-a-vis eras 
qui seraient le long de la courtino .... on rasera toute la courtine en 
tirant . . . .,ab oketi tirer droit" — "in firing v.g. from a bastion, those 
along the curtain will be in front of yon .... the curtain will be swept in 
firing, from oketi, to shoot straight." See also in "Radices Huronicse," 
1751, p. 238 : "Etiotenrisati, dans le coin, dans 1'enfoncemont de la palissade ; 
du bastion," in the angle of the bastion. Such expressions would not occur 
were the bastion not in use among the Hurons. 



128 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

the Seneca, and paid dearly for allowing himself to be lulled into 
the quietude of a false security. 

Turning towards the north and north-east, the eye ranged over 
the waters of Sturgeon Bay and the greater Matchedash, and took 
in a wide stretch of country in the Muskoka district, while, a little 
further east, it swept over Gloucester Pool, the mouth of the 
Severn and no small extent of the North (or Black) River Valley. 
But all these local advantages, as rehearsed above, all the charms 
of the panorama, which unfolds itself before the gaze of one 
standing on the site of St. Ignace, might well be dismissed from 
thought with a passing note of admiration, were not memories of 
a far higher order of excellence woven round it. Vastly grander 
visions of the beautiful and sublime in nature are to be met with 
within the confines of this great Dominion, and in an endless 
variety of kind, from the beetling crags of Trinity Bock, the 
towering mass of Cape Eternity on the Saguenay, to the fairy 
scenes of enchanting beauty in the Islands of the St. Lawrence: 
from Niagara, with its deafening roar of waters plunging to 
depths unknown, to the silent solitudes of the Selkirks. whose 
glittering peaks cleave the very clouds above — all these and others 
surpass it immeasurably either in majesty of outline or in per- 
fection of detail. 

But no spot on the wide expanse of this continent was hallowed 
by a nobler sacrifice for the Master than was consummated on this 
hilltop a few acres in extent, and which lay for two centuries and 
a half lost in the recesses of the forest. There where we were 
standing, stood, long since, two Christian heroes whose life ebbed 
slowly away amidst unspeakable torments. Unlike the martyrs 
of old who stood in the great amphitheatres of Borne, awaiting 
death from the wild beasts of the arena, they had no friends 
among the onlookers to encourage them by voice or gesture. They 
stood alone in the wilderness of the New World with a few neo- 
phytes, sharers in their sufferings, among a howling band of 
savages, more ferocious than lion or leopard. And as the flames 
curled round their blistering and lacerated limbs, the smoke of 
the sacrifice ascended as sweet incense to the throne of the Eternal. 



X. 
VILLAGES WITH NO TWO CO-ORDINATES. 

VILLAGES OF THE BEAR CLAN. 
Angoutenc. 

Ossotsatic to Angoutenc. 
Ahenta, Arente or Arentet, Ste. Madeleine. 
( >nnentisati. 

Tandehouaronnon Mountain. 

The Demon Atechiategnon . 
Oenrio or Ouenrio. 
Anon ate a. 
Arendaonatia or Anekdaonactia. 
Iahenhouton. 

ST. CHARLES AND ELEVEN OTHER VILLAGES WITH 
CHRISTIAN NAMES. 

TWO VILLAGES ON THE TRAIL FROM ST. JOSEPH II. 
TO OSSOSSANE. 
Ekhiondastsaan. 
Andiatae. 

TWO VILLAGES LYING BETWEEN ST. JEAN AND ST. 
IGNACE I. 

Arethsi. 
St. Joachim. 

ONE VILLAGE WITHOUT A HURON OR A PATRON'S 
NAME. 
Cai.daria. 

TWO PLACES WITH HURON NAMES IN THE ALGON- 
QUIN COUNTRY. 

Endarahy. 
Tangouaen. 



129 ] 



X. 
VILLAGES WITH NO TWO CO-ORDINATES. 

There remain a number of villages of which thus far no men- 
tion has been made. Of some we find given in the Relations one 
distance from a known point, and the direction intimated at least 
vaguely. We gather from the same records, or from Ducreux's 
inset map, that others lay between two well ascertained village 
sites; while, either from the writings of the time or from the 
meaning of the name, we have an inkling as to the position of 
some others, but no certain knowledge. 

That some order may be followed, I purpose taking them in 
groups, and shall begin with the most important — the villages 
peopled by the Bear Clan. Of the some seven or eight village 
cites that go to make up this group, that of AngStenc may be 
fixed upon with the least vacillation, and with almost as much 
certainty as if we had two co-ordinates to direct us. This village 
I place at the head of the series. 

But before proceeding let me explain that heretofore the ety- 
mology of the village name has not been resorted to, save where 
the descriptive meaning was necessary to corroborate conclusions 
already drawn. In cases where adequate proofs were at hand, the 
tedious process of decomposing compound words was eschewed so 
as not to render the demonstration too cumbrous. But for the 
matter now in hand, as the data are meagre enough, I feel less 
scruple in obtruding this tiresome analysis tipon the reader. 

VILLAGES OF THE BEAR CLAN. 

Angotjtenc. 

Township of Tiny, X. concession, lot 11; a little less than four 
miles south-west of Midland. 

This name assumes various forms in the Quebec edition of the 
Relations: thus in Rel. 1636, p. 116, 1 col., Ang8icn<t; in Rel. 
1637, p. 151, 1 col., and 1638, p. 342, 2 col., Angoutenc; in the 
same Rel., p. 35, 1 col., AngStenc ; in 1637, p. 163, 1 col., and 
p. 170, 2 col., Angouteus, which was evidently intended for An- 
govtens, etc. Angnutrnr or AngStenc is probably the correct 
form. 

Derivation. AtigSa-St-heenk. R. H. 1751, p. 290. 1 col.: 
"nngSa, torrent, rapide, (vol angSara et asJconchia)." 

[ 131 ] 



132 THE REPORT OF THE No. i\ 

R. H. 1751, p. 277: " . . . . 8t [as an affix], 1. neut., quelque 
chose paraitre dans quelque elevation, soit de sortie hors de terre 
par la partie superieure, quoique l'inferieure y soit attachee, comme 
les plantes, pierres, etc. ; soit de hauteur audessus des autres par- 
ties de la terre, comme les montagnes, etc. ; soit de situation 
naturelle, comme les diverses parties d'un meme tout, dont les 
anes paraissent au de la, ou audessus des autres; soit de situation 
artificielle, comme les choses qu'on plante et fiche d'un cote, et 
qu'on fait deborder de l'autre, ou les unes hors des autres; soit 
de stature, de contenance et de posture, comme les homines et les 

animaux Activum, planter quelque chose, la richer, la faire 

entrer, l'enfoncer d'un cote dans quelque endroit, en sorte que de 
l'autre elle deboute et paraisse dehors. V. g. : i8t, il y a ; arontSt, 
il v a un arbre sur pied ; ochindSt, il v a une souche ; acntSt, il v 
a un baton fiche en terre, ou ailleurs ; entonn(g)i8t, il y a un clou, 
une cheville qui deboute; onnontSt, il y a une montagne ; aatSt, 
il y a une statue en bosse, en relief (de viventibus dicitur at) et 
sexcenta hujusmod'." 

Hence, AngSaSt, AngSt, There where there is a torrent, a 
rapid. 

Gr., p. 95: "Heenk, extra, dicitur hengens, specie tenus." In 
English, without, beyond, as far as appearances go, on the out- 
side. 

Angoutenc would, consequently, mean "Beyond, outside of 
the torrent or rapids." In support of the derivation here given, 
it would be well to add that among the examples to be found 
under the title "De Adverbiis — Adverbia Loci" (Gr., p. 68), the 
following occurs, aondatenke, which is rendered "dans un lieu 
ecarte ou il n'y avait rien;" and in R. H. 1751, among the sub- 
stantives given as primary roots, on page 293, 2 col., adevk is 
translated by "desert, lieu ecarte." This compound word cer- 
tainly derives from aonda and heenk, or else aOevh, with the 
meaning of an out-of-the-way place, a desert spot, a place where 
there is nothing, beyond human habitations. Similarly, there- 
fore, AngStenhe, Avg86tnke, AngStcnc, "Beyond the rapids or 
torrent," or "Aside from the rapids." 

Site. It was said to be "prochain" with regard to Ossossane, 
Rel. 1639, p. 88, 1 and 2 cols. : "Vne femme, natifue de ce bourg 
[Ossossa7ie] mais mariee dans vn autre prochain nomine AngStenc, 
etc. . . . Sa deuotion ... la porta a s'adresser a ce bourg icy 
ou nous sommes d'Ossonanc ou Residence de la Conception, d'ou, 
comme nous auons dit, elle estoit natifue." 

It was three-quarters of a league from Ossossane, Rel. 1638, 
p. 34, 2 col. : "La mortalite estoit par tout, mais sur tout au 



11)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 133 

bourg d'Angoutenc, qui n'estoit qu'a trois quarts de lieue de 
nous." The terminus a quo was Ossossane, see colophon at the 
end of Chapter III., p. 43, and at the end of the Relation, page 
59. Father Le Mercier, who signs it, already informed us in the 
Itel. 1637, p. 178, 2 col., that he was to be stationed at Ossossane : 

" ie m'en vais a nostre nouuelle Residence," and page 177, 

"Le 9, nostre cabane d'Ossossane estant tout a fait acheuee, etc.." 
while, in opening the very chapter, where the distance is given, 
he says: "Ie dis vn mot Fan passe de nostre nouuelle Residence en 
la bourgade qui est comme le coeur du pais. Nostre Cabane n'estoit 
pas encore demy-faite qu'elle attiroit ces peuples." In fact all 
the incidents mentioned refer to Ossassane as explanatory of the 
words "a trois quarts de lieue de nous." 

Three-quarters of a league from Ossossane, but in what direc- 
tion? Evidently not much out of the line of travel to Ihonatiria, 
and judging by the journeyings made, quite out of the line from 
Ihonatiria, via Arenta, to Ossossane. Rel. 1637, p. 151, 1 col. : 
Father Superior and Father Jogues start from Ihonatiria for Os- 
sossane, stop at Oinrio in passing, baptize two children at Angou- 
tenc, and arrive at Ossossane the following day. 

On another occasion, the Superior and a companion had gone 
from Ihonatiria to Ossossane by way of Arenta ["en y allant ils 
passerent par Arente,"] and when returning to Ihonatiria passed 
by Angoutenc ["Au retour, ils estoient desia au de-la du bourg 
i'Angouteus, par leque] ils estoient passez, lors qu'ils, etc."] Rel. 
1637, p. 170. 

Angoutenc, in 1636, must have been a rather important centre 
as it was then being fortified. Rel. 1636, p. 116, 1 col. : "On 
avoit inuite toute la ieunesse a se transporter au village d'Ang8- 
iens pour travailler a vne pallissade de pieux qui n'estoit qu'a 
demy faite." 

In 1899, Father Wynne, S.J., of New York, and myself 
visited the farms of Alexander Santimo CSt. Amand) and Andrew 
Parent, the site of a former Huron village. Mr. Santimo occupies 
the north-west quarter, and Mr. Parent the north-east, of lot 
11, concession X., Tiny Township. We picked up many Indian 
relics on the spot ; and made certain of the presence of ash-beds. 
To approach the village from either Ihonatiria or Ossossane one 
would have to cross a waterway and a rather deep and tortuous 
gully. 

This diminutive ravine, were we to judge by the irregular ero- 
sion of the banks, must have formed, in times gone by, the bed 
of a stream of no great volume, but impetuous in its headlong 
course. The appropriateness of the name AngStenc is apparent, 
it was the village "beyond the torrent." 



134 



THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 



The four successive sites of Ossossane all lay in the neighbour- 
hood of Varwood Point, lot 18, concession VIII., Tiny Township, 
and from this lot to lot 11, concession X., the distance is about 
three miles. Ossossane to Ang8tenc, as wo already know from 
the Relations, was three-quarters of a league. As no other site 
tallies so well with what data we have, it is all but morally certain 
that the fortified town of Ang8tenc stood on the land occupied by 
Alexander Santimo and Andrew Parent. 

Mr. Andrew Hunter's description of this site is given at page 
33 (No. 30) of his Monograph on Village Sites in Tiny Township, 
1899. 

Abenta, Arente or Arentet. 

Township of Tiny, XIII. concession, near lot 18 or 19, about 
two miles from La Fontaine, towards the south. 

Arenta is the form given on Ducreux's map; Arente is found 
in Eel. 1637, p. 150, 2 col. ; p. 151, 1 col. ; p. 163, 2 col. ; p. 176, 
1 col.; Rel. 1643, p. 30, 1 col.; Arentet occurs in Eel. 1649, r.. 
29, 2 col.; and finally Auente, probably a misprint, in Eel. 1637. 

p.'l70, 1 col. 

Ducreux seems to identify Arenta with the village S. Mag- 
dalence," and locates it not far from Tarucntutumnn , but more 
to the south. 

Derivation. From areenti or aarcnt. 

•'Areenti, caus. T avoir une embouchure de riviere en tel 
endroit." (E. H. 1751, p. 180.). 

"Aarent, act.: ouvrir ; neut. : avoir un trou, une ouverturc. 

(E, H/ 1751, p. 78.) 

If we derive it from the former, it would be compounded with 
the enclytic ae (see explanations further on under the heading 
Derivation of Andiatae). Thus: areenti-aii, areente (Gr., p. 66-2 
de composit.), arente (Gr., p. 66-8° de composit.), meaning "There 
where there is a river's mouth." If from the second, it would be 
compounded with at (E. H. 1751, p. 19), "at, prim. neut. quod 
significat quelque chose etre dans une autre .... v.g. : i8at il y 
a quelque chose dedans, arontat or iSat arontae il y a dans un 
calumet," i.e., there is something in the pipe. Are n tat would 
then mean "In the mouth of the river." 

I have followed Ducreux in locating Arenta as I have, and the 
only other clue to its position to be found in the Eelations, with- 
out imparting much information, is corroborative evidence. 

In Eel. 1637 (p. 170, 1 col.), Fr. Francois Le Mercier, writing 
from Ihonatiria (Id. p. 179), says: "Le mesme iour . . . . le P. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 135 

Superieur et le P. CHastellain retournerent i'Ossossani, ou ils 

etoient allez le iour. precedent .... mais en y allant [to Ossos- 
sanc], ils passerent par Auentc, ou ils trouuerent, etc." Arente, 
consequently, could not have been much out of the trail from 
Ihonatiria to Ossossanc since it was taken in on the journey from 
the former to the latter place. "lis passerent par" suggests that 
they had a choice of routes and that they chose this o c. And 
from what follows (lb. 2 col.) Angoutenc apparently did not lie 
in the line from Arente to Ossossanc, since, on their return trip 
to Ihonatiria, it was on their line of march from Ossossanc (lb. 2 
col.). 

No exhaustive search for Indian remains has been made in the 
immediate neighbourhood, as far as I could ascertain; but while 
in the vicinity I learned that a clump of exotic cherry trees 
(cerisiers de France) was found by the first settlers growing wild 
on the left bank of the little stream which empties, about a mile 
below to the south-west, into Nottawasaga Bay. 

Onnentisati. 

Township of Tiny, concession XIII., lot 10. This indication 
is merely directive, and not irreformable. 

Derivation. I am inclined to think tiiat instead of Onnentisati 
we should read Onnontisati , as onnonta is the Huron for mountain 
(R. H. 1751, 291, 2 col.), and the Relations inform us that there 
was a hill or mountain near the village (Rel. 1637, p. 149, 2 col.). 
Thus onnont8t signifies there is a mountain (Gr. , p. 60). 

"Isati, 1. in comp., heurter quelque chose, donner contre ; 2. 
etre enfonce, avoir des enfoncements, des coins enfonces; v.g. : 
etiotcnr isati, dans le coin, ou l'enfoncement de la palissade, des 
bastions; eorhisati, coin de foret" (R. H. 1751, p. 238). With 
this derivation Onnontisati would be the village seated in the 
"Mountain Hollow." 

But should the reading of the Relations be correct, the name 
would come from onnenta, sapin, tout bois gommeux, tout arbre 
qui ne fletrit pas (R. H. 1751, p. 290, 2 col.); and Onnentisati 
would mean the village in the recess or receding angle of the 
pines, or "Evergreen Glade," just, as we have seen, eorhisati 
means "Forest Nook." 

Site. There is no mention in the Relations of the dual Chris- 
tian name of Onnentisati. The village is placed on the map in 
the Township of Tiny, XIII. concession, lot 10; but the exact 
spot cannot be determined from the Relations alone, as there is 
no indication of its distance from any other village of the Point. 

11 An. 



136 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

From the accounts of the various journeyings to and fro of the 
missionaries we know only approximately where the village stood. 

As to the identity of the hill on, or near which, Onnentisati 
stood there can he no reasonable doubt. Ro\ighly speaking, it 
takes in lots numbered 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, of concessions XIY. and 
XV., Tiny, parts of lots numbered 14 in both concessions, to the 
west, and parts of lots numbered 8 to the east. Its southernmost 
limits cut across the northerly halves of the same numbered lots 
iu concession XIII. 

The plateau, now termed Randolph Hill, slopes off gentlj 
enough towards the west, but it is precipitous and almost bluff- 
faced to the east. The bearings of the village with regard to this 
prominent landmark remain undetermined in the old records, but 
one would naturally be led, on account of the conformation of the 
ground, and its closer proximity to Oenrio (Rel. 1637, p. 149, 1 
col.), to seek for Onnentisati along the north-eastern edge of the 
plateau where many spots would seem admirably adapted to 
Indian defensive positions. Few of these, however, are under 
cultivation, and consequently traces of Huron occupancy, were 
there any, could with great difficulty be detected. Several posi- 
tions also, towards the south-east, might very well have been 
chosen as village sites. 

In enumerating the several evil spirits the Hurons were ever 
trying to propitiate, the Relation 1637 (p. 149) rehearses the 
words of one of them addressed to a favourite dupe: "Cettui-la, 
dit-il, s'appelle Atcchiategnon, e'est a dire qui se change et se 
deguise, et est le demon de T andehouaronnon, qui est vne mon- 
tagne aupres du bourg Onnentisati." 

Thinking that the name of the hill, or of the mountain as it 
is termed in the Relations, might throw some light upon the cor- 
rect locating of Onnentisati, I attempted to decompose it with 
the following result. The name of the mountain, as given above, 
is T andehouaronnon, or T' andehouaronnon. The main root is 
either Ande8es, blan [Wane, banc?] de sable" (R. H. 1751, p. 
289, 1 col.), from the primitive "andechia sable" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 2s9, 1 col.), or ''nndeh8a, peau de castor, de chat (wild cat), 
etc. (Id. ib.). 

The secondary root is unmistakable. "Nationalia (nomina) 
formantur a nomine proprio addendo ronnon, v.g. : onnontae, 
onnontaeronnon, les habitants des montagnes (hill dwellers, high- 
landers), etwrhenchtronrion, anglais, habitants du levant, etc." 
(Gr., p. 65, 7°.) 

The initial letter is the T localitatis. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 1,37 

W'th the former of the two main roots the word would mean 
the hill of the "Sand Dwellers," with the second, the "Beaver 
Skin People." 

As for Atechiategnon, the name of the demon who favoured the 
mountain with his presence, and of which the writer of the Rela- 
tion was good enough to give us the translation as "The one who 
transforms and disguises himself," derives apparently from ate, 
to be. to heeome (It. H. 1751, p. 200. 201). which, though it gen- 
erally comes second in the compound word, as, te eatate, there is 
nobody, ondate, this space, is found also as prefix, as atek8i, 
meaning: perpetual presence, atatie, to remain, to continue to be 
present < Tb. p. 201). The two other roots are chia or chie and 
tetanion. Chia in composition with at and ate "significat iden- 
titatem unius ejusdem rei secum, vel aequivalentiam. Chia in 
omnibus personis in quibus persona? aoristi primi incipiunt ah a: 
chie vero in omnibus quae incipiunt ab e." (R. H. 1751, p. 198, 
at.) 

"AtetaTiion in comp. avoir plusieurs doubles" (lb. p. 27, X>. 
67), 

The result is ate-chia-atetanion, atechiatenion, pronounced 
Atechiategnon, "To be or remain the same and become many 
doubles," "The One of many Transformations." 

As for the position of Onnentisati itself, we may rightly infer 
from scraps of information gleaned here and there in the Rela- 
tions that it lay further away from Ihonatiria than did Oenrio or 
Anonatea, both of which were one league distant from the 
Fathers' village: "Les Peres estant a Ouenrio, apprirent qu'vn 
petit enfant estoit a l'extremite ; ils coururent et le baptiserent, il 
mourut auant hier. De la ils allerent /usque* a Onnentisatj, 
pour visiter vn nomine Onendich, etc." (1637, p. 166, 2 col.). 
The idea conveyed is that having started from Ihonatiria, where 
the Fathers' residence then was, and having reached Oenrio, 
they had to push on further to see Onendich, that is, as far as 
Onnentisati. And yet, it was not very much further for Oenrio 
is classed among the towns lying round about Onnentisati: "Vn 
autre sorcier . . . . se mettoit fort en credit au bourg d'Onnenti- 
sati, et abusoit de ses resueries les bourgades circonuoisines ; des 
le neufuiesme de ce mois, que le P. Superieur estoit alle a 
Ouenrio, . . . . il en auoit appris des particularitez etc." (Rel. 
1637, p. 149, 1 col.); as much as to say that Oenrio was one of the 
neighbouring towns where these vagaries of the medicine-man 
had been noised abroad. 

Nor could it have been very far from Ossossane, for the asso- 
ciate of the sorcerer aforementioned was at Ossossane in a dying 



138 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

state on January 23, when he had himself carried to Onnentisati 
where he died January 25 (Rel. 1637, p. 152, 2 col.); a litter 
with a dying man must have proceeded very slowly. From this 
and from what follows it is clear that the village lay between 
Ihonatirta and Anonatea, on the one hand, and Ossossane on the 
other (Eel. 1637, p. 142, 1 col.). The superior who had left 
Ossossane on December 17, 1636, and had passed the night at 
Anonatea, after reaching Ihonatirta despatched two missionaries 
to Ossossane and here is their itinerary : "Le 19, le P. Superieur 
nous renuoia a Ossosane, .... auec commission de nous 
arrester en passant a Anonatea . . . ." They passed the day 
there. "Le 20, nous allasmes a Onnentisatj . . . ."So the order 
of the route was 1. Ihonatiria, 2. Anonatea, 3. Onnentisati, 4. 
Ossossane. They reached the latter place the evening of the 20 
(p. 143, 1 col.), which they left on the 23 (p. 145, 1 col.), and 
returned home passing again by Anonatea. They had not passed 
by Oenrio, though but one league from Ihonatiria, (as was also 
Anonatea), for the narrative proceeds: "Estant de retour (a 
Ihonatiria) nous fusmes bien consolez d'entendre que le P. Pijart 
auoit baptise huict petits enfans a Oiienrio, etc. This they 
would have heard of already had they taken in Oenrio also on 
their return trip. 

Here is another itinerary (Rel. 1637, p. 145, 2 col.) of a 
journey lasting from December 27, 1636, to January 4, 1637 : 
"Le 27, le P. Superieur retourna a Ossossani auec le P. Isaac 
Iogues et Simon Baron. II passa par Anonatea, ou il visita les 

Bissiriniens, etc II apprit la ce qu'ils pensoient de la 

maladie (p. 146, 1 col.) .... Mais en passant par Onnentisatj 
il apprit bien vne autre nouuelle, que Tonneraouanone qui estoit 

a Ossossane et vendoit la sa theriaque, nous accusoit, etc 

Tonneraouanont ne retissit pas en ses cures. . . . et le 4 de 
Ianuier que le Pere partit, il n'y auoit gueres moins de malades 
(lb. 2 col.) Le Pere Superieur retourna done a Ihona- 
tiria le 4 de Ianuier." This corroborates what has been said 
above, that the order of the route was 1. Ihonatiria, 2. Anonatea. 
3. Onnentisati, 4. Ossossane. 

But if Onnentisati was on the line of march from Ihonatiria 
to Ossossane, it is also mentioned as having been passed through 
in a journey to Teanaostaiae. This would lead us to suppose 
that it was not very much off the trail to the latter place from 
the Fathers' residence, since there was question of a long tramp, 
over twenty-three miles as the crow flies ; so, very likely, the 
traveller tiirned little to the right or to the left : (Eel. 1635, p. 
39. 1 col. 1 ) : "Le dix-neufiesme Ianuier, ie partis pour aller en 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 139 

la maison de Louys de saincte Foy, distante de nostre village 
de sept on huict lieues." The starting point was the Fathers' 
residence which was then at Ihonatiria, as may he seen hy refer- 
ring to p. 30, 2 col., and the term of the journey was Teanaos- 
taiae, for it was there that Louis lived. Fr. Charles Gamier in 
a letter to his father, dated 1638, writes: "Nous sommes sur le 
point de transporter la residence de St. Ioseph du petit village 
ou elle est, nonnie Ihonatiria, au plus grand Bourg de ce pays 
nomme Teanaustayae, e'est d'ou etoit natif Louis de Ste. Foy." 
The Relation of 1637 (p. 161, 2 col.) confirms this fact in other 
words: "Ce mesme 29, le P. Sup. partit pour aller a, Teanaost- 
'iiiir auec le P. Gamier, aim qu'il peust temoigner sur les lieux 
aux parens de Louys de Stc. Foy le ressentiment que nous auions 
de l'afflietion de leur famille, etc." But to return to the itiner- 
ary : "le n'auois peu ny deu y aller plus tost .... En ce 
voyage passant par Onnentisati i'allay voir vn nomme Oukhahi- 
toiia, etc." He did not as is evident from the wording of the 
phrase, go out of his way but just called in as he passed by. 

Now, if Onnentisati lay further from Ihonatiria than did 
Anonatea, but not too far to preclude its having O'enrio, a village 
lying one league from Ihonatiria, for one of its "bourgades cir- 
convoisines" ; if it was on or near the trail leading from Ihona- 
tiria to Ossossane so as to allow of passing travellers stopping 
there on their way to the latter place ; and if, likewise, it was 
about on the direct trail from Ihonatiria to Teanaostaiae, other- 
wise St. Joseph II., it could hardly be set down on the present 
Map at any other point than one on the eastern border of the 
Randolph Plateau. 

"While a perusal of the several passages of the Relations 
referring to Onnentisati leaves a strong impression that the real 
■site lay towards the north-eastern corner — and I am persuaded 
that when the ground is all put under cultivation it will even- 
tually lie discovered there — still as nothing has yet been unearthed 
in that direction, and as to the south-east, unmistakable signs of 
i Huron village occur, I have rather reluctantly marked the 
village on the latter site. 

Ranging through that part of Huronia, some years ago, our 
party endeavoured to find the bone-pit mentioned by Mr Andrew 
Hunter (village sites of Tiny, p. 25, No. 16) as lying near Joseph 
Groseille's farm, lot 12, concession XII. Though led to the 
supposed spot by a farmer of the neighbourhood, who seemed 
well informed on matters local, even after digging to some depth 
in the sandy soil, wo failed to find any traces of an ossuary, nor 
could we glean any information as to ash-beds or relics discovered 



140 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4] 

nearby. But pushing on as far as lot 10, concession XIII. we 
came to the Ladouceur farm. We were shown over the ground, 
and in a small orchard to the west of the dwelling, and close to 
the foot of the hill, ash-beds and pottery were found. On the 
brow of the hill itself and a little further to the north similar 
indications were met with. 

I have learned since that the Ladouceurs no longer occupy 
the farm. Lightning struck the house some twelve months later 
killing and injuring members of the family. Soon after this 
distressing event the survivors moved to other parts. 

Oexrio or Ouenrio. 

Township of Tiny, XVII. Concession, somewhere in the 
neighbourhood of Lot 5; or about five miles north-east of La 
Fontaine, and about three north-west of Penetanguishene. 

Derivation. The different readings of this name to be found 
in the Relations are: Oenrio (Eel. 1635, p. 31, 32, 39): Oenrio 
(Rel. 1637, p. 13T, 159); 8enrio (Rel. 1636, p. 89); Ouenrio 
(1637, p. 149, 159. 161, 163, 166): Ouenrio (1637, p. 153). The 
first seems to be the proper form. 

Oenrio derives from "Oenra (ahcnra), tine sapiniere (R.H. 
1751, p. 287, 1 col.), a fir or spruce plantation, and io, which 
occurs only in compound words and signifies beautiful, grand, 
great, good, v.g. : " Aniionchia , (atcnnonchia vel ennonchia* 
cabane, maison" (R.H. 1751, p. 291, 1 col.), "qnnonchio, belle, 
jolie cabane" (lb. p. 236); and similarly "aat'io, personne accom- 
plie; aSendto, principal maitre; andatsio, grande chaudiere : 
entioMio, belle troupe; akiSachr'io, chef de guerre; arontio, 
grand arbre; andaarachrio, belle corne; arih8io, affaire d'import- 
ance, gros peche" (lb.). Consequently Oenra-'io, Oenrio, might 
mean "The great spruce Plantation," "The Beautiful Firs." I 
find no root from which Scnrio or Ouenrio* can derive. It might 
be well to add that oenra (ataenra) has also the meaning of 
"cendres," ashes (Id. p. 281, 1 col.); but I fail to see how 
"Beautiful Ashes" could be a suitable name even for 
a Huron village, unless Oenrio occupied one of the former 
sites of T eandeouiata, of which it was an off-shoot, 
and which de Brebeuf tells us was burnt down twice 
"ayant este brusle par deux fois" (Rel. 1635, p. 29, 1 col.), and 
that it was supposed to have risen "Beautiful from its Ashes." 

Site. It was one of the "bourgades circonvoisines" of Onnen- 
tisati (Rel. 1637, p. 149, 1 col.). Its village community formed 

"O" et "8" aliquando promiscue adhibentur (Gramm. p. It. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 141 

at one time part of that of Toanchi I . I Etel. 1635, p. 31, 1 col.) : 
"Entre les villages qui nous out voiilu auoir, ceux A'Oenrio en 
qnt fait plus d'instance. Ce petil village, assez proche du nostre 
(meaning Teandeouiata or else Ihonatiria of 1635; see Relation 
for that year p. 28, 1 and 2 cols., foot, and p. 29, 1 col. foot) 
faisoit autresfois vne partie do eeluy ou nous estions iadis." 
This one where they had previously dwelt is mentioned on p. 28, 
1 col. foot: "Ie pris terre au pori du village de Toanche ou de 
Teandeouiata, ou autresfois nous estions haliituez". These two 
villages have already been shown to lie distinct as to their sites 
but identical as to their village communities; Toanche Mas 
Toanche I., and Teandeouiata was Toanche II. 

The fact that Oenrio and Teandeouiata, very near the latter 
of which Ihonatiria was situate, had formed but one community, 
is corroborated by what is said in Eelation 1637 (p. 161, 1 col.): 
"Nous assemblasmes les principalis de nostre bourgade, (Teande- 
ouiata and Ihonatiria) pour scauoir .... si le dessein qu'ils 
auoient eu de se reiinir auec ceux d'Oue.nrio estoit tout a fait 
rompu, autresfois ee n'estoit qu'vn bourg" (with Toanche I., 
i.e. they formed but one village community). 

Oenrio was one league from Ihonatiria: ". . . . les habi- 
tants d' Oenrio, qui est vne bourgade a vne lieiie de nous" (Rel. 
1637, p. 137, 1. col.). The residence of the Fathers was then at 
Ihonatiria, (lb. p. 179). 

From Ihonatiria it lay in the direction of Angoutcnc and 
Os sos sane. For, on January 17, the Superior sets out from 
Ihonatiria for Ossossane (Eel. 1637, p. 151, col.), passes through 
<>< nrio (lb.), continues his tramp southward, stops over at Ang- 
outenc, and arrives at Ossossane on the morrow (Rel. 1637, p. 
151, 1 col.). 

And again: On April 5, he starts from Ossossane, at the 
invitation of the village chief, and on passing through Oenrio he 
assembles the elders in council, then proceeds to Ossossane (Rel. 
11137, p. 163, 1 col.). 

Oenrio was nearer to Ihonatiria than was Onnentisati, but 
not mi the same trail as Anonatea, tor the missionaries going 
from Ihonatiria, to Onnentisati pass by way of Oenrio and return 
by way of Annonatea, (Rel. 1637, p. 166, 1 col.): "Le premier 
iour de Iuin, le P. Charles Gamier et le Pere Chastellain furent 
enuoiez a Ouenrio, a l'occasion n'vne femme qu'on nous auoit fait 
bien malade .... I'll). 2 col.) Les Peres estant a Ouenrio, appa- 
rent qu'vn petit enfant ... Do la ils allcrent iusques a Onnenti- 
satj" . . . That is they pushed mi as far as' Onnentisati .... 
(lb.) ''Au retour (a Ihonatiria) ils passerenl par Anonatea. selon 



142 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

qu'ils auoient ordre du P. Superieur." They thus completed the 
round trip. Following- those indications as finger-posts, one 
could go very little astray in marking the approximate positions 
of Oenrio. 

From the Relations we learn that Oenrio and Anonatea were 
lioth one league from Ihonatiria, which was on the northern 
shore line — that both villages were stopping places on the way 
to Onfientisati, — and that the latter village lay between Ihona- 
tiria and OssossanS. Consequently one of the two villages occu- 
pied a more westerly position than the other. 

The first reason for assigning to Oenrio the eastward position 
is that at one time its inhabitants formed part of the village 
community of Toanehe I., and it is to be supposed that they 
would have settled down near the village of which theirs was an 
off-shoot. A second, and perhaps a stronger reason, is that there 
would have been no room for Anonatea to the east of the position 
occupied by Ouenrio, as set down on Ducreux's inset map, unless 
it were placed further away than one league from Ihonatiria. 
which would be going counter to the Eelations. 

Anonatea. 

Township of Tiny, XVII. Concession, near Lot 10 ; about 
four miles and a quarter in a north-westerly direction from Pene- 
tanguishene. 

The name of this village is spelt in several different ways in 
the Relation-.: Anenatea (1637, p. 141. 1 col.); Anonatra, 
certainly a misprint, (1637, p. 166, 1 col.): Aneatea (lb. p. 157, 
2 col.) and Anonatea) lb. pp. 142, 145, 165, 166.) ; which latter 
seems to be the most usual. 

Derivation. There is very little room for doubt as to its two 
roots, annona and atea. Annoha, has five different significations 
(R. H. 1751, 291, 1 col.) 1. The bottom of a well, a river, a lake, 
or of any body of water; 2. a precipice, an abyss; 3. a treasure, 
a supply, a store, a draught of fishes: 4. habit, custom, manners, 
fashion: 5. the back. 

The vert-root is Ate . . . . extr. et int. Sed extra composi- 
tionem impersonaliter, in comp. autem impersonaliter et person- 
aliter (etre ut sicl. 1° Significat sine addito etre, avoir 1'etre. 
1 'existence etc. [to be, to have being or existence] (R. H. 1751. 
p. 200. No. 89). Hence, anona-ate, anonate, a supply to 
exist, or any other of the objects mentioned among the different 
meanings of anona to exist. To anonate has been added the 
suffix a. "Verbum a per so sin-nifieat praecise magnitudinem vel 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. m 

aetatem" (Gramm. p. 30, 7°). It is always placed at the end of 
ho word it qualifies: "a. in composition sequitur suurn simplex" 
(R. H. 1751, p. 1). Consequently anonatea means there where 
there is a great supply, etc., or "The Village of Abundance" if 
annona be falcon in its third sense. 

Site. Anonatea was one league from Ihonatiria, (Eel. 1637, 
p. 141, 1 col.): "Le Pere Charles Gamier H moy nous allames 
coucher a AnenaUa, qui n'est qu' vne lieue de nous." One lea.,,, 
from them, i.e., from Ihonatiria (1637, p. 167, 2 col ) It was 
not much out of the line of march to Onnentisati, since it is 
mentioned as a stopping place for the missionaries on their way 
to that v.llage, or to points further south. For instances of tlrs 
see the preceding section where there is question of the site of 
Oenrio. 

Both Anonatea and Oenrio were but a league to the south of 
Ihonatiria; one however lay to the west, the other to the east 
In journeying from Ihonatiria to Onnentisati and Ossossane 
either the one or the other might expect a call as the Fathers 
passed ; but there is no instance of their both having been visited 
on the same trip north or south. Here is an instance where the 
itinerary takes in Oenrio and leaves out Anonatea; the order 
followed was 1. Ihonatiria, 2. Oenrio, 3. Angoutenc, 4. Ossoss- 
sane, (Eel. p. 151, 1 col.): "Le 17, la maladie qui alloit tous- 
lours continuant a Ossossane, obligea le P. Superieur de continuer 
aussi les secours que nous anions rendus aux malades iusques a 
lors. II pnt auec soy le P. Isaac Iogues . . . . Le Pere passant 
par Ouenrio y trouua assez de malades . . . . Le P. Superieur 
continua de la son voyage, et s'arresta a. Angoutenc, oh il baptisa 
deux petits enfans. Le lendemain, 28 (misprint for 18), il arriua 
a Ossossane-." Passing, therefore, by way of Oenrio, thence con- 
tinning his journey he stops over at Angoutenc and then arrives 
at Ossossane. Attention to the wording of the phrase will show 
that they were not supposed to have deviated much from the 
beaten way. An instance of a return northward bv way of 
Anonatea after the journey to the south had been made throuo-h 
Oenrio, may be found on page 166 of the Relation of 1637. 

There is another, which has already been touched upon in 
the section entitled Onnentisati; it is from Relation 1637 also 
pages 142, 143, 144, 145. The order of the route was, it will be 
remembered. 1. Ihonatiria; 2. Anonatea; 3. Onnentisati; 4 
Ossossane. But in this case the return trip also was via Anon- 
atea, while an incident mentioned shows that the missionaries 
nnd not lieen near Oenrio. 



144 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Which of the two villages, of Oenrio and Anoiiatea, lay to 
the east and which to the west? There is nothing in the Rela- 
tions, taken by themselves, which might incline one to adopt one 
theory in preference to the other. The main reason for placing 
Anonatea to the east is suggested by Ducreux's map, and I have 
already pointed it out when dealing with Oenrio. 

Arendaonatia or Anendaonactia. 

The two forms given above occur in the Relations. The 
proper reading would seem to be Arendaonactia, for there is no 
primitive noun-root beginning with anend in the Radices Huron- 
icte, save "annendaecha, automne" (R. H. 1751, p. 290, 1 col.) 
which could be so trimmed as to enter into this compound word. 

I. Arenda is evidently the first root, but it has a number of 
different meanings : 

1° Arenda (atrenda) prierc, ceremonie. danse superstitieuse 
[prayer, ceremony, a superstitious dancej, 

2° Arenda, sort, sortilege [a spell, divination, witchcraft]. 

3° Arenda, rocher, roc [rock, boulder, a crag], 

4° Arenda (atrenda) charge de bois, bucher [a load of wood, 
a wood pile], buchettes de conseil [sticks used in the council- 
lodge], 

5° Arenda, attrapes aux chats [raccoon traps], 

0° Arenda, corde [a cord, a rope, a line] (R. H. p. 292, 2 col.). 

Any of these meanings may be ascribed to this first radical, 
for there are no signs or accents in the Relations to guide us in 
our selection. 

II. The second root may be either one of two. 

1° Anna, in comp., <'on vel iiendaon extr., plat, van a van- 
ner (R. H. p. 292, 1 col.)," a plate, a flat object, a fan for win- 
nowing. This, it is true, is a noun, but I see no reason why one 
no\in could not, in grammatical Huron, enter into composition 
with another. The very fact that the ninth rule to be observed 
when compounding words says "Verbum non componitur cum 
alio verbo vel cum adjectivo" (Gramm. p. 66), would seem to 
imply that nouns may be compounded with nouns. However, 
aona may well be an adjective, as well as a noun, meaning flat. 
As I find no list of adjectives in Potier the question must remain 
in abeyance. If it be taken as an adjective, Arenda-aona, Arcnd- 
aona would as a consequence mean "Flat-Rock." 

2° The alternative would be the verb aon for second root, a 
verb with a twofold meaning: "aon .... extr., arriver en 
quelque lieu, y entrer, etc.; .... Jon in comp. (pro non extr.) 



1«.»07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 145 

rum noimullis noininibns quae usus docet, arrive] i K. H. 1751, 
p. 154). So the root aon, in our compound word, does not admit 
of the meaning "to arrive at some place, to enter therein," since 
to he apt to compound with another root aon, to arrive, must 
necessarily take the form of" ion. The second meaning of aon is 
to take, and in this sense is amenable to composition: "aon . . 
in eonip. (et aliquando extr.) prendre. Stahion prends ce couteau 
[take this knife], tsentaon,, prends, tiens ce baton [take this stick. 
hold it], etc." (R. H. 1751, p. 154, No. 80). 

III. The third loot may be cither achia or acte-aia. "Achia 
et asha per contractionem, (ateckia), houehe" (E. H. p. 286, 1 
col.), mouth. "Ate die arte, epinette" (Id. p. 293, 2 col.), tam- 
arack, larch, hackmatack, to which is added the diminutive aia 
ill. H. 1751, p. 1. No. 1), or possibly but quite improbably, "aia 
(atria) aile, bras" (E. H. 288, 1 col.) a wing, the arm. 

It would require much ingenuity to sort out the roots, and 
to patch up a word out of the various meanings enumerated above, 
and I leave it to those so gifted to try their hand. I offer two 
suggestions only. Arcndao-nactia might mean "The mouth at 
the flat rock." Not the mouth of a river, for areencha means 
that (E. H. p. 292, 2 col.) ; nor an ordinary opening, hole, or 
aperture, for aarent (Id. p. 78, No. 74) in this acceptation is of 
most frequent occurrence: unless, indeed, achia be taken figur- 
atively, but I have not met with it so used elsewhere. "The 
little larch at the flat rock" is the other meaning which with 
much diffidence I suggest and with no assurance that I have read 
the riddle. 

In any case the meaning of the word can be of very little use 
in determining the location of the village. 

The name is met with twice in Eel. 1637 (Arendaonatia, p. 
159, 1 col.) On March 9, Father Superior and Father Charles 
Gamier had gone to Onnentisati to visit the sick, and the Rela- 
tion adds: "Le 12 (Mars), le Pere Garnier et moy [Father Le 
Mercier] nous baptisasmes vne femme a vne petite bourgade que 
nous appellons Arendaonatia. " On the 15, Father Le Mercier 
and the Superior visited Annonatea, and on the 17, Ihaenhouton, 
"oil demeure le chef du conseil de cette pointe" (lb. 2 col.). 
So that it may be fairly inferred that Arevdaonactin was situated 
somewhere in the "Point," that is, in Tiny northwest of a line 
drawn from Arenta to the head of Penetanguishene Pay. 

The second mention made of this village is on page 165, 2 
col.: "Le 5 (May) le P. Cliastellain estoil alle auec le P. Pijart 
visiter quelques malades a Anendaonactia." 



146 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Iahenhouton. 

Township of Tiny. 

Derivation. Iha-aicn8i-8ton. 

R. H. 1751, p. 233: "i, in conrp., etre le seul, l'unique ; 
saepe assumit particulara ha in fine." Iha consequently means 
"The only One." 

R. H. 1751, p. 106: "aienhSi, extr. et intr. comp., savoir 
faire quelque chose, avoir la science, l'adresse, l'habilete neces- 
saire et le pouvoir d'en venir a Lout, v.g. : nlienhSi, je sais faire 
cela. In eornpositione jungitur cum nominibus earum rerum 
quae dicuntur sciri." To be wise and skilful in managing or 
administering affairs. In Potier's text there is an n over the 
space between the a and i to show how it is to be pronounced. 

R. H. 1751, p. 277 : "8ton (et Stonnion), mult. Significat 
multitudinem rerum quae suo situ eminent." In. other words, it 
is an affix expressive of the presence of a multitude of things 
which overtop or tower over others. It is used both in a literal 
and in a figurative sense, v.g.: "arontSton vel n •rkitonnion, la 
multitude des arbres; onnontSton vel onnont8,tonnion, quantite de 
montagnes: arihSton, donner, quelque chose a connaitre, item, 
developper une affaire." 

Hence, Iha-aienhSi-Ston , IhaenhSton, or Iahenhouton, very 
likely with the meaning "The one Skilful Manager of many 
important affairs." 

This village is favoured with but one mention in the Rela- 
tions : "Le 17 (Mars) i' accompagnai encor le P. Superieur a 
Iahenhouton, ou demeure le chef du conseil de cette pointe" 
(1637, p. 159, 2 col.). It was, I infer from this, situated within 
the limits of what the missionaries, as long as they resided at 
Ihonatiria, called "This Point:" that is, the peninsula to the 
north and west of Penetanguishene Bay. 

ST. CHARLES AND THE ELEVEN OTHER VILLAGES 
BEARING CHRISTIAN NAMES. 

St. Charles, Township of Tay, (Penetanguishene Road), Con- 
cession I, Lot 113. This is the position given it on the present 
Map ; but all that can be said with any degree of certainty is that 
it lay somewhere in the peninsula formed by Midland and Pene- 
tanguishene Bays, for on Ducreux's map the name extends 
lengthwise through the whole tongue of land beginning at an 
imaginary line drawn tangent to the head of both bays and end- 
ing at the very north-eastern extremity of the coast : while there 
is no little circle apparent to mark its exact site. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 147 

In the opening paragraph of Chapter VII. of the Relation 
1640, p. 78, St. Charles is mentioned in the list of twelve towns 
or little villages whose spiritual wants, after the Fathers had 
withdrawn from the residence of Ossossane, were still attended 
to by the evangelical labourers who had charge of the mission of 
La Conception "aux Attignaouentans : " "Ayant quitte la resi- 
dence que nous anions les annees precedentes au bourg de la 
Conception, ou Ossossane, on a continue de cultiuer ce mesme 
bourg par voye de mission, a laquelle ont de plus este adioints 
douze autres tant "bourgs que petits villages. S. Francois Xauier, 
sainct Charles, saincte Agnes, saincte Magdeleine, saincte Ge- 
ncuiesue, sainct Martin, sainct Antoine, saincte Cecile, saiyicte 
Catherine, saincte Terese, saincte Barbe, saincte Estienne." 

Among these twelve there are three villages which are not 
wholly unfamiliar and which are marked on Ducreux's map, 
namely, "S. Carol i" or St. Charles, the subject of the present 
section, "S. Xauerij," whose site has been ascertained with a 
tolerable degree of certainty, and "S. Magdalenaz," which Duc- 
reux seems to identify with Arenta. 

The villages bearing Indian names, and not identified in the 
Relations with any Christian appellation, but which might have 
found place in this list under a Christian title, are Andiatae, 
Angoutenc, and it may be, Onnentisati, Arendaonactia, Aron- 
taen, and even Iahenhouten. The others would seem too remote 
to have been included within the limits of this mission. 

Indian remains have been found on the site of St. Charles, 
as indicated above. Mr. Andrew Hunter mentions them in his 
monograph .on Tiny Township under No. 19, page 27. 

TWO VILLAGES LYING BETWEEN ST. JOSEPH II. AND 

OSSOSSANE. 

Ekhiondastsaax. 

The exact position of this village cannot be determined from 
the Relations. A possible, and even plausible site is lot 53, con- 
cession I., Flos (Penetanguishene Road). 

The Ekhiondaltman of Relation 1637 (p. 162, 1 col.) is cer- 
tainly a misprint, there being no I in the Huron alphabet. The 
letter displaced was either t or s. If the former the signification 
of the word would not be changed, as many consonants were 
written indifferently either single or double ; if the latter, it 
would be the note of the plural in the first radical. Khiondae- 
sahan (Id. p. 70, 2 col.) is probably another form of the same 
name. 



148 THE REPORT OE THE No. 41 

The noun-root is ondas, plural of li Onda (It. H. 1751, p. 295, 
2 col.), (atonda) espace de temps, de lieu etc." an interval of 
time, space, stretch or extent of land. In the "etc." the idea 
of home, house is no doubt also included, for, in his Radices, 
Potier gives the verb "ondaun .... avoir une maison [to have a 
house, a home]," and adds : '"compos, ab onda, espace, etc. 
an'nen ichiondaon? oil est ta maison? etc." (R. H. 1751, p. 248, 
No. 24). 

The verb-root is "atsiaHan, epreindre, presser, pressurer. 
quelque chose pour en faire sortir l'eau, la liqueur, le jus le sue 
la substance qu'elle contient" (R. H. 1751, p. 45, No. 56), to 
ring- out, to press, to express, to squeeze. 

Ondas-atsiaSan combined according' to the second rule makes 
0ndastsia8an (Gramm. p. 66) and contracted according to the 
eighth, ondastsaan. 

The i must now be accounted for: " 'I' adjectitium ita appel- 
lation quia nihil sensui vocum addit vel minuit, sed euphoniae 
causa praefigitur quibusdam vocibus et verbis" (Gramm. p. 2). 

Our word now stands iondastsaan, to which is prefixed "cxa, 
hie, hue, hac, hinc ; ce cette," (Id. p. 85), not forgetting that 
"k et x sonant ut kh, v.g. xa, hie, haec, hoc, dicitur Kha" (Id. 
p. 1). This gives us the complete compound word as the a is 
elided before the i: Ekiondastsaan. 

The meaning however is not clear, still I hazard the follow- 
ing : "The places, or lands where water is pressed out," "Here 
the places which exude water." It may seem far-fetched, but it 
is in keeping with the locality, as the hollow to the north of the 
rising- ground, a Huron village site, on lot 53, concession I., 
Flos, abounds in springs, so that the water must be drained off 
by a ditch. 

This village is mentioned nowhere save in the Relations, and 
there but twice. The only indications which can be of any help 
in determining its site are to be gleaned from pages 161, 162 and 
163 of the Relation of 1637, of which the following is a short 
summary. 

On March 29, the Superior and Father Gamier set out from 
Jhonatiria for Teanaostaiae. At the town of Scanonaenrat (St. 
Michel), they explain the tenets of icligion to their host and to 
the other inmates of the cabin, and on March 30 they reach 
Teanaostaiae (p. 161, 2 col.). On their return trip, March 31, 
the missioners pass the night at Ekhiondaltsaan, which, says the 
Relation "est vn bourg assez beau et assez peuple" (p. 162, 1 
col.). On April 1, having reached Andiatae, they minister to the 
sick there, and there pass the night (lb. 2 col.). On April 2 they 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 149 

are at Ossossane (p. 163, 1 col.), whence they return home. This 
is not said but implied, since, on the 6th., in answer to an invi- 
tation from Ossossane, the Superior with Father Le Merrier, 
starts again for that town via Oenrio and Angoutenc. 

Consequently Ehhiondastsaan lay between Teanaostaiae and 
Ossossane, a good distance from the former place, but not in the 
vicinity of Scanonaenrat, since that village was vis'ted on their 
way from Ihonatiria to Teanaostaiae, while Ehhiondastsaan was 
taken in on their way from Teanaostaiae to Ossossane. 

Pursuant to these facts I have selected as a possible, if not 
probable, site of this village the Cleland and Dunn farms situ- 
ated on the western parts of the lot mentioned above, viz., the 
53d in concession I., Flos. In this position it could conveniently 
have received a call, on a return trip northwards by way of Ossos- 
sane. In 1899, in company with Fr. J. J. Wynne, S. J., and 
•I. ('. Brokovski, Esq., of Coldwater, I visited the site. The ground 
was thoroughly gone over with the result that extensive ashbeds, 
yielding many Indian relics, were found on the rising ground 
towards the south, while a deep but gradual falling away of the sur- 
face towards the north formed a valley supplied with an abundance 
of water oozing out, as it were, from the ground. There was every 
indication that this spot had been the site of a populous village 
as Indian villages go. 

Ehhiondastsaan was in all likelihood the nameless village 
which was destroyed with St. Joseph II., and alluded to in Rel. 
1649, p. 3, 1 col. (see also "Premiere Mission," Carayon, p. 238, 
and Garnier's letters, contemporaneous copy p. 103, recent copy 
p. 88). It could not have been St. Michel, for even after the 
destruction of St. Ignace II., in 1649, it was still standing and 
gave very evident signs of life (Rel. 1649, p. 13, 1 col.). Neither 
could it have been St. Jean-Baptiste, this village having been 
evacuated some months previously (Rel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col.). 
Much less could it have been Contarea, which was the first of the 
Huron villages to fall, in 1642, under the blows of the Iroquois, 
a fact substantiated beyond all possible doubt in a previous sec- 
tion dealing with that village. 

Now, as there was no other village within striking distance 
of St. Joseph II., by process of elimination it may safely I" 
maintained that Ehhiondastsaan was the village that shared the 
fate of St. Joseph II., otherwise Teanaostaiae, on July 4. 164S. 

From the position of Ehhiondastsaan, to the west or north- 
west of St. Joseph IT., and from the fact that it depended, as a 
mission on the latter centre, T should judge that it was peopled 
bv the Clan of the Cord. 



150 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Andiatae. 

There is the same difficulty in determining the exact position 
of Andiatae as there was for E khiondastsaan, save that it was on 
a stream near a lake, perhaps Anaouites, perhaps Lake Huron 
itself somewhere between Point Spratt and Point Varwood. It 
is set down on the Map quite arbitrarily on Lot 14, of II. Con- 
cession of the Township of Tiny. 

The different forms of this name, as found in the Relations, 
are Andiata (1636, p. Ill, 2 col.), Andiatae, evidently a misprint 
(1637, p. 150, 2 col.), and Andiatae, by far the most common 
(1637, pp. 134, 150, 152, 161, 164, 167, etc.), and for this reason 
the latter has been adopted. 

Derivation. "We have a choice between andiata, the throat 
(or ondiasa) ; andiasa, the neck ; and andiata, a bridge (R. H. 
1751, p. 289, 1 col.). All these words have a diminutive g 
marked over the d to denote that they are pronounced andgiata. 
The meaning of andiata, throat, seems to lack appropriateness 
when used for the name of a village, so it is to be presumed that 
the meaning of bridge was intended. The affinity between 
andiata, a bridge, and "andiS, and(g)iS, passer quelqu'un au 
dela de l'eau, d'une riviere, d'un bord a l'autre" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 132), is patent. Our word is composed of andiata and ae. 

R. H. 1751, p. 3: "Ae, vel pro consuetudine esJca, in comp., 
et ahSae extr. ; activum, frapper, donner contre, et consequem- 
ment trouver de la resistenee; v.g. : annhSae, frapper a la porte 
etc. Neutraliter seu passive, in comp., etre arrete etc. ; v.g. : 
orae ti chies, tu vas a, l'abri du vent, tu es a couvert, a l'ombre." 
From "ora, air, vent (atra, passive)" (lb. p. 292, 2 col.). Potier 
illustrates copiously, though indirectly, the use of ac as an affix 
while explaining the use of the adverb anncn, ubi? (quo? qua? 
unde?), and for this purpose takes a word much similar to the 
one we are considering, i.e. "qndata, un village (endata vel aten- 
data)" (R. H. 1751. p. 28S, 2 col.). These examples are to be 
found on page 87 of his Grammar: Annen ihentron? ubi est? 
qndatae, in pago ; annen aretande? quo vadit? a.ndatae in 
pagum ; annen tontare? d'oii vient-il? r<nd(ttai> du village; annen 
arendi? par ou a-t-il passe? andatac, par le village." So that 
according to the question put it conveys the several different 
meanings of in, at, to, from, out of, or through the village. 
Andiatae is consequently a legitimate compound, meaning "At 
the Bridge," or "Bridgetown." 

Site. The position where Andiatae is marked on the Map is 
in the Township of Tiny, II Concession, Lot 14. But whether 







5 fc 






P 





1 160a 1 



ffl :? 





E- 


lO 




H 


1- 




V. 


co 




W 












1—1 


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4 


H 


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JL 


', 


s 


~V' 


V. 






< 


s 



J 




w 



[160b] 



|<(l»7 BUREAU OF ARCHI\ Is. 151 

this was the site of flu- village, or whether il lay more to the 
south or not, is o matter of conjecture. Thai il lay on the trail 
between Teanaostaiai and Ossossane via Ehhiondjistsaan, and 
nearer Ossossane than the last mentioned village is evident from 
the itinerary given in the preceding section. * >n March 29, two 
missionaries start from Ihonatiria for Teanaostaiae. They stop 
on the way at Scanonaenrai and reach Teanaostaiai'. the • tilth. 
On their way back to Ihonatiria, March 31, they spend the night 
at Elchiondastsaan; on April 1 ; they are al Andiatae, and on 
April 2, at Ossossane (Eel. 1637, pp. L61, 162, lti ; '>). 

That Andiatae probably lay very near the lake shore, we are 
led to infer from Father Tie Mender's words in this same Rela- 
tion (p. 150, 2 col.): "Us on ii'i-iit dire qu'vn autre sorcier du 
bourg Andiatae, nomine Tehorenhaegnon, promettoil meru- 
eille." This medicine-man had built his divining cabin on the 
lake shore, and was invited to come to Ossossane to try his in- 
cantations : (p. 151, 1 col.) ''Lc lendemain 18, il [Father Super- 
ior] arriua a Ossossane, ou il trouua les demons deschainez, et 
vn pauure peuple dans 1'afHietion plus que iamais, atlentif aux 
impertinences d'vn certain Tehorenhaegnon, qui se faisoit fort 
d'auoir vn secret pour cette sorte de maladie, qu'il disoit auoir 
appris des demons mesmes, apres vn ieusne de 12 ou 13 iours, 
dans vne petite cabane qu'il s'estoit faite a ce dessein sur le bonl 
du lac. Doncques les habitants i'Ossossane entendant parler de 
ce qu'il scauoit faire .... luy deputerent quelques-vns des 
principaus d'entre-eux, pour nix le supplier . . . . de se trans- 
porter a leur bourg, etc." 

Andiatae must have been a village of some importance since, 
at a feast, the contents of twenty-five kettles, or a chowder of fifty 
big fishes entered into the menu of the banquet (Rel. 1P>3G. p. HI, 
2 col.). 

Though I have coupled Andiatae with Ekhiondastsaan, as was 
necessary, since the same quotation from the Relations refers to 
both, it would seem that it did not belong to the same clan as 
Elchiondastsaan hut rather to that of "The Hear." 

TWO VILLAGES LYING BETWEEN ST. JEAN AND ST. 

Hi X ACE I. 

A k iii i si. 

Township of Tay, near east half of lot 2, concession IX., a 
little over two miles and a half north-north-west of Coldwater. 

This village is not mentioned in the Relations, but on Du- 
creux's map it i^ placed north of St. Ignace /., on the east bank 

Note. -See colored sketch, page 160a. 

1-J An. 



152 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

of Sturgeon River. On page K i 1 of the "Journal des Jesuites" 
it occurs once, under the slightly different form of Arhetsi. 

Derivation. 1!. II. 1751, p. 225: "Etsi, etre long .... 
arihSetsi, impers. la chose est longue, l'affaire, le discours etre 
de longue duree; pers., quelqu'un etre long a ce qu'il fait, etre 
lent; <<8endetsi, parler longtemps, .... une ile etre longue. 
Componitur turn cum aliis nominibus earum rerum de quarum 
longitudine sermo esse potest ; turn praesertim cum n minibus loci 
et temporis .... drenhetsi, etendre, allonger les branches." 
in Or., p. (ill, 7D, under the heading "Adverbia quantitatis, et 
exeessus," we find: "ti eiachietsi, long comme le bras, ti eonret- 
setsi, long coniine la main, do iaon ihanderetsi chia mutate, ll 
est haut comme ces deux perches, Sahia a te aten ti annonchietsi, 
la cabane est longue de six brasses." 

The other root is either (iron or aro. R. II. 1751, p. 169: 
" -\ run, mult, (a prim, ar) extr. et intr. comp., act. et pass., niettre 
quelque chose a diverses distances 1'une de l'autre, etre a quel- 
que distance de lieu, etre multiplie en divers endroits on lieux." 
With thi< root the meaning would probably bo "The Straggling 
Village." 

If. II. 1751, p. 188: "Aro, per contrac, pro arao, significat 
bucher, faire du bois." With this latter root Arhetsi might well 
moan "The Long Clearing." 

Site. Gauging its position solely from Ducreux's map, I 
have placed it in the Township of Tay, concession and lot as 
given above. 

Under No. 42, page 34, Huron Villages in Tay Township, 
Mr. Andrew Hunter says: "Another s"e distinct from the one 
last mentioned [i.e. lot 3, concession IX.] is on the farm of 
Joseph Greatrix, the east half of lot 2, concession IX. Mr. 
Greatrix lias lived on this farm for 25 years, and has frequently 
found, at the rear of it, the usual remains of camps and the same 
kind of relics as occur at the other villages of this group." 

St. Joachim. 

Township of Tay, near lots numbered 4, concessions IX. and 
X. 

In 1640 St. Joachim was a little village, which, together with 
the Algonquin mission, was attended by the missionaries who had 
charge of the Mission centre of St. Jean Baptiste "aux Arend- 
aronons." 

II el. 1640, p. 90, 2 col. : "Cette annee nous estant trouuea 
assez forts pour cette entreprise, nous y auons [i.e. at St. Jean 



I'tllT BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 153 

Baptiste] commence vne mission, qui a en dans sod ressorf trois 
bourgs: de S. lean Baptiste, de S. [oachim, ei de saincte 
Elizabeth. Les Peres Antoine Daniel et Simon le Moine en out 
eu le soin." After dwelling on certain incidents which occurred 
at the village of St. Jean Baptiste, the Relation adds: "Les 
deus bourgs de -aincl loachim et de sainte Elizabeth donnerent 
aussi ile l'esercice a ims ouuriers euangeliques, la maladie ayant 
regne esgalenient par tout." 'Plus is the (inly information respect- 
ing St. Joachim which can be gleaned from the Relations. For 
in the following year, Hill, though Fathers Daniel and Le Moyne 
(Rel. 1641, p. (IT. 1 col.) were still in charge of the mission of 
St. Jean Baptiste, there is no explicit mention made of St. Joa- 
chim, lmt we are told that, owing to the small number of mission- 
aries, St. Joseph (Teanaostaiae) had been added to the mission 
of St. Join Baptiste, which probably still comprised St. Joachim. 
A glance at the Map will show how far apart these points lay, 
and no wonder if the Relation adds (loc. cit.) "Leur peine en 
est accrue notablement, quand mesme il n'y auroit que la distance 
des bourgs qu'ils doiuent cultiuer." 

Site. On Ducreux's map "S. Joachimi" lies midway between 
St. Jean and Arethsi, a little east id' Sturgeon River. This 
would mean that it stood very near the site of St. Ignace I/., 
but ou the opposite bank of the stream. However, it must not 
be forgotten that St. Ignace II . occupied that site only several 
years later, that is in 1(>48. I have set St. Joachim down as 
having occupied the sites described by Mr. Andrew Hunter under 
Nbs. ; i!t and 40, page 34, Sites of Huron Villages in Tay Town- 
ship. 1900: 

"39. A site of moderate dimensions occurs on the northwest 
quarter of lot 4, concession X, — the farm of .Tames Stewart. On 
a patch of high ground, toward the centre of the farm, they have 
found pottery fragments, iron knives, iron tomahawks, etc. 
Similar relics have been found on the adjoining fifty-acre farm, 
or southwest quarter of the same lot, which is cultivated by Mr. 
Begg ; and also a few on the east half, owned and occupied by 
Robert C. Stewart. 

"HI. Across the road, on the east half of lot 4, concession 
IX., James Paden, the owner, has found iron tomahawks, pottery 
fragments, etc., in ashbeds and patches blackened by Huron 
camp-fires. These occur on the highest ground — a lun?e knoll 
at the rear of his farm." 



15 4 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

ONE VILLAGE WITHOUT A HURON OR A PATRON'S 

NAME. 

Caldaria. 

Caldaruz is one of the puzzles of Ducreux's inset map. It is 
mentioned nowhere els,.. Neither the Relations, nor the entries 
in the ••Journal des Jesuites," nor the contemporaneous letters 
of the missionaries make the slighest allusion to it. On the inset 
map it lies to the east of Hog- River, and about as far south from 
the village "S. Dionisij" as the latter does from "S. Ludouici. 
I, should therefore be looked for in Medonte township in any 
of the concessions ranging from I. to Till., hut not farther 
south than the lots numbered 19. 

The "Atlas Geographhus Societatis Jesu, 1900," the author 
of which was Father Louis Carrez, S.J., sets down Chandeleur 
(Candlemas) in its place as a French translation of the Latin, 
quite as if the reading were Candelaria. This latter word, 
according to L. Quicherat's Latin dictionary, is given in the 
"Glossaire de du Cange" as the Latin equivalent of Chandeleur, 
that is, the feast of the Purification, February 2 d . 

Others hazard the supposition that the word was intended for 
Calcaria. Fornax calcaria is a lime-kiln in contradistinction to 
Fornax lateraria a brick-kiln . Calcaria, ae, as a noun feminine, 
standing alone, is to he found in the Digesta of Domitius 
(Jlpianus, though some suppose it to he there liii adjective agreeing 
with fodina (a pit or mine) understood. 

Mr Andrew F. Hunter on page 74, No. 11. of his Tillage 
Sites in Medonte, 19(12. has the following: "Gen. John S. Clark 
of Auburn. N.Y., has called my attention to the fact that several 
names of Huron villages probably signify '-lake." and he in- 
cludes "Caldaria'" of Ducreux's map in this class.' 

We have here threo hypotheses. The first, based on a faulty 
reading, Candelaria for Caldaria, which it would be useless to 
discuss. The second which assumes that Calcaria was intended, 
perhaps Calearia fo&ina. This supposition seems entirely gratui- 
tous in theory, while in fact, though pits are plentiful enough in 
the region, notably on six sites, no traces of lime-burning have 
been detected. Of course it is not contended that the Indians 
themselves were lime-burners, they had no need of mortar, hut 
that, in building Fort Ste. Marie L, the missionaries could not 
have brought the lime in canoes from the lower country, and 
consequently must have established kiln, at no great distance. 



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1907 BUREAU ()!• ARCHIVES'. 155 

Limestone was certainly available, since on lot 21, concession 
VI., slalis of ii were used to cover the bones in an ossuary ("see 
Hunter's Village Sites, Medonte, p. 7- r ,, \,,. 18). 

Coming to the third hypothesis that Caldaria was a Huron 
word, bearing some reference in its signification to "Lake," 1 
may premise at mice thai as the name stands ii cannot be Huron. 

"('" not followed by "li" had no existence for those who 
reduced the language to writing, and the author of the inset 
map, whoever he was, must be counted among them. Ducreus 
never set foot in America, so he must have been supplied with 
all the details of the map by some ex-missioner. One of his suc- 
cessors but of a much later date, Potior, says: " '(" semper est 
junctum cum 'h.' etc." (Gram. De Litteris, p. I.). It has never 
the hard sound: "hae duae litterae simul junctae pronuneiantur 
more Gallorum . . . . et aliquando ut 'C Italicum, etc." (Id. 
ib.i. Moreover, not only the letter "Ii" but the l-sound was 
unknown to the Hurons. "iiurones carent litteris b, f, 1, m, p, 
q, u, v, x" (Id. ib.i. Hence the "k" or the Greek "\" took the 
place of ''c" whenever the hard sound was required. "'K' el 
x sonant ut 'kh' vg. x n ; hie haec, hoc, dicitur kha" (Id. ib.). 

Nothing is easier than to replace the initial "('" by a "K," 
1 hi t for what letter does the inadmissible, well-formed "I" stand? 
From appearances it could only he an uncrossed '"t" or a mutil- 
ated Greek "6" (for tile ">J" was used by the Huron mission- 
aries instead of "th"), and preferably the former, though the 
>tem of all the other "t"s on the inset map arc much shorter. 
'T" et ' B' . . . . Duplex est; aliud '6' pro 'th' .... saepe 
't' vulgare coalescit, sen mutatur in c 6' ob 'IT quae sequitur in 
formandis temporibus et aptandis cum localitate, et 'te' duali- 
tatis, v.g. aBasen\8a, clamavit, pro <i te hasenx8a." 

The wind, if Huron, should now read Katdaria or Ka&daria, 
no possible root of which has any reference to hike, pond, stream 
or water. 

What then could he the roots of Katdaria? After much 
juggling, all more or less satisfactory. I can find hut three which, 
when compounded, adapt themselves at all to the form required: 
1. Katon, '2. Aio or Aria and 3. .1/'/ or iskia. 

1. "Katon, in comp. cum utraque voce .... 1 cum voce 
activa significat plier quelque chose, la courber, la disposer en 
forme circulaire, la tourner en rond en sorte qu'elle fasse un 

cercle .... 2° cum voce pass., significat in fieri in 

facto etre courbe, etc" i]i. H. 1751, p. 208, No. 1 i. Cfr. aton 
sub. voc. K8-aton (Id. p. 38): "in comp. cum pa~s. tantum, 
entourer quelque chose ou quelqu'un." 



156 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Katon, consequently, in the passive would mean to lie bent 
round <>r in a circular form, or simply a circle. It should be 
added, however, that the more usual equivalent of '"circle" in 
Huron is "8tahoch(r)a, cercle .... vel ohocha" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 293, 2 col.). The latter noun is akin to ''KS-ach(r)a, neutrum, 
etre double, etre double" to be double or doubled up. (Id. p. 2). 

2. "Aio vel ario .... frapper, h.ttre, tuer quelqu'un, le 
rendre captif" (Id. p. 109, No. 37), to strike, beat, to kill, to 
make captive. 

From these two roots we would have Katon-ario, which when 
compounded would not make Katdaria unless the "o" was elim- 
inated and a "d" took tile place of "n." The latter trans- 
mutation would easily be accounted for, since Potier (Gram. p. 
1., De Litteris) informs us that " 'd' aliquando pronunciatur ut 
'n' et vicissim 'n' ut 'd.' " As for the superfluous "o" it 
might be surmised that the one who set down Caldaria on the 
map, after first marking its site with a little circle, so much 
like an "o," placed this mark, as it really appears on the map, 
between "Cal" and "daria" and then inadvertently left it to do 
duty for that vowel which he omitted. If this explanation is 
waived as far-fetched we should then have to invoke the 8th of 
the observations on compounding words (Gr. p. 66) : "Saepe 
fiunt erases unius vel plurium syllabarum." 

At this stage Katon-ario would read Katodario or Katdario, 
meaning "the dead, or stricken, or the prisoners so arranged as 
to form a circle" or for short "the circle of the slain." 

3. "Aia vel ishia, diminutivum format m a praecedenti [that in 
"a"], extr. et int. comp., ponitur aia pro snip, et asa pro plur. 
.... iandatsaia (die. andatsaslSi) petite chaudiere . . . iandat- 
sasa de petites chaudieres" (P. H. 1751 p. 1.). The word "a," 
from which aia is formed, has many meanings: to be of such a 
height, size, or age, t i lie ; n such numbers or quantity, to be of 
such value, ete. (Id. ib.). But its presence would scarcely be 
detected in many of the examples that follow. In the one given 
to explain t lie use of aia or asa for the singular and asa for the 
plural, when figurine- as diminutives, Potier adds: "cui utrique 
praefigitur i initiale diminutivum" (P. H. 1743, p. 2).* 

The final result is now Katodario-ia or Katdario-ia, and 
blended according to the second of "Quaedam observanda in 
compositione substantivi cum adjectivis et verbis (Gram. p. 06) 
it becomes Katodaria or Katdaria "The little circle of the slain." 

Singularly enough this last attempt at explaining Caldaria 
might claiui support, if not corroboration, from the fact that 



"See Ihonatiria, for the use of the initial i more fully explained. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. L57 

lying towards the south a1 about the proper distance from the 
village nt St. Denis, and east of the western-mosl fork of Ho^K 
River, (were it prolonged) a circle has been found. It is formed 
nt a number of shallow pits mi plentif-l in the neighbourhood, 
Mr. Andrew F. Hunter, thus places the fad on record: 

"4. < In the north-east quarter of lot 7','. concession I. Robert 
Brown. Many iron tomahawks and other relics have been found 
here. Two clay pipes were given to Dr. R. W. Large, in 1892, 
and when his collection went into the Provincial Museum in 1897 
these were included, and now appear as No. 16, 719 and No. 16, 
720. (See Ulth Archaeological Report, page 9). A cornpit was 
found at this site, ami also shallow pits in the ground, similar to 
those described under the preceding numbers. One observer 
remarked that some of these were arranged in a circle, etc." 
i Sites in Medonte, p. 72). 

Notwithstanding the plausibility of this latest explanation, 
based on the supposition that the name Caldaria was intended 
for a Huron word, 1 submit another and last explanation, the 
least strained etymologically of all. 

Caldaria, in this hypothesis would be taken exactly as it 
stands, but as a Latin word, just as all the other inscriptions on 
Ducreux's map are in that language. Tts meaning is familiar to 
classical scholars. We have the adjective caldarius or calidarius, 
a, um, with the rendering "pertaining to or suitable for warming;" 
caldaria cella, the hot bath chamber; so also the noun caldarium, 
a, taken by itself, and the noun feminine caldaria, a<\ a kettle, 
Caldarium signifies also a vessel containing warm water for bath- 
ing, or a vessel in which water was heated for the bath (subaudi 
diiiiiiii vas). The caldaria, as in use by the Romans, as is well 
known, was supplemented by the tepidaria, the tepid bath, and 
frigidaria the cold bath, while the word thermae, arum, borrowed 
from the Greek, and taken alone, denoted not only the presence 
of warm springs but also a structure adapted for warm baths 
either natural or artificial. 

The Caldaria of Duereux'^ inset map may stand either for 
flic feminine singular or the neuter plural. 

Of hot baths, in the form of vapour baths, there is most fre- 
quent mention in the Relations, sometimes there is a mere pass- 
ing allusion to them, as is more generally the case, but a descrip- 
tion is occasionally vouchsafed. At times there is mention of 
pits, at other times this feature is omitted. Bressani, Sagard, 
Charlevoix and the author of the "Relation par Lettres de 
I'Amerique Septentrionale-1709-1710" also, describe them with 
more or less detail. The mode of using them varied. The most 



158 IHK REPORT OF ["HE Xo. 41 

common practice was to build a low cabin or closel for the most 
pan within tl are. Inn sometimes, especially when travel] 

in tin air. These sweat-boxes were covered with furs so as 

retain the heat. Hot stones were piled in the 
re and the bathers crowded round in tl;! 5] . ■ left between 
the - - mil the sides of the cabin. Xot infrequently cold 
water, in a vessel of bark or clay, was shut in with them. 1 >• 
this they occasionally drank, or with it sprinkled each others' 
tare-, when they felt faint, or else the stones to increase the 
vapour. Attn profuse sweating they plunged, even in wii 
into a stream, if there was one near by not frozen over, it 
• :i.-\ \\ . shed thems - cold water. 

But to heat water, either for cooking or for the vapour bath, 
so in use. Bressani when speaking of the manner in 
which they prepared their food says: "Before knowing the 
ipeans, as they had no kettles, they were went to dig a pit 
in the ground and till it with water which they brought to the 
boiling point by cooling in it a nun -'ones heated red-hot 

for the pur] - Relations, Thwaites' edit. Vol. 38, p. 255: 

_. Italian. Macerata, L653, p. 10 recto: Martin's French T 
lation, Montreal. 1852, p. 74). His description of the vapour- 
hath - _ ven on the preceding page, where there is no men 

of a pit. 

Father Lafitau, one of the old missionaries of New France, 
in h> "M.. - - Si u _ - Ameriquains" (Paris-1724-Yol. Ill, 
p. 79), speaking also of their manner of preparing food gives us 
to understand that the more • ry Indians, previous to their 

coming in contact with white men. used kettles made of clay, 
while the nomadic tribes carried about with them vessel- made 

■rood. These they filled with water and kept throwing into 
them red-hot stones until the water boiled, a pi 1 ss thorough 
_- remarks "for people who could stomach meat half- 

raw." Latitat:'- ■ iption of the vapour-bath is to be found 

Vol. IT., > t the same work. p. ST. 

A transition from this method of heating water for culinary 
oses to its adpotion for vapour baths, if indeed it be really 
=sary to point out a transition, may be found in the "Mission 
du Saguenay" — Relation Inedite du U. P. Pierre Laure Monti al. 
S '. p. 50). After describing the usual manner ol ding, 

Laure tells us that the Indians had been taught an improve. 1 way 
of taking a sweat-bath. The water used is a decoci • • oJ aro- 
matic herbs: "On prepare une cuve ou Ton met d'abord tine 
planche en travers pour servir de siege, puis en dehors on cloue 
aux eercles de la cuve 4 ou 5 petites perches pliantes dont le haut 



1907 BURE \r OF ARCHH I S 159 

limit va aboutir a un moien cercle qu'oii met ii la hauteur du col 
de celuy qu'on veu< y asseoir, en sorte que sa tete passant dehors 
.in a soin de bien couvrir le reste du corps a I'aide des perches qui 
mi- servent qu'a soutenir lea couvertures de peur qu'elles ae port- 
ent sur les epaules. Tout prepare ainsi on met d'avance la 
chaudiere bouillante dans lefond de la cuve etsous le siege. Poui 
soutenir les pieds du malade on place sur la chaudiere un bout de 
pin 1 1 < • 1 1 , crainte de la brulure. Le patienl enveloppe seulement 
d'un linceuil se Eourre doucement dans la surie avec un pet>t 
baton qui lui sert ii remuer la medecihe a mesure que la chaleur 
se lalcntii, etc." (See also Thwaites' edit, of Relations with 
translation, Vol . 68, p. 7~. i 

All 1 li i ^ would be according to rule in our own days, it is 
the orthodox fashion we have followed, or at leasi seen depicted 
in the flashy advertisements of our magazines and reviews, but 
it has one drawback, it can be enjoyed but by one at a time, and 
tin- was not tn the liking of the savage. Henee the single tub 
was in must cases discarded, and pits were dug- in the ground. 
which, where the earth was pervious to water, must have been 
lined « Lth clay. 

The "Relation par Lettres de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 
1709-1710" recently published by Father Camille de Rochemon- 
teix (Letouzey et Ane— Paris — 1904) at page 97 furnishes an 
account with ample detail of this description of vapour-bath. 

"They (the Indians) are till faster walkers than we are, and 
are good runners, while among the different nations there are 
some tribes who surpass the others as much as the latter surpass 
us. When tired or out of sorts they make a sw at-box. Fur this 
purpose they set up four poles over a pit dug in the ground, and 
these they cover with beaver-skin robes. Then they take their 
places on a strip of bark in this hollow, close to the red-hot 
stones, over which from time to time they sprinkle water, or 
scatter pieces of tobacco, so that the steam arising from them 
diffuses the heat throughout. Such are the places in which they 
have their sweat. The outer air dues not penetrate, the heat 
within i- excessive, ami the sweat exudes profusely everywhere 
from their bodies, while all the pores are open. This does not 
hinder them from bathing afterwards though covered with per- 
spiration, and they plunge into cold water without its doing them 
the least harm." 

Lafitau also mentions tins custom: "Some, more particularly 
the sick, content themselves with a spraying of cold water" (Vol. 
IV. p. 88), and Sagard says: "Having perspired sufficiently they 
come out and go for a dive in the water, if they be mar some 



160 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

stream, if not, they wash themselves in cold water and then 
begin to feast" (Grand Voyage, old edit. p. 272, new, p. 190). 

No doubt it will be of interest to hear what Ducreux himself 
has to say concerning the vapour-bath, < hi page 58 (Historiae 
Canadensis sen Novae-Franciae Libri Decern Parisiis — Apud se- 
bastianum Cramoisy, etc., 1664) we read as follows: 

"Sudorem autem cient vel maxirne, angustiore septo quodam 
e cancellatis perticis, aggestisque pellibus, tanquam elibano, 
media in casula inclusi : candentibus lapidibus admotis. prius 
(•(in calefacto, (lie) niariini in niodnni, etc." 

The facts made clear by these quotations are, that the 
Indians made frequent use of vapour-baths, sueries in French; 
that one of the modes of proceeding was to dig holes in the ground 
to hold the water and hot stones, and that the sweating-boxes 
erected over them were not always set up near a stream as long 
as a supply "t cold water was at hand. 

Now my contention is, not that the shallow pits found in the 
uorth-west part of Medonte township were for a certainty vapour- 
hath pits, but that they might very well have been such. 

Of lot 74, concession I. it is said: "The most noteworthy 
feature of the site is a collection of shallow pits" (Andrew F. 
Hunter's Medonte, p. 72, No. 1): of lot 73, concession I., "There 
were from 100 to 200 holes in the ground similar to those des- 
cribed under the preceding numbers (i.e. 1 and 2], some of them 
arranged in rows and cross-rows" (Id. ih No. •">>; of lot 12, con- 
cession I., "a corn pit was found at this site, and also shallow 
pits in the ground, similar to those described under the preceding 
numbers. One observer remarked that some of them were 
arranged in a circle" (Id. ih. No. 4). The supposed empty caches 
an lot 73, same concession, are declared by the same author to 
he similar to the other shallow pits (Id. ih. No. 2). The same 
remark might be hazarded with regard to the depressions noticed 
on lot 69, always Hie same concession, though spoken of as "single 
praves" (Id. p. 73, No. 6). 

On the east half of lot 1G, concession Til.: .... "remains 
occur here beside the stream that flows out of the huckleberry 
marsh mentioned under preceding sites. Iron tomahawks have 
been found and some shallow pits were to he seen. A few of t hese 
* "As for sweating, they bring it on. and most profusely, by shutting 
themselves up. as in an oven, in a smaller compartment formed in the 
middle of the cabin of poles interlaced, thickly covered with furs, and 
intensely heated beforehand, alter the fashion of the 'therms,' by means 
of red-hot stones brought thither for the purpose." 

The "thermae," or hot baths, did not necessarily suppose as an adjunct 
either the tepid or cold baths. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. l,;i 

were examined by two men, who formerly lived near the place. 

They found a few humar hone-" (Id. p, 74, \ (l . i%) 

"<>n the east half of lol 15, concession III.. Duncan Barr and 
Chas. Todd. There are ashbeds and ashheaps here, near the Lefl 
bank of the Sturgeon River. Clay and stone pipes, iron toma- 
hawks, pottery fragments, and other relics have been found. On 
,l "' *;">"- lol su,,,,. shallow pit. have been rtported, which on 
examination yielded a feu human bones" (Id. ib. No. 13). 

All these sites, will, the exception of the lasl two, which lie 
between St. Michel and the Sturgeon River, are crowded into a 
quadrilateral of less than one mil,, by two, situated in the extreme 
north-west corner of Medonte township. This is what I shall 
call the First Group of shallow Pits, or the Waverloy Group. ' 

Coming now to the more central part of upper Medonte, 
another village site is met with which is deserving of attention. 
Had it been set down on the reconstructed map it would occupy 
a point ra the edge of Vasey Ridge .just above the spare between 
the ••(■•• and "o" f Sturgeon in the inscription "Sturgeon 
River." It lies well to the east of Hogg Rive,, perhaps too far 
to be identified with the position occupied by Caldaria on Du- 
creux-s map. Mr. Andrew F. Hunter gives it a lengthy notice. 
"19. On the west half of lot 21, concession VII., John Tin- 
ney. Here were found the remains of many camps. At the front 
of his land, in his garden, and near the road. Mr. Tinney found 
relics, including iron tomahawks, a stone mortar, pottery frag- 
ments, pipes. Indian corn (carbonized by age), etc. While doing 
statute labour on the road near Mr. Tinney's gate a few year" 
ago one of the workmen ploughed up some human hones among 
the Huron eamps. The most notable feature of this site was a 
group of shallow pits or depressions in the ground, at a short 
distance from it. My attention was called to these bv James 
Dav IS , then of Coulsons Corners. Mr. Davis described them as 
'Title pits," and considered them to have had their origin in 
connection with the war in which the Hurons were engaged. He 
had traced 140 of the pits about the year 1870, before the forest 
was cleared. In the year 1889, I made a brief inspection of them 
having been guided to the place by Mr. Tinney, who had lived 
on thi. farm since 1876. They appeared to l>e irregularly dis- 
tributed over the surface of the ground. But what I saw on that 
occasion, I should hardly describe as pits, although the land had 
been under cultivation for some years ami the appearance of the 
surface had doubtless changed. The ground was uneven, and 
made so apparently by artificial means: l„,t the irregularities 
might have been intended for cornhills, the Hurons having used 



162 



THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 



very large hillocks for this purpose. The pits would thus be 
depressions between the cornhills. Prof. Montgomery also noted 
these, and describes them In the following terms, in reply to my 
enquiries:— 'Not far from this ossuary [situated on lot 21, con- 
cession VI, and spoken of by Mr. Hunter on p. 75, under No. 18], 
perhaps a mile,— then in the woods,— I found numerous artificial 
pits. These may be the pits referred to in your catalogue. My 
recollection would lead me to place the pits I found near by to 
the east of the ossuary .... They were mere shallow, circular 
depressions in the ground, but a few feet in diameter. Of the 
few examined, thai is. excavated, most seemed to be barren as 
to skeletons and relies. But some Indian com. entirely charred 
and in perfect shape, was found in .me of them. I kept about 
a pint cupful of this corn in excellent condition for many years' ' 
( Id. p. T-VTIi, Xo. 19). 

This single village site contains what I would call the Second 
or Vasey Group of Shallow Tits. 

Water was not lacking for the Waverley Group. Mr. Hunter 
established the fact. The site (Xo. 1. lot 74, concession I. "with 
the four following is on the highest ground in this part of the 
township. The indispensable supply of spring water was easily 
obtained from an old (though still water-bearing) beach, 110 feet 
above the 'Algonquin'" (Medonte, p. 72, Xo. 1). The others 
occupy points either en a tributary of Sturgeon River or near the 

river itself. 

Of the two groups of shallow pits that of Waverley is more 
likely to occupy the place which Ducreux intended to designate 
as Caldaria. 

From all that has preceded one general conclusion may be 
drawn, which presumably no one will be disposed to controvert, 
viz that throughout the region in which Ducreux has set down 
hi. Caldaria there were shallow pits scattered profusely— there 
and no where else so lavishly, and that consequently whatever 
Caldaria may stand for, and whatever may have been the use to 
which these pits were put, their topographical proximity is sug- 
gestive of some relation of these features to the name inscribed. 

As soon however as we would attempt to draw some more 
definite conclusion (be it. that the word Caldaria was purposely 
chosen to designate on the map a locality where hot baths were 
used more than elsewhere, and conversely that the shallow pits, 
which are found to abound just in the neighbourhood indicated, 
had really been used for that purpose, though here and there 
some might have been turned to other uses') we must be prepared 
to parry the very pertinent question: "But is it not very odd 



1 63 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 

th: " [i tll " M ' baths ""•'' so verj extensive, though grouped to- 
* ether "' one Particular pari of Euronia, forming a kind of 
fashionable but barbaric Carlsbad, no mention whatever of their 
existence in this privileged locality si 1,1 find place in the Rela- 

t inns ? 

"' W,|: " bas already been pleaded for the theory is net a 
sufficient answer. „ n ,a\ as pertinently be ask,.,! in turn- "Does 
H >"» seem singular too degree thai a nan,,, should figure on the 
"'-I' (^here not very many other nan,,-, are given), very distinctly 
vmtten, with the very obvious in fact only possible meaning f 
"""' ? atlls " '"• "Kettles," and that qo village, more or "less 
noted for its baths, or whose inhabitants were given more than 
others to bathing, should Lave existed in the neighbourhood ■"' 
A ' !,i w,,: ' t " f the explorer of Euron sites, puzzling over these 
shallow pits? II,. may indeed wonder bow il could happen thai 
the missionary annalist could have ignored them, but be cannot 
reasonably blame the chorographer, since the inset map gives 
tun the clue by placing very conspicuously on the spol the "topo- 
graphical label" Caldaria. 

At all events, all the data obtainable, bearing on the question 
have been gathered here, and experts are tree to draw their own 
conclusions. Personally. 1 think the choice lies between the 
theory that, supposing the name to be a Euron word, Caldaria 
stands for Katdaria, "The Little Circle of The Dead, etc.," and 
this other theory which takes Caldaria, just as it stands, for a 
Latin word with its natural meaning of "Hot Baths" „r 

"Kettles." Of these two theories the latter, it wouhl .,,,,, has 

most to commend it, in fact, it might claim to he sanctioned by 
the chorographer himself, for on his general map he certainly 
use. the word for Ketth or Caldron. The well known Chau- 
diere Falls (Falls of the Kettle or Kettle Falls), on the south 
-Lore near Quebec, he designates twice by the name "Saltus 
1 a Idariae." 

TWO PLACES WITH HURON NTAMES I\ THE ALGON- 
QUIN COUNTRY. 

End Mt.xii v. 

Tie- mention of tins village or encampment occurs in Rel 
"" ,1 - '!'■ ,;; - ' <" 1 •) = "I became, says the same Father [Claude 
Pijart], most intimately acquainted with him [Father Leonard 
Garreau] while in the country of the Eurone, and admired the 
exalted virtue of that man of Cod. f remember that when I was 



104 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

passing the winter with him, in Ki44, at a place named Endar- 
ahy, we were crossing a frozen pond, on the fourth of December, 
St. Barbara's day, the ice broke under my feet and I sank into 
the water. Without thought of danger he ran to my rescue, etc." 

Turning to the end of the last chapter of the Rel. 1645. (p. 51, 
1 col.) we lead : "The seventh Church [i.e. group of Christian 
Indians) that of the 'Sainct-Ksprit ,' is made up of Algonquins, 
of whom several nations gathered together anil wintered on the 
great lake of our Hurons about twenty-five leagues from us [i.e. 
from Huronia], This obliged Father Claude I'ijart and Father 
Leonard Gareau, chosen as their instructors, to pass the winter 
[1644-45] with them, etc." This Relation was closed on May 
15th, 1645; see following page, 52, 2 col. 

The two Fathers mentioned broke up camp on May 7th, 1645, 
as is stated in Rel. 1646 (p. 81, 2 col.) so that few particulars of 
their adventurous mission could be recorded in the Relation of 
1645, which, as was just stated, closed on May the 15th: these 
particulars find place in the Relation 1646, where their escape 
from death, when they broke through the ice, is described (p. 81. 
1 col), and where the date of their departure from Huronia for 
their mission is determined as having taken place at the end of 
November. 

In our first quotation (from Rel. 1656) we have the name of 
the place given, Endarahy. In the second its distance from 
Huronia is set down at about twenty-five leagues, otherwise about 
seventy-five miles. While what is contained in Rel. 1646, estab- 
lishes the parallelism of the passages, and consequently shows 
that in tlie citations there is always question of Endarahy. 

A distance of about seventy-five miles from Huronia, along 
the shores of Lake Huron, would reach as far as Parry Sound, 
and the "etang" mentioned might be Mill Lake or Fetherstone, 
or any one of the small lakes in Foley or McDougal] townships. 

Derivation of Endarahy. The name is compounded of three 
roots. 

1. --EiiJa. robbe de peau, vide £nd8cha" (R. H.. p. 295, 1 
col.). "And8ch{r)a, robbe de castor, de chat, etc." (Id. p. 290, 
1 col.); a fur robe, a beaver skin robe, a wild cat skin, etc. 

2. "-4 /• vel iirn. in comp. 1° active peindre, representer, fig- 
urer, effiiner .... 2° passive, etre peint, etc." With the passive 
meaning to lie painted, drawn on, etc. (Id. p. 167.). From these 
two radicals endi-ara we have the compound word endara "The 
painted heaver skin robe." 

3. "7, .... in comp., etre plein .... etre entier" ("Id. 
p. 233.) the first example given by Fotier is "qnnonchi, la mai- 



1!»07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 165 

son est pleine," this seems a little singular as the full word for 
bouse or cabin is annonchia (atennonchia vel ennonchia, Id. p. 
291, 1 col.), and instead of adding another "i" the final "a" is 
eliminated and the syncopated form annonchi stands for "a full 
house." In endarahy, the word before us, the ease is qu'te 
different, the "i" is added as a suffix, and, to prevent its coalesc- 
ing- with the "a" preceding it, the aspirate "h" is added, and 
the "h" in Huron is always aspirate: "semper consonat, sem- 
perque cum aspiratione effertur" (Potier, Gram. p. 1). Properly 
speaking there is no "y" in Huron. Potier mentions it neither 
among the letters wanting in Huron, nor in the enumeration of 
those in use. It never appears in the written text. Its place is 
not taken by the "i" for " 'i' nunquam est consonans" (Gram, 
p. 1), but its place is very well supplied by the iota subscript. 
Our word to be thoroughly Huron should read Endarahi and not 
Endarahy, and has for meaning "A whole beaver-skm-robe 
painted" or "The heaver-skin-robe all painted." or "covered 
with paintings." 

Tanc;Ouaex. 

This name occurs in Relation 1646, p. 76, 2 col. "Le Pere 
lean de Brebeuf alia sur la fin de l'automne en vn lieu nomine 
Tangouaen, ou demeurent quelques Algonquins et ou quelques 
cabanes de Hurons se sont refugiees pour y viure plus a couuert 
des incursions des Iroquois : car c'est vn pays ecarte et entourre 
de tous costez de lacs, d'estangs et de riuieres, qui font ce lieu 
inaccessible a l'ennemy." 

The distance from Huronia to this spot is given in the first 
column of the following page approximately as a journey of five 
or six days. Travelling on foot, according to Relation 1641 (p. 
71, 2 col.), to cover about forty leagues it would take four or 
five days, so the rate would be eight to ten leagues a day, from 
twenty-four to thirty miles. Had Father de Brebeuf and his 
companion gone on foot to Tangouan the distance could be set 
down at any figure between forty and sixty leagues or 120 to 180 
miles. This pace of eight or ten leagues a day, over broken 
ground could hardly be kept up for five or six days. But the 
main portion of the journey was to all appearances made in a 
canoe, for it is added in the sequel (p. 77, 1 col.) that ice impeded 
their progress homewards. 

"Le Pere ayant passe quelques iours en cette solitude, fut 
presse de haster son retour, craignant d'estre surpris des glaces 
et de l'hyuer qui commencoit, et qui en effet 1'arresta en chemin 

1.1 An. 



166 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

et le mi( en danger de mourir et de faim et de froid, et de perir 
dans les lacs et riuieres qu'ils auoient a passer." 

We are enabled to make a very fair surmise as to the direc- 
tion by an entry in the "Journal de.s Jesuites" under date of 
July t, KiM, p. 156: .... "Nouuelles de l'estat des Hurons & 
de la defaite des Tang8aonronnons dans le lac des Nipissiriniens 
par 50 Iroquois." 

'Lake Nipissing lies 100 miles due north of the Huron country, 
so that Tangonaen was situate in the region north of the lake 
anywhere between Lake Wahnapitaeping and Seven League Lake 
on the Sturgeon, Smoke or Anthony Rivers. That it was on a 
river, or where a river falls into a lake, is evinced when we con- 
sider the meaning of the word. 

Though it would seem from the last quotation from the Rela- 
tions that Father de Brebeuf and his companion travelled by 
canoe, it need hardly be assumed on that account that the 
distance covered daily was appreciably greater. The rough 
weather at that season along Parry Sound, (in spite of the shelter 
of its numerous islands), and the many portages they must have 
been forced to make when they struck inland no doubt contri- 
buted greatly to equalize results. 

Derivation. Tangouaen is compounded of angSa and aen 
with the Te localitatis as prefix. 

"Ang8a, torrent, rapide, (vel angSara et ashonchia) ." R. -H. 
1751, p. 290, 1 col.; aen .... extra et intra compositionem, 

neat impels. : y avoir de quelque chose en quelque lieu 

imdataen il y a un village, et alia innumera." Id. p. 61. Or else 
from "aen .... extr. et int., voir." Id. p. 83, No. 81, Te-tmgoua- 
aen, Tangou-aen, "In sight of the Falls or Rapids," "Where there 
are Falls or Rapids." 



DERIVATION OF HURON NAMES. 

[NTR0D1 CTORT REMARKS. 

A. HURON ALPHABET (Facsimile) 

B. ON COMPOUND WORDS (Facsimile). 

C. AHOFEXDOE — Charity, Christian oh St. Joseph's Island. 
1). TEANAOSTAIAE— St. Joseph II. 

E. SCANONAENEAT— St. Michel. 

F. OSSOSSANE. 

(i. IHONATIRIA— St. Joseph I. 
II. KHINONASCARANT ok QUIEUXOXASOARAN. 
F CARHAGOUHA. 

J. TEANDEOFIATA oh TOANCHE II. 
K. CAHIAGUE — St. Jean-Baptiste of the Relations. 
I,. TAEXHATENTAEON— St. Ignace I. 
M. KAOTIA ok KAOXTTA— Stf. Anne. 
N. L. ISIARAGUI— Mud Lake. 
0. EKAEXTOTOX— Mamtoi lin Island. 
P. PAGTJS ETHAOFATII'S. 
Q. LACUS OFEXTAROXIUS— Simcoe Lake. 
R. LACUS AXAOUITES— Cranberry Lake. 
S. ANATARI— Thoraii (?) Island. 

T. SCHIONDEKIARIA— Beausoleil, Prince William Henry 
1m and and CHIOXK I A 1! A Mouth of the Severn, along 
the South Shore. 



I 167 ] 



DERIVATION OF HURON NAMES. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

Before submitting iny attempts at decomposing the Huron 
names of places as found in the Relations and on Ducreux's inset 
Slap, 1 wish to disclaim formally any pretentions to inerrancy. 

Having scrupulously quoted phrase and rule on which my 
deductions are based, and whatever else I deemed of a nature to 
throw light on the matter in hand, any reader who can master 
his distaste for so wearisome a task may form his own estimate 
of the correctness of the derivations. 

The difficulties of the language are innumerable, as Huron 
became practically a dead language a score of years ago, and 
without a living master might I not add these difficulties are well 
nigh insurmountable? 

During about a century and a half of close observation, the 
succeeding generations of missionaries singled out and carefully 
compiled a list of a little over eight hundred verb-roots, and up- 
wards of five hundred and sixty nouns either primitives or 
immediately deriving therefrom. Of adjectives there is in their 
lists but a thin scattering. 

On the other hand, in any work written in Huron the number 
of compound words is, in comparison, endless, and the complex- 
ity of their structure appalling for any beginner however 
enthusiastic. In fact what Brebeuf says is enough to damp the 
ardour of any amateur linguist: "Nous sommes employez en 
l'estude de la langue, qui, a cause de la diuersite de ses mots 
composez, est quasi infinie" (Rel. 1635, p. 37, 1 col.). And 
again: "Les mots composez leur sont plus en vsage .... La 
variete de ces noms composez est tres grande, et c'est la clef du 
secret de leur langue" (Rel. 1636, p. 99, 1 col.). 

But at the outset what most disagreeably surprises one intent 
on dissecting compound words, so as to segregate their roots, is 
that most of the words in any phrase in Huron begin with a con- 
sonant, while the root-words in the Radices Huronicae almost 
invariably begin with a vowel. The reason of this is that 
particles denoting time, place, duality, negation, affirmation, 

[169] 



170 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

reciprocal relation, reduplication, re-iteration, etc., etc., are in 
constant and necessary use, and, as a general thins;, figure as 
prefixes. 

L'Abbe Cuoq, 1'. S. S., in liis Lexique Iroquois (J. Chapleau 
et fils, Montreal, 1882, p. 204), in speaking of the Iroquois 
language, which is akin to the Huron, so much so that it may be 
considered but a dialect, remarks : 

"For the understanding of the language either written or 
spoken, it is important before all else to disengage the roots he 
they verbal or nominal, which for the most part are involved 
with all manner of prefixes, particles expressing relation, acci- 
dents and suffixes or enclitics, and, as it were lost in their 
surroundings." This process of disentangling he tells us, is the 
great stumbling-block for the beginner. It is a task perplexing 
enough when there is question of single derivatives, but which 
becomes intensely so when lengthy compound words are to be 
resolved into their component parts. 

Nor would I have given a second thought to inquisitive 
promptings to know what, after all, these Huron names of vil- 
lages, towns, lakes and hills really meant, were it not that T 
found to hand, methodically compiled and admirably transcribed 
precepts and roots of the language of a stricken and dispersed 
nation. 

Among the many precious relics of the past which have been 
gatherd into our collection at St. Mary's College, are five volumes 
in Fr. Pierre Potier's handwriting. This father was the last 
missionary to that portion of the Huron nation which settled in 
AVestern Canada in the vicinity of Sandwich. He died at that 
town July 16. 1781. 

Immediately on his arrival at Quebec in October 1743, he was 
sent to Lorette to study the Huron language under Fr. Pierre 
Daniel Eicher, who had had charge of the Hurons almost from 
the time he first landed in the country in 1714. Potier spent a 
little over eight months under Fi . Richer's tuition, and reached 
the scene of his labours, near Detroit, September 25, 1744. 

The first of the volumes above mentioned is. according to his 
own title, Radices Linguae Huronicae, Tow. I. It is a closely 
written small 8vo of 2G0 pages, and was completed December 22. 
1743. It comprises the Huron Radicals or Roots of the First, 
Third, Fourth and Fifth Conjugations. This volume is referred 
to in the following notes and throughout as R. H. 1743. 

The second volume, of 302 pages, enitled Radices Linguae 
Huronicae, Tom. II., comprises the Huron Roots of the Second 
Conjugation, and was completed February 18. 1744. These two 



1<MI7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 171 

volumes were consequently copied, while Potier was still at 
Lorette, from pre-existing works. It is referred to as J\. H. 1744. 

The third volume, entitled Elementa Grammatieae Huronicat , 
comprises the Huron Grammar properly speaking, of 109 pages. 
a Compendium of Huron Radicals of ; >T pages, and a census of 
the Hurons of his mission etc., in all 158 pages. The Grammar 
and Compendium were completed May 21, 1745. In quotations 
it appears simply as Gramm. or Gr. 

The fourth volume is a collection of sermons in Huron, hom- 
ilies, a treatise on Religion etc., with the names, when known, 
of the different missionaries who composed them. The first part 
was completed July 2, 1746, and the last date given in the second 
part is April 1, 1747. 

The fifth and last volume, entitled Radices Huron icae, which 
comprises the two previous volumes of Huron Roots, with many 
additions, and a list of some 566 nouns, in the order of the con- 
jugations to which they belong, under the heading Quacdam 
Substantivae, was completed September 20, 1751. It is quoted 
as R- H. 1751, or simply as R. H . 

Now these would be very useful and effective tools in the 
hands of a skilled workman ; but I am not proficient in the Huron 
Language. This will account satisfactorily, I hope, for reflec- 
tions made, as it were, aloud, while I am casting about for some 
root that resembles the Huron name of whose derivation I am in 
quest. Far from having any desire to load these few pages with 
pedantic quotations, I simply take the public into my confidence, 
and invite critics to set me right when I go astray, or to brush 
aside any far-fetched derivation they may detect. Huron is a 
dead language, and the first comer may learn as much about it 
as the next. The last Indian who could speak the language. 
Chief Bastien, died some years ago at Lorette. Moreover, works 
(in the Huron Language are exceedingly rare, and there are none 
in print, I believe. Consequently I thought it would be more 
than unfair to proceed to pronounce dogmatically on the deri- 
vation of a word, while those as able to judge of the correctness 
of the etymological meaning were precluded from consulting the 
sources to which I alone have access. I regret exceedingly that 
I have no Huron dictionary, for with it the work would have 
been greatly simplified and, what is of more consequence, the 
results less dubious. 

I offer no apology for repetitions of certain quotations from 
the Grammar or Radices. They were made advisedly to spare 
the reader the trouble of too frequently turning back to preceding 
pages t» refresh hi 1 - memory. 



172 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

C— AHOUENDOE 
Charity, Christian* ok St. Joseph's Island. 

In the old records the same name appears under different 
forms. In the Relations it is printed AhSendoe (R. 1649, p. 29, 
1 col.) Ahouendae (R. 1652, p. 10, 2 col.). Duereux's map has 
Gahoedoe, a contraction for Gahoendoe, while in the "Journal 
des Jesuites" we find Ah8endoe (p. 151) and Ah8en'doe ( pp 152 
170). 

The main root is "ahSenda (ahSenda), espace de terre separee, 
ile," 7?. H. 1751, p. 2SS, 1 col. distinguished by the circumflex 
accent over the "e" from "ahSenda paquet de poisson [a string 
of fish]," Id. ib., and "ahSenda, gras de jambe [the calf of the 
leg]" Id. ib. 

Ah8enda, meaning a stretch of land cut off, separated, or an 
island, derives in turn most probably from "u8\, etre ceint, avoir 
un brayer" Id. p. 162, No. 2, to be girdled or girt about, to wear 
a breech-clout. 

In the Huron dictionary of Lorette, near Quebec, sub voc. 
"'ile" what follows is to be found "Insula, ijhSendo; ah8endoe 
dans l'ile; eJca8e8cndonnion aux iles ; atihScndo, vel atiSendaral; 
les Hurons, quia in insula habitabant ; AhSendoronnon, les insu- 
laires, les Anglois et autres." 

l'otier (Gramm. p. 155, 1 col.), in giving the Huron names 
of different nations, writes: "Sendat, Huron; ckeenteeronnon 
vel haiin(g)ia8ointen, sauvages de Lorette," while to designate 
the English he gives the word "ctiorhenchtronnon , anglois," 
which he explains on page 65 (Id. sub. No. 7) "etiorhench(t)ron- 
non, anglais, habitants du Levant," dwellers in the east, refer- 
ring probably to the New Englanders. 

Decomposing the name Ahouendoe we have Ahouend-o-ae . 

1. "Ahouinda, ile" (E. H. p. 288, 1 col), an island. 

2. "0 .... 1° extr. comp y avoir de l'eau ou quel- 

que liqueur semblable a l'eau coulante et humide, comme l'eau 
dans quelque lieu ou vase .... item, etre en quelque corps trans- 
parent, ou y paroitre par l'image qu'on y forme." Among the 
derivatives given are "Aronto, une arbre dans l'eau qui sert de 
pont pour passer une riviere, un pont ; A8endo il y a une ile dans 
un lac, dans une riviere, etc." (Id. p. 241). Hence Ahouenda-o, 
Ahouendo, there is an island in a lake; adding the suffix ae and 
eliding the "a," Ahouendoe. The ae is placed after words in 

•S,.,. Rel. 1649, p. '27, 2 col. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 173 

answer to the question "annen?" [expressed or understood] ubi? 
quoP qua? unde? annen ihentron? andatae, ubi est? in pago" 
(Gramni. p. 87), where is he? in the village. 

D. TEANAOSTAIAE 
St. Joseph II. 

There are various readings of this name in the Relations : 
T eanaustayae (R. 1637, p. 56, 2 col.; p. 64, 1 col.; p. 66, 2 col.); 
leanausteaiae (R 1637, p. 107, 2 col.); Teanaostahe (Id. p. 127, 
2 col.') Teanansteixe (R. 1G40, p. 63, 1 col.) an evident blunder 
of the copyist, and Teanaostaiae (R. 1637, twice on p. 161, 2 col. ; 
p. 162, 1 col.). I have adopted the last mentioned form. 

This word may be resolved more or less satisfactorily into its 
component parts in three ways. 

First Combination of radicals : 

1. Te or T (Gramm. p. 75) : "De praepositionibus — ex par- 
ticulis quae praeponuntur, aliae sunt separabiles, intae, etae, 
infra, ach(r)a8i supra, sursum; aliae sunt inseparables ut 1° .s 
quam vocamus particulam reiterationis, unitatis et excessus, 2° 
T quam vocamus notam distantiae, temporis, vel loci, 3° Te quod 
vocamus afErmationis, dualitatis, divisionis vel notam peren- 
nitatis et totalitatis, 4° chiate, nota aequalitatis." 

"Ceteris temporibus (besides those enumerated above on the 
same page of the grammar) et modis nihil mutatur, sed praefi- 
gitur te, quod ante vocalem eliditur cum apostrophe" (Gramm. 
p. 26, 4°). 

2. "Eq (ateq) eau, liqueur" (R. H. p. 294, 2 col.), water, 
liquid. 

3. "Annon .... in comp. cum voce pass, significat garder 
(|iielque chose ou quelque personne en avoir soin" (R. H. p. 148, 
No. 54.), in English, to take care of, to stand guard over. 

Thus far : T e-ea-annon which becomes Teannon, in compli- 
ance with the first and second rules to be observed in compound- 
ing words: "Quaedam observanda in compositione substantivi 
cum adjectivis et verbis — 1° Subtantivum semper praeit. 2° 
Ultima vocalis substantivi perit, et consonans adjectivi vel verbi 
quae initialis est eliditur, seu (quod idem est) perit vel ultima 
primi verbi [word] littera, vel prima littera secundi verbi 
[word]." (Gramm. p. 66). 

Teannon may be written Teanon, for it must be remembered 
that Potier (De Litteris — Gramni. p. 1) warns us: " 'n,' si sola 
sit, vocali praecedenti iungatur, v.g. atenion, far torrere, graler 



174 



THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 



du ble [to mast or pop corn] die atcn-ion, non vero ate-mon, 81 
geminetur nil difhcultatis est." So that it would be very diffi- 
cult to determine by merely bearing it pronounced whether there 
was a single or a double "n" in any Huron word. 

Teanon, as it now stands, is a complete compound word of 
itself, meaning "The Guardian of the Spring, or River and 
.nay be combined according to rule with other words or roots. 

4 "A8asti, in composition cum quibusdam nominibus sig- 
aificat etre beau, bon" (R. H. p. 158), to be beautiful, good etc. 
Tcanon-aSasti, combined, TeanaSsti. Were I attempting to 
account for Teanaustayae, the form adopted in Relation 1WJ 
(pp 56, 64, 66 vid sup.), I should call attention to the presence 
of the "u," but would remark at the same time that u is not 
the equivalent of "8:" "'8' sonat at W Nota i et 8 
sae pe facere unam tantum syllabum cum vocali aut diphthongo 
sequent! v.g. k8arask8a, partons [let us depart, let us go], chwn- 
8esen, tu est liberal [thou art bountiful], tionSesen nons som- 
mes liberaux [we are bountiful]; quae omnia trissyllaba sunt. 
U quando notantur duobus punctis [diaeresis], faciunt duplieem 
svllabam cum sequente vocali aut diphthongo, * v.g hotia>. Us 
„nt coupe [thev have cut] quadrisyllabum ; hotiai i\ est coupe 
[he is cut] trisyllabum; sie eskion elles rentreront [they (ieimn.) 
will re-enter], est trisyllabum, et esMon, je rentrerai [I shall re- 
enter] dissvllabum." (Gramm. p. 1). 

The form Tcanaostaiac, however, has been adopted because 
it appears to be the more correct, seeing that the change of "8 
into "o" is in aceordanee with Huron usage: ' O semper 
pronnniciatur ut apud Gallos. <0' et '8' aliquando promiseue 
adhibentur" (Gramm. p. 1). . ., 

Teanon thus combined with aSasti, Teanaosti, would mean 
"The Keeper (or Guardian) of the Beautiful Spring for River). 
To this the diminutive is now added. 

5 --A: in sing, a, ak, aha, ache; in plur. as, ask8a aska, 

aska eenk extr. et intr. comp. (vide grammatieam) [p. M, 

To], varia significat, etc." (R. H. p. 1.), and its derivative a few 
lines lower down on the same page : 

"Am vel iskaia, diminutivun. formatum a praecedenti, extr. 

et int • in compositione ponitur am pro sing., et am pro plur.: 

iSaskaia, vel i&na, vel i8am 0„. il y en a un pen. vel il y en a 

♦For this reason, Wenrio, a very common modern way of spelling the 

na me of the Huron village Oenrio, Senrio or Ouenno, w not correct, as ,t 

makes only three syllables, while the name should be pronounced as a_ word 

of four. If the diaeresis is sometimes omitted, it must he asenbed to the 

carlessness of copyists. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 175 

ptu. Ish8aia, fort pen, est reduplicativum [there is a little, there 
is but little, there is very little] Iandatsaia (die andatsashSi) 
petite chaudiere, iandatsasa, de petites chaudieres, etc.,'' (R. H. 
p. 1) [a little kettle, little kettles, from "qndatsa, chaudiere [a 
kettle, pot], anne'no extr. comp." (Id. p. 289, 1 eol.) 

Potier refers us to the Grammar, where on page 30 ample 
explanation of the manner of conjugating t he verb 'a,' of its 
combinations and meanings, is given. What concerns u> most is 
contained in paragraph seven : "7" Verbum V per se significat 
praecise magnitudinem vel aetatem, additione litterae V rem 
saepe magnam dicit, addito in fine aia est verbum diminutivuin, 
unde adverbium i8ala vel ish8aia (redup.). Potest componi, 
v.g. tninoncli una [from "annonchia (atennonchia vel ennonchia, 
cabane, maison," E. H. p. 291, 1 col., a cabin, hut, house], 
andatsaia, i8asaia, petite cabane, petite chaudiere, petit plat [a 
little cabin, a little kettle, a small plate. The last word is from 
"a8a, atsen extr. (a\tesa) plat, cuiller, bassinet de fusil" (E. H. 
p. 293, 1 col.), a plate, spoon, the pan of a flint lock]. In pluri- 
bus dicitur asa pro aia, v.g. iannonchiasa, iandatsasa, etc., de 
petites cabanes, chaudieres, etc." little cabins, little kettles, 
etc. See also under Ihonaiiria. 

Hence, Teanaosti-aia, Teanaostaia, "The Guardian of the 
Beautiful Little Eiver, or Spring. 

6. The last addition needed to make the two words Tednaost 
aiae and Teanostaia wholly alike is of the suffix ar, denoting 
place, permanency, number, etc. The function of ae, which is 
very extensive, is explained at great length in B. H., 1751 (p. 
82, No. 80), and in the Huron grammar (p. 75, passim, and p. 
87, under "annen?" But such exhaustive explanatory details 
could not find place here. Suffice it to say that it is frequently 
added, as a suffix, to names of places, and that owing to elision 
the "e" alone sometimes remains: "Porro aliquando accidit ut 
in compositione nominum cum verbo 'ae,' fiat contractio ita tit 
vix appareat pars ulla verbi, v.g.: do iannonske (pro Oo innn- 
ehiae? Combien de cabanes? a fr annonshe (pro a te (wnonchia*) 
dans toutes les cabanes, a te ondeehrae (pro a te ondeelvrae) par 
toute la terre" (E. II. p. 82, in fin.t. how many cabins? in all 
the cabins, everywhere on earth. The following passage renders 
sufficiently clear its use when there is question not of numbern 
but ot place: "Ad quatuor quaestiones loci, ubi? unde? quo? 
et qua? respondelur eodero modo per istam finalem .... v.g. 
annen ihentron? ou est-il ? andatae [or — ae], il est au village; 
annrji tontare? d'oii vient-il? andatae, du village: annen are- 



176 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

tande? ou va-t-il? andatae, an village; annen a'rendi? par ou 
a-t-il passe? andatae. par le village" (Gramm. p. 75). 

So that if the question be either : Where is he ? Whence 
conies he ? Whither goeth he ? or : Through what place did he 
pass? and you wish to answer: He is at (or in) the village, He 
comes from the village, He goes to the village, He passed through 
the village, the answer is the same in Huron : Andata-ae, con- 
tracted to andatae (or andatae); "Andata (endata or atendata" 
(R. H. p. 288, 2 col.), meaning a village or town. This accounts 
for the finals in Alwuendoc, Toanche, Arcnte, Ossossane, Tean- 
aostaiae, Cahiaguc, Andiatae, etc. in answer, as it were, to the 
question, Where? (understood), and denoting site or place, as, 
there where, or where such a village stands, etc. 

When we come to consider the appropriateness of the name 
Teanaostaiae, ''Guardian of The Spring, River or Water," we 
must bear in mind that the village stood in a commanding 
position, overlooking the deep valley of the Coldwater, which 
river takes its rise to the south not far from it, and with many 
windings feels its way northwards, emptying finally into Matche- 
dash Bay. And I have no doubt that the village site, cleft in 
two by the Penetanguishene road, at lots numbered 35 in Oro 
and Vespra was one of the several positions occupied in turn by 
the villagers of St. Joseph II. It is of very considerable extent, 
and any traveller, passing that way, cannot fail to notice a very 
abundant spring but a short distance to the west of the roadway. 

Second combination of radicals : 

The same as the preceding, but with ea omitted, while annona 
would take the place of annov , thus, Te-annona-a8asti; to which 
aiai would be added with the enclitic ae : T c-annona-aSasti-iai- 
ae, contracted Teanaostaiae. 

2. Armona, with identically the same spelling and the same 
-igns has five different meanings : 
Annona, le fond de Feau. 
Annona, abyme, precipice. 
Annona, tresor, magasin, une peche, etc. 
i nnona, (in comp.) coutume, usage, moeurs. 
Annona, le dos" (R. H. 1751, p. 291, 1 col.). 

In English: 1. The bottom of the water, 2. An abyss, a 
precipice, 3. A treasure, hoard, store, a catch (draught of fishes) 
etc., 4. A custom, usage, manners, and 5. The back. 

The first, third and fourth meanings may be set aside as being 
hopelessly unsuggestive of anything which might relate to this 
Indian village. The choice would lie, I think, between annona, 
an abyss, a precipice, and annona the bark. There would be some 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 177 

significance in the latter, since Teanaostaiae stands at the very 
edge of the height of land extending from that point diagonally 
across the township, through Mount St. Louis and Moonstone, 
towards the village of f'oldwater. But this would he taking the 
word in a metaphorical sense. 

Annoha, with the meaning of abyss, precipice, etc., seems 
more apposite, for the cliff, or bluff on which St. Joseph II. 
stands is indeed precipitous. This reminds us of what Father 
Bressani said of it : .... "As the enemy could approach it on 
one side only, thus betraying his presence, on account of the 
elevated site of the village (per 1'eminenza del borgo, — Ital. Orig. 
p. 106), the inhabitants who chose to do so, had time to escape- 
by the side opposite" (Martin's French Transl. p. 247). 

4. Aiai, the fourth root is thus noted in Radices Huronicae, 
1751, (p. 103, No. 28): "Ami (vel aai) .... extr., couper 
rompre, briser, casser,'" to cut, cleave, break, sever, and infer- 
entially no doubt to shape, or something to that effect, '-'iai 
.... in comp. (pro aiai extr.)" (Id. ib.) with the same mean- 
ing. As aiai is marked "extr.," i.e. "extra compositionem" we 
must use its equivalent, iai in compound words, thus: 

Te-annona-a8asti-iai-ac . 

Applying the second rule, quoted above, we have TeanoaSasti- 
aiae, whose further contraction to Teanaostaiae is sanctioned by 
rules seventh and eighth. These rules run thus: 

"7° Aliquando duplex aut triplex vocalis eliditur in sub- 
stantivo, etc." 

"8° Saepe fiunt erases unius vel plurium syllabarum, v.g. : 
haahSasti, il est beau [he is handsome] pro haataSasti; annon- 
skSei, cabane bouchee [a well closed cabin, i.e., all crannies and 
chinks stopped or plugged] .... ondechen, il y a une terre 
[there is a stretch of land] pro ondechaen, etc." (observanda in 
enmpositione, etc. — Gramm. p. 66.). 

This second combination would mean. "The Beautiful Cliff 
shaped," "The Beautifully shaped Cliff." Nor can it be found 
fault with as being at variance with the ninth rule: "Verbum 
[a verb] non componitur cum alio verho, etc.," for the process 
seems to be authorized by Potier (De Nominibus — Gramm. p. 65, 
10°): "A verbis [verbs] et adjectivis formantur vera substantiva, 
etc." And in the present case Teanaosti has already been trans- 
formed into a noun before combining with iai, which otherwiM' 
would be the second verb. 

Third combination of radicals: 

There is but one other root I can discover, which in com- 
bination with the others just mentioned, could give as resultant 
Teanaostaiae. 



178 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

4. "Atai (die 8tai) .... etre colore (couleur brillante, eclat- 
ante) utuntur tantum praesenti 8ta%, cela est colore, etc." (R. H. 
1751, p. 20, No. 19). Attn' would supplant aiai, making Te- 
annona-a8asti-atai-ae, Teanaostaiae, "The Beautifully Coloured 
Cliff," referring' to the autumn hues when the ridge was still 
thickly wooded. 

Of the three combinations the first is the least anomalous. 



E.— SCANONAENRAT. 

St. Michel. 

The spelling of this word is anything but uniform, in the 
Relations. In Relation 1635, (p. 35, 2 col.) Scanou curat is 
given; in R. 1636, (p. 77, 1 col.) and in R. 1637, (p. 161, 2 col.) 
Scanonaenrat; in R. 1639, (p. 72, 1 col.) Scanonaentat. Some 
of these are probably misprints. The name of the nation is 
given in R. 1637, (p. 113, 1 col.) as the Tohontaenras, in I{. 163 ( J, 
< p. 50, 2 col.) as the Tohontaenrat, and finally in R. 1644, (p. 
93, 1 col. in heading) as Tohontaenrat. The "Journal des 
Jesuites" modifies slightly this last variant by separating the 
two last syllables, thus, Tdhonta curat. Let us deal with the 
latter appellation first. 

Tahontacnral is made up of three roots. 

1. Te. See what has been said of this prefix under the head- 
ing Teanaostaiae. 

2. There are but two roots which, without violent wrenching, 
can be made to do service in building up this word. 

"Ahona (atehona, vel ahona) canot" (R. H. p. 287, 2 col.), 
a canoe. This i* the form used exclusively in compound words : 
"ia extr., ahona in comp." canot (Id. p. 295, 2 col.) But as, in 
combining, a "t" would have to lie inserted to bridge the hiatus, 
of which make-shift, instances seem extremely rare, I prefer the 
following : 

"Ahonta, brossailles" (Id. p. 2S7, 2 col.) The French word 
brossailles or broussailles is equivalent, according to the context, 
to our words : thicket, brushwood, underwood, scrub, or else, 
hughes, briars, brambles, thorns. 

That this is really the root-word made iise of in compound- 
ing the name seems evident from the non-contracted form given 
in the variant at page 150 of the "Journal des Jesuites," where 
it is separated from the third component by an inverted comma, 
thus Tahonta enrat. 



|<M>7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 179 

3. "£enrat, in com]), etre blanc" (U. H. 1751, p. 87, No. 93), 
[to bi« white], enk8araenrat, coverte blanche [a white blanket], 
endannrat, avoir la peau blanche |t«> be white skinned], chinda- 
enrat, tu as la peau, le teint blanc [thou hast a white skin, a fair 
complexion], unnskenrat (pro aonchiaenrat) avoir le village blanc 
[to have a white village], hatiqnskenrat its out. etc. [they have, 
etc.]. 

Combining the three roots we have Te-ahonta-aenrat, Tahonta- 
enrat, with the signification "The White Thorns." If ahona 
had been used, ''The White Canoes." 

Scanonaenrat, the Huron name of the village of St. Michel 
is also composed of three roots: skat-annonchia-aenrat. 

1. Skat is listed by Potier among the "Adverhia Xumeri" 
(Gramm. p. 105): "Skat, 1: tendi vel te, 2; achienJc, 3; ndak, 
4; 8ich, 5; 8ahia, ti; tsStare, 7: a'tere, 8; entron, 9; a'sen, 10. 
etc." One, two, three, four, five, etc. It derives from At which 
has a fourfold meaning, the sense to be determined by the way it 
is employed. 1. "At (die kat) etre debout" (R. H. 1751, p. 
196), to be erect, to stand, to be standing; 2. "At, . . . . y avoir 
quelque chose dans un autre," (Id. p. 197), something to be 
contained in some kind of receptacle; 3. "At .... cum par- 
ticula reiterationis, significat unitatem unius rei" (Id. p. 197, in 
fin.). 4. "At, significat identitatem unius ejusdemque rei secum, 
vel aequivalentiam" (Id. p. 198), it implies identity of some one 
object, and also equivalence. 

It i^ with at in the third sense we have to do, that is at 
denoting singleness or unity. The following are some illustra- 
tions of its use "Skat, une seule chose [one single thing]; 
Skarih8at (vel tsoriliSat), une seule affaire (une seule chose) [one 
matter only]; Skarontat [one solitary tree]; ts8taeta, une buche 
fendue [a split log]; skaentat, une buche ronde [a round log, i.e. 
one that is not split into pieces] ; ska8endat, une seul voix, item, 
une seule ile [a single voice, the same word means also a single 
island]; skontarat, [one single lake]; tsondechrat vel tsonhSentsat, 
une seule terre [one land only, or one single stretch of land]: 
skannonchiat, une seule cabane [one single lodge or cabin] : 
sk8eat, une seule eau [one single expanse of water]" (Id. pp. 197, 
198). 

2. The second to the last of these examples shows how skat 
is combined with "afnitmchia , (atrnnoncliia vel oi iitmehia). 
cabane, maison" (cabin, house, lodge) which is our second root- 
word. Consequently we have Skannonchia, a single lodge. 

3. "Aenrat, (R. H. p. 87, No. 93), in comp. etre blanc [to be 
white] enkSaraenrat, etoffe, couverte blanche [white cloth, white 



180 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

blanket, from "enkSara (endihSara passiv., atendilcSara, recip.) 
etoffe, couverte, linge, dicitur etiani €111180™" (R. H. p. 295, 1 col.), 
cloth, blanket, linen]; endacnrat, avoir la peau blanche [to be white 
skinned] ; chindaenrat, tu as la peau, le teint blanc [thou hast a 
white skin, a fair complexion] ; aonskenrat (pro. aonckiaenrat 
avoir le village blanc [to have a white village], hatiimshenrat, 
ils ont le, etc., [they have their village white, or a white village] 
(Id. p. 87.). From "enda, robbe de peau (vide qndScha) ; enda, 
le teint (endinda), a robe of skins, the skin, complexion. As for 
aniionchia, it means cabin, lodge or house (R. H. p. 291, 1 col.), 
and cannot be rendered by the word "village" save by synec- 
doche. Andata was the word in current usage for village (Id. 
p. 288. 

This example however occurs very opportunely, for it shows 
that among the Hurons such a thing as a white village was not 
a fanciful creation. And what is of no little help for us qon- 
.< ken rat for brevity, and perhaps also for euphony's sake, is sub- 
stituted for the more regular form qnonchiaenrat. We can now 
with better grace have recourse to the eighth observation on the 
-compounding of Huron words, where we find among the examples 
annonchia again figuring in a disguised form "saepe fiunt erases 
unius vel plurium syllabarum, v.g. ; .... annonshSei, cabane 
bouchee, pro qn/wnchiaSei, etc.," (Gr. p. 66) meaning a weather- 
tight cabin or lodge. Our three roots combined should read Sfcanon- 
chiaenrat, but by a temperate use of the privilege of "erasis" we 
suppress one syllable, chi, and as final outcome have Scanon- 
aenrat. I again call to mind that I am innocent of the com- 
pounding and have but to do with the analysis of a word already 
existing, and of which the Huron nation itself was the origin- 
ator. What they had in mind when they first coined it may be 
inferred from a passage to be found in Relation 1639, p. 72, 
1 col.: 

"The village upon which, at the outset, we cast our eyes was 
Scanonaenrat, both because it is one of the most important of 
the country, — itself alone forming one entire nation of the four 
that compose the Hurons, as we have explained in the first 
chapter, — and because it is distant only five quarters of a league 
from the residence of St. Joseph." (See also Cleveland edition 
of the Relations Vol. 17, p. 87). 

Now, as we all know, it was customary to designate a nation 
metaphorically as "a cabin," "a house," "a lodge." The con- 
federacy of the Five Nations was for this reason termed "The 
Long House, or Lodge." Father Millet, in his letter from 
Oneida (Onneiout) July 6th 1691, gives a short summary of an 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. ISI 

1 1 1 (I i :< 11 harangue, in which the orator, an elder ot the Bear Clan, 
speaks of the Five Nations as "La Cabane Iroquoise" (Relations, 
Cleveland Edition, Vol. 64, p. 80). In Relation L660 (p. 38, 2 
col., and Clev. edit. Vol. 46, p. 122) this custom is mentioned 
explicitly ". . . . l'annee prochaine sera plus redoutable pour 
nous que les precedentes, parce que toute In 'illume [ 1 1 1 < ■ entire 
cabin], c'est ainsi qu'ils parlenl pour exprimer les cinq Nations 
[roquoises, se doiuenl liguer et former vn grand dessein de guerre 
contre nous." Itut the most striking instance in Ihis regard is 
the remonstrance of the Mohawk chief recorded in Relation L654 
(p. 11, 1 col.; Clev. edit. Vol. 41, p. 86): ". . . . 'Nous ne 
faisons qu'vne cabane nous autres cinq Nations [roquoises; nous 
ne faisons qu'vn ion et nous auons de tout temps habite sous vn 
mesme toil . ' En cft'et tie tout temps, ces cinq Nations Iroquoises, 
s'appellent dans le nom do lour langue, qui est Huronne, 
Hotinnonchiendi, c'est a dire la Cabane acheuee, eomme s'ils 
n'estoient qu'vne famille, etc." 

Quito in keeping with this manner of speaking, the inhab- 
itants of the village of St. Michel, forming by themselves one 
entile nation or elan of the four which went to make up the 
Huron confederacy, were styled ''The one single cabin.'' Snui- 
onchia; which combined with the word expressing the colour 
they had adopted (found also in their name as a people) viz. : 
in n nil. has for outcome Sen im/nnn nil , "The One single White 
cabin," or "The Lone White Cabin." 

One, interested in the matter, searching for the meaning of 
Huron names, would he led to enquire at this juncture if no other 
root could bo found to replace annonchia, so as to avoid maim- 
ing the word by the suppression of the syllable chi. 

There are in fact two others: iiiiimnu, already mentioned 
(under the heading of Teanaostaiae) with its five different mean- 
ings: 1. The bottom of the water: 2. an abyss or precipice; 3. 
a treasure, store, hoard, a catch or draught of fishes; 1, a custom, 
usage, manners; 5. The back. None of these seems at all 
applicable. The other root is "annonhia [with a liar across 
or over the 'if'], present public" il!. II. 1751, p. 291, "J 
col.), meaning a public present. A.S no further explanation is 
vouchsafed, it is not easy to define exactly what is meant by a 
"public present." Were it interpreted as a donation made to, 
or by a whole community or village it would have some signif- 
icance in view of the fact that this nation or clan had cast their 

lot in with, or given themselves to the tint lder clans of the 

nurons, somewhere about the year 1609 (Rel. 1639, p. 50, 'J col.; 
Cleveland Edit. Vol. If;, p. 22T). 

1 t An. 



182 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

F. -OSSOSSANE 

Osso/ssant \- the most common reading of t Ii i- name in the 
Relations, but there are variants: Ossosane, with one "s" less, 
I!. 1637, p. 139, 2 col.; Id. p. 140, 2 col.; Id. p. 142, 1 col.; Id. 
p. 143, 1 col., etc. Ossossarie occurs twice on p. 63, R. 1640; 
but it may safely be set aside a^ a misprint. 

Ossosftmi- is composed of a noun, a verb and tlie enclitic ae. 

1. ''Aoxa. feuilles veiies qui couvrent l'epi de ble." R. H. 
1751, p. 292, 1 col., the green leaves forming the sheath of an 
ear oi maize or Indian coin, corn-tassel. It is classed by Potier 
among the substantives of the second conjugation, those with an 
initial "a." Let me here remark that nouns as well as verbs in 
Huron are said to be oi the first, second, third, fourth or fifth 
conjugation according as they have for initial letter 1. an "a," 
2. an "a," 3. an "e" 4. an "e," or *'i," 5. an "o" or "8." 
They admit of no change of case: "Nomina non inflectuntur 
per casus, adeoque non patiuntur ah alio nomine aut verbo ullam 
alterationem, nisi in compositionem cum illo intrent, v.g. : 
onnenha, ble (wheat, corn), sive praeponatur sive postponatur 
verbo aiehSas j'ai besoin (T need), idem semper et eodem modo 
manet, dicesque : onnenha aiehSas vel aieh8as onnenha, j'ai besoin 
de bb' tl need corn). Ad pluralem numerum cxprimendum saepe 
additur "s. " v.g.: chieannen ionnenhas, vel onnenhSannens ce 
sont de gros grains de ble (they are big grains of corn 1 ), nam in 
singular] dicitur : chieannen onnenha, gros grain (a big grain). 
Sic haSennen, e'est un ancien (he is an elder), hati8annens, ce 
sout des anciens (they are elders)" Hur. Grammar p. 65. 

Consequently, aosa though it may he singular or plural, must 
he changed to aosas if we wish it to he taken unmistakably for 
the plural. 

2. The verb is "Olanni [5th Conj.], agiter, troubler, inter- 
rompre." I?. II. 1751, p. 273, (to agitate, to trouble, to inter- 
rupt) ; hence : 

Aosas-oianni, and in conformity with the second remark 
under the title "Syntaxis Substantivorum cum adjectivis" 
(Gram. p. 65): '"Substantiva quae componuntur, in hoc tantum 
conveniunt cum adjectivis quibuscum junguntur, —quod saepe 
iiiduuiit naturam eorum paradygmatis, v.g. annonchia, cabane, 
si componatur cum aSasti bean [R. II. 1751, p. 158, No. 92 in 
2°] dices: annonchiaSa.iti, belle cabane (paradyg. C.) c|iiia a8asti 
est parad. C: si vero componatur cum adjectivo ondiri, fort ("par. 
Si, dues: mi iiiiinh in ml i n , cabane forte, (par. S) quia ondiri 
est par. S.," Aosas-oianni becomes Oosas-oianni; and in the 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 183 

blending, (Jsa.<a?ini, not simply in virtue of the second rule in 
compounding words, l>ut also of the eighth : "Saepe fiunt era es 
uniiis \cl plurium syllabarum" (Gram. |>. <iii, 8). 

Furthermore, bearing in mind thai the authors of the Rela- 
tions For tlic most part spelled the Huron words so that a French- 
man would pronounce them as near as possible as a Huron 
would, the double "ss" in Ossossane arc easily accounted for: 
' 'S' nunquam pronunciatur m "/.' licel inter duas vociles, 
scil at duplex "ss" v.g. : a'.iara, anse de chaudiere (the handle 
lit' ;i kettle)" ((iramin. p, 1). the haul breathing sifi'n over the 
"s" showing thai it is to be sounded as a double "ss." 

Heme Osasanm is written Ossassa?mi. 

As for the "n" it i- quite immaterial whether it be written 
single or double as it must always be linked and sounded with 
the syllable preceding: ' "n" si sola sit, vocali praecedenti 
jungatur, v.g.: atenion, far torrere, graler du ble, die aten-ion, 
non vei'o ate-nion. Si geminetur, nil difficultatis est" (Gramm. 
P . 1). 

The result, at this stage, is Ossassani, with the meaning 
"The waving corn tops," am! with the enclitic, Ossassani-ae, 
Ossassane "'Where the corn-tops wave." 

Yes, lint sso s so tic still differs from Ossossane. 

True enough, and 1 can account for the difference only by 
pointing out that, as in western France, whence most of the 
early French missionaries came, the "a" was sounded very broad 
as "a" in "paw" and not as "a" in "far," it would answer 
perfectly to the "o" in our English word "boss." .Now, the 
name Ossossane was in print as early as 1G-3G (llel. 1636, p. 134, 
I col.), lone- before the language was completely mastered gram- 
matically, or later etymologically, brought under rule, supple- 
mented with classified compilations of radicals, which had 
been worked out laboriously by several generations of mission- 
aries, such as we find it to-day in the admirable manuscript 
volumes which bave come down to us. The form Ossossane, once 
made familiar l>\ frequenl repetition to the readers of the Rela- 
tions was not likely to he modified in succeeding years when tin 
change would matter so little to the genera] reader. 



*Graler, old French patois for bruler,rotir, secher. This is beyondques- 
ti.ni the sense intended, first because it is given here us an equivalent ol tot 
rere, and secondly because it is used elsewhere with this meaning bj 
Potier himself: "o8aitsa ble grale, fleuri et creve an feu" (It. II. 1751, 
p. 293, 1 col.). The English rendering of fis.nl<,i tvould be "popped- 
corn." 



1st 



THE REPORT Ol- Til 



No. 41 



Tlic work in hand, be u remembered, is not synthetical but 
analytical. There is no question here ol building up words, but 
of striving to doted roots in existing compound-words and of 
resolving these words into their componenl parts. The latter 
process may be attempted by a tyro, the former could be under- 
taken only by an accomplished Huron linguist unless he had to 
deal with the simplest combinations. 

The name ' hsossant b compound. Nothing bearing the least 
likeness In it as il stands pan be found among the fourteen hun- 
dred mnts and their immediate derivatives, as set down in 
boiler's "li'adicos 1 1 u i on nae. " tin- [s a lest all-sufficient to war- 
rani the assertion. And the combination of roots I have sug- 
gested, with the exception id one other is the only possible one 
which yields as a result anything resembling the word soughi for. 

The alternative would eonsisl in the substitution of osenni 
for oionni, the other components remaining unchanged. 

"Osenni (5th conj., parad. S) 1 sine "te" dual., quelque 
i hose appartenanl a quelqu'un tomber dans 1'eau. 2° cum "te" 
dual., eblouir, nuire au\ yeux, etc. in comp. OnehonraSent'Ss 
nmii fusil, nion arine est tombe it lean: Kandinientosenni, etre 
ebloui par la neige, on la glace .... kasatosenni (ou aiSa- 
ti. it Si) la tuniee entrer dans les yeux et les ineoniinodei" K. H. 
IT'il. |>. 242. Without the dual sign the word mean-, to fall 
into the water, with it. to dazzle, to hurt (he eyes. 

Compounding the roots aosas-osenni-at the result would be 
Ossosseni, and on account of tin' absence of the "te" verbale 
(otherwise the "te" dualitatis), with the meaning "There where 
the leaves ol tin- corn-sheaths tall into the water, ' taken meta- 
phorically, "Where the corn-tops, or corn-tassels, or corn-blades 
droop into the water." 

This would be quite in keeping with the original location of 
La Rochelle, the French name id' Ossossane, conferred on it for 
the very reason that when Erst visited by the trailers its site was 
at Point Varwood. close to tin' shore of Xottawasaga Bay. In 
view of this fact it would he very desirable to have an "a" sub- 
stituted tor the "e" in some way strictly in accordance with 
Potier's rules, hut a mere "presto change"' is quite powerless to 
effect it. Perhaps an adequate reason may be found later. 
Meanwhile, as second root. 1 shall adopt oianni in preference to 
osenni, following Nature'- lead in reaching the term by "the 

w av of le.i-t re-istanee. ' ' 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. L85 

Q.— IHONATIRIA. 
St. Joseph I. 

Variants of this name are few. A^ written above it occurs 
in P.. 1635, p. 3, 1 col., p. 30, 2 col., p. II, 2 col., in R. L636, 
P . lby, 2 col; in 1!. L638, p. 56, 2 col., and in Et. 1639, p. 66, I 
col. Written with "tt" it is to be met with in I!. 1637, p. 
IHS, i col., p. 177. 2 col., p. 179, 2 col., and in R. 1638, p. 53, 

1 col., i>. 59, 1 col. 

There is nothing doubtful as to its etymology. The three 
component roots are modified, after comb ing, by the usual 
formative signs of the diminutive. 

1. "Ahona (atehona vel ahonha) canot" (R. II. 1751, p. 287, 

2 col.), "''". extr, ahona in comp." (Id. p. 295, 2 eol.) a canoe. 

2. "It 1 act. embarquer quelqu'un .... 2° neutr. etre 
embarque . ... in comp. (vide noM, aller en canot [Id. p. 48. 
No. 7]) (R. H. 1751, p. 238, No. 31), to put one aboard, to be 
on board or embarked, to so in a canoe. But It is also given as 
t he passive of "Atit (pass, it) 1° in fieri, s'embarquer .... 2° 
in facto, etre embarque" (Id. p. 239). To go on board, to l>e 
shipped, to be loaded, to be freighted. 

:!. Iara is the third root. Potier in his grammar under the 
heading "quo modo praepositiones Latinae efferuntur per par- 
ticulas quae postponuntur" (p. 7-">) dealing with sub, intus and 
super informs us: ''Saepe per easdem particulas exprimuntur, 
ut annenh8ane i8at, cela est dans le sac [from "annenh8en, vel 
annenhoin, sac a mettre du ble," I!. II. 1751, p. 290, 2 col., a 
bag, a sack for wheat], annonchiae iara, dessus la cabane," on 
or on top of the cabin. On the next page (76), always under the 
same heading, we have: "Super, supra [on, over, above, etc.]. 
endich(r)a< iara cela est sur le buffet, that is on the side-board: 
"$o iara, cela est la dessus" R. H. 17">1. p. 172, sub. ara. 

Hence Ahona-it-iara. Applying the second and eighth rules 
for compounding words the resultant left is Ahonitira with the 
signification "Above The Loaded Canoe." Hut as St. Joseph I. 
was the merest hamlet il!. 1636, p. 124, 1 col.; Clev. edit. Vol. 
10. p. 241) it is not surprising to see the Huron name take on the 
diminutive form. 

1. "Am vel ishaia, diminutivum Eormatum a praecedenti [i.e. 
"A"], extr. et int.: in composit ione pnnitur ma pro sinjr. et <isa 
pro plur., i8aia \el i8ashaia vel i8aia Bo, il y en a un pen, ou, il 
v en a peu, etc." (R. II. 1751, p. 1. No. 1). This has already 
been quoted while Teanaostaiat was undergoing analysis. But 
here an important remark is in order. 



186 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Father Pierre Potier, who arrived at Quebec, October 1. 
174-i. began immediately to make a copy of Father Etienne de 
Carheil's Ms. on Huron Roots compiled between the years liiiiii 
and 170U. His first manuscript volume, comprising words of the 
first, third, fourth and fifth conjugations, was completed Decem- 
ber 22, 1743: his second, containing words of the second con- 
jugation, on February 18, 1744. a few months before his 
departure for his mission on the Detroit River. In these two 
volumes (Radices Huronicae, 1743 and Radices Huronicae, 1744) 
quite a number of explanations are given which are omitted in 
his second transcription, made at the Detroit Mission in 1751, 
perhaps deliberately, or it may be through some oversight. What 
is omitted concerning Ala is too important to have been sup- 
pressed on purpose, for it is an explanation to be found nowhere 
else, not even in his Grammar. It explains the use of the initial 
'"1" in diminutives, and runs thus: 

".l/i/ (verbum diminutivum) formatur a praecedenti prim:+ivo 
1. Significat etre petit . etre en petit nombre, y avoir peu de 
chose [to be little, small; to be few in number: to be sparse, 
scarce, a scanty supply]; intra ef extra compositionem ; paradig. 
chi. I8aia vel i8aia go, il y a un peu. vel, il y en a pen [there is 
a little, or there is but little]. 

"Intra compositionem dicitur aia vel asa, pro singul., asa pro 
plurali numero, cui utrique praefigitur 'i' initiale diminutivum. 
Sic dicitur 'iq-n-datsia (vel adatsaskSi) [from andafsa chaudiere, 
anneiio extra — R. H. 1751, p. 289, 1 col. — a kettle] petite chau- 
diere; iandatsasa de petites chaudieres; iqnnonchiaia [from anrion- 
chia .... cabane, maison — R. H. 1751, p. 2111. 1 col. — a cabin, 
a hut. a house] une petite maison [a little cabin, etc.], vi/nnon- 
chiusasa de petites maisons [little cabins]; i8asaia, un petit plat 
asa, atsen extr. {atesa) plat, etc., a plate, etc. — R. H. 1751, p. 
293, 1 col.], <R. It. 1743, p. 2). 

Thus Ahonitira becomes in its diminutive form I-ahonitira- 
'//«/. Consulting, at this final stage, "observanda in C'omposi- 
tione. etc.'' (Gramm. p. 66) we find authority for eliding and for 
suppressing the redundancy of vowels in the seventh and eighth: 

"7° Aliquando duplex aut triplex vocalis eliditur in sub- 
stantivo, v.g-. : arihiai dechirer un papier, un livre [to tear a 
paper, a look] pro arihSaai ab arihSa, [arih8a, atrih8a passiv., 
atatrihSa recip., chose, affaire, nouvelle, present public; a thing, 
an affair, news, a public present. R. H. p. 293, 1 col.] et ','"/ 
[.//«/; vel (hi], extr., couper, rompre, briser, casser — R. H. 1751. 
p. 103. No. 28— to cut. break, etc.], etc. (Gram. p. 66.) 



1907 BI REAU OF ARCHIVES'. 1ST 

'"8 Saepe liuni erases, etc." Alreadj quoted when treating 
ul Teanaostaiae. 

By such \\";« ii;i ii t is l-ahonitira-aia reduced m its proportions 
in Thonatiria, with the rendition "The Little (Hamlet) above 
Tile Loaded Canoe." 

This was the one thing Thonatiria could boast of, i\ was con- 
veniently perched on the bluff overlooking a snug little harbour, 
well sheltered from wind and wave, where the canoes from Que- 
bec landed their stores. It was this point that the chief Aenons 
brought mil so clearly in his harangue before Father de Bre- 
beuf when be urged him to abandon Thonatiria and to come and 
live with liim in the new village be was to build. After skil- 
fully setting forth the advantages of sneh a move, be anticipated 
the greal objection the Father might have to his proposal (I!. 
1636, p. 123; Cleveland edit. Vol. If), p. 236): 

"Echon," he continued, "I know well that you are going to 
say that you dread being further away from the Lake [TIuroii| 
than you are now; hut I pledge my word, that you will not be 
as far from it as you might well think. And were it even so, 
where is the cause for worry. You are not going to fish; all the 
villag-e will do that for you. You will find it hard to embark 
your parcels for Quebec? Xot at all; there will not be a soul in 
the village who will not deem it a pleasure to serve you in 1 1 i i -- 
matter. True enough you will not he on the ecl^'e of the Lake 
to receive the parcels sent to you; hut what matter, sinee they 
will be carried to your very door? Ami in ease you wish to 
employ the villagers of La Rochelle, if they care for you, as they 
usually pass before the village which we purpose building, they 
will not put you to the trouble of going all the way for them to 
their village" (R. 1636, 124, 'J col.; Clev. Edit. Vol. 10, p. 242). 
Surely St. Joseph I. could not have found a better, a more 
appropriate name than thonatiria, "The "Little (Hamlet) above 
The Loaded Canoe." 

H.— KHINONASCARANT. 

OH QuiEUNONASCARAX. 

The former spelling occurs in Relation 1637 (p. 128, 1 col.), 
the latter in Sagard (passim, and Grand Voyage, p. 64 new, 93 
old edit.). 

Tf we are to accept Khinonascarant strictly as a compound 
word, and not ;h a mere juxtaposition of words coalescing but 
imperfectly, there ia only one etymological solution: Xa-hinnon- 
askaren t . 



188 I UK REPORT OF THE No. 41 

1. The first root i-- Xa : "An vel <\a vel dex p , hie, hue, hao. 
hinc [here, hither or thus far, hence, etc.], (Grramm. p. 68): 
x" until, aechiatorha, vol x'a'^tae, etc., j'ai ma] icy." I suffer 

here, here is where it pains. 

"K et x sonant ut ///. v.g. x"- hie, haec, hoc, dicitur Jcha. 
(Id. p. 1). 

2. "Hifinon, le tonnerre [the thunder]," (Pi. H. 1751, p. 295, 
2 col.). The primitive of this mum is the verb "ASinnon .... 
in comp. cum voce pass., trainer [to draw, to drag-]" (B. H. p. 
163). Hence also: atiataSinnon, se trainer, ramper, marcher 
sur le ventre, comme font Ies serpents" (Id. ib.), to drag one's 
self along, to creep, to crawl along the ground serpent-like; and 
"aOonSinnon (pro atehonaSinnon) trainer son canot [to draw or 
drag along one's canoe] i Id. ib). Hence also "innon .... 
trainer, faire aller, mener, conduire [to draw or drag, to drive, 
to make go, io lead, to conduct] in com]), cum utraque voce, cum 
quibus semper significaj aliquem motum; sed cum aliis ponitur 
absolute, cum aliis relative, cum aliis neutr., cum aliis active: 
annenrinnon, aller en armee quelque part, y conduire line armee 

to march somewhere with an army, to lead an army thither], etc. 
etc.: akootsinnon, glisser comme font les enfans sur la neige 
trainant sous eus une ecorce qui leur sert de glissoire, et < |ii*ils 
appellent aJcoocha |to slide as children do on the snow having 
under them a piece of bark in lieu of a .sled, and which they call 
an akoocha" (Id. ib.).] Hence also derives our noun: "hiiinon, 
le tonnerre [the thunder] quod quasi motu reptabundo feratur" 
(Id. ib. i. 

3. "AsTearent [the mouth to open] Pouverture de la bouche, 
per contractionem (achiaharent ab achia bouche)" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 78), the opening of the mouth, from the primitive: 

"Aarent, 1 active, ouvrir (to open) .... 2° neutraliter, y 
avoir un trou, une ouvertnre on quelque lieu, en quelque partie 
[an aperture, a hole, an opening to exist somewhere, in some 
part] .... in comp. Componitur cum nominibus partium 
corporis quae sunt apertae et patentes; usurpatur ad eas signi- 
ficandas, hinc: Icaakarent, Pouverture, Porbite des yeux, Pen- 
droil oii les deux yeux Mint ouverts (per contractionem pro '< 
aaraarent, ab aara, oeil, vel potius pro te antcutrent ab tuiin idem 
quod aard) [the opening, the cavity, the orbit of the eyes, the 
place where the two eyes are opened] .... k8 ahontaarent, 
Pouverture des oreilles [the opening of the ears] (ab ahonta 
oreille)" < Id . ib). etc. 

These three roots, x 1 ' or hha, hinnon, and askarent, combined 
in a regular compound word give us Khinonascarent, the last 



|'.)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 189 

syllable of which, whether written rent, rant, or ran, would be 
pronounced the -~;t m< ■ way by a Frenchman a< an or ant in the 
word enfant, a child. 

The idea conveyed by the word is "At this point is the mouth 
u! tlir opening called Thunder," "From here the mouth-opening 
of tlic Thunder," "Here Thunder Straits yawn open," "Begin- 
ning of Thunder Straits" "Entrance to Thunder Sound" or 
"Thunder Channel," in reference to the strait separating 
Ahouendoi or Christian Island from the mainland. 

As those who are conversant with the geography of the region 
know, 'thunder or Douglas Bay lies only a short distance to the 
east from the Strait, beyond and around Cedar and Mark's 
points, It might be well to add here (hat the root ashirent and 
the words isati and ontarisati arc in nowise akin. In the Huron 
dictionary, already mentioned, the former is set down for "baie, 
enfoncement, sinus (a bay or inlet) the latter as being the Huron 
for "golfe" (gulf). 

A~ innon, already mentioned above, is the only other root, 
which taken with x" and asiarent, will yield Khinonascarant, 
and as it 1- itself a verb, we are confronted with the ninth rule 
I fir. p. (JGt : 

'9 Verbum non componitur cum alio verbo vel adjectivo, 

v.g. non dices aJcensahiaton [from ahense regarder, con- 

siderer quelque chose on quelqu'un, to see, to watch or to consider 
some object — E. H. p. G. — and ahiaton .... ecrire, — to write, 
Id. p. 101, No. 20] sed eMatonchraenii vel atehiatonchakensek je 
regarde 1'ecriture [I see the writing or what is written]. Ahense, 
regarder, exigit passivam vocem in compositione." 

Neither verb i> modified in the name, so the conclusion must 
be that, in the hypothesis, it is not a compound but an agglu- 
tinate word, unless we take what is said of innon by Potier (R. 
H. 1751, p. lfi-3) as legitimizing this form :" in compositione cum 
utraque voce, etc.," already quoted above. 

Mindful of the mam object in view, which is not so much 
to vindicate the correct formation id' Huron village names, 
Fashioned as we find them in the Relations and on Ducreux's 
Map, as to discover their meaning, it remains for us to see what 
we can make out of the idea of dragging, drawing, hauling, etc.. 
(innon), coupled with the other idea of n yawning can///, the 
beginning of mi opening, mi open mouth, etc. (askarent), taken 
either literally or metaphorically. 

Some of the derivatives from the primitive a8innon may prove 
suggestive. There are two especially which seem adaptable. One 
we have met with in a previous paragraph, a0on8innon, to haul 



190 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

one's canoe. Conjointly with X " and askarent, innon might 
mean the "Hauling place at the Strait." Hut to haul their 
canoes overland to Thunder Hay from Khinonascarant would be, 
one might fancy, more arduous for the Indians than paddling 
around Cedar Point, unless a tierce gale were blowing from the 
north <>r north-east. A portage it certainly was not in the 
ordinary sense, for the Huron verb ennencha means to carry on 
one's shoulder (R. H. 1751, p. 283, addita), evidently from the 
noun ennenchia, the shoulder (Id. p. 294, '„' col.): while the 
nouns enta and enOona mean a portage I Id. p. 295; 1 col.}, with the 
corresponding verb entiai to make a portage (Id. p. 234, sub. iaf). 

EiidilsuSiiiinni iP. H. KM. |>. lli-'li is the second derivative 
I have in mind. Potier translates it: "trainer son appat, son 
amorce.'' to trail one's bait or lure, to troll: and two lines below: 
'q8indeU .... trainer une chose avec une autre: enditsa8indet 
vel ostiesara vel aontsenta, hamecon, ce avec quoi on traine 
I'amorce," thai is. to trail something by means of something 
else, a hook, by means of which one trails his bait. From what 
precedes I infer that trolling for fish was practised by the Hur- 
on-. Derived from innon, in this sense the name might mean 
"The Opening or Beginning of the Trolling Grounds." 

Personally, I must say, I prefer the derivation of Khinon- 
ascarant from hinnon, thunder. 

[.— CARHAGOUHA. 

This name is written as above by Champlain (CEuvres. Tom. 
EV., up. pg. 28, low. 516 et passim). Chrestien Le Clercq sub- 
stitutes a second "r" for the hist "h," Carragouha (Etablis. de 
la Foy, Tom. I., pp. 7b, 87, 127). 

The word is composed of three roots: the prefix Xa, the 
noun arha, ihe verb a8i, with the suffix a modifying the resultant . 

1. "Xa, hie, haec, hoc" (Gramm. p. 1.), or "Xa, vel exo, 
vel Jt x<\ hie, hue, hac, hinc (Id. p. 68, 1 col.). 

2. "Arha, vel arhaha (atraha), bois, foret [wood. wood-. 
forest]" (R. H. 1751, p. 292, ? col.). 

3. "A8i, etre ceinl [to be girt or girdled, to be encircled, 
encompassed]" (Id. p. 162, No. 2), thus: 

Xa-arha-a8i. 

1 wish now to draw attention to the "a." with the iota sub- 
script in aSi. On the first page of Potier'- grammar we find the 
heading: "|)e "i" seu "j" (iota)" and under which, treating of 
it not only as an iota subscript, when marked under a vowel, 
but also when used as an aspirate sign either above or below the 
line, he savs : 



I 



^<<tj A.I *i '* TO ti f\ *a <T«w *ikih*ft & » f **«/»■ •"'a 5** ptrf n**J*~ft *.*• £* »eq 

Ortn fatten J>* JUSjetfiw* tftw'u £ <*-r,e3-caH ' - t ^icej": a/icwiA&a -ftr** H. -jsl, ft. *»*/-»_ 
^* iftr/; Af*-..~..«uM|id .£ fr/" «uv»nr(fc '?imvc .' /« </*- ,. >-o ,'t.nm.' 3»We • '<*»**4 V . . 
C nta. t*eron k&a. '3* Junn he/ten C*ne avQa*tf^ /Ui^m^v* B*m a 2Je*J- i -.<-■•- y«*«3 ««, 
Chrahe.rcn.KTfa. *?o C^tranV^ *•» */ «wi# fo-rHf. 

%- St Urn ttmto JufSta.** f'tw Comytof,*-itf*\t.f C-tttfixt'i > Jttne^A-nHtV ^UrC 
\.'flett ftu. to. j., <-»,.,— A-fttt? <-/^ ,i -'•_[ .-,-■ fi i •.. >./ , aftu~i -v t. r £ t+tn ■ j J-v IfO ri f J*** ' S< ^. »>».'• * i 
*'* • /* JuJ-ftaiiti\*UT** ..,»,, i t h-re<r feo-rft-m i ^ ..,.,»»■ j '„ • ^ .-.*, 6"-/ rfjmt.ttK.4tdv- -**4t~- 
a rt rt Out fa A tfaJti nnrtancArsOrcri^i H-~mt**e£ %*,**** f*&e* <**"*«e ■ ■ o*-«^3i «s^*v«^ 

quafbam _ o&ttrvanba in Competitions 
Suttfixjihvi Cc,-m ciijtchvif et- vtvgiS 

./W^-ia .?,_. ,/„ r .,„. ^z JultLV Zl^lt'J. 'It e 'VV"" r "%"?? * "•**" »* ■-'•^rlt. J 

i»^ w» oHfJt/i.1.. e„/*JL?*.Z * Ka ' nl " 6 ; ^ f"" *•«« «- 

* r -.^.» ,»,-;„./,„, a« c.„,:L- i ,..„, *, f~~-''J£ x '' ( z* ** •*•* *~.r.,- 
- o..3,^, ■&~a*c~,~.,i ^ ...erL. . ->—*~ jrr.rr. — „ v -,„/„ x „ /„„„ & „, •„*. 

v. u n f .^ ^ /if „„„^ ^ v r;^*"'"-",^^ 

10 ^^ a ~. u,rfM ,<; 3 ..^ y^fi, ,-.,., „. um „.„,;„ u „ r .-''"£—'' J""J""l»r -»3 

alto, n t ! t*. h St cXsfr-yav'dun f' ar <i£ ^a.-*-^ - f *u ^/ <i ■■ /, 

fwnffHf^a^^nwflu -/&<*•«* /**• ► 'Jw./ifl,^ - - ct foncnnenixxtahm- « n JW/r' 



i .» 



©C C-C'inmiirahvtf u- SuperJahxu'i p*j yl 



. 






fi --A* « </^ «/« / ? r4ri? y««- /ay ,<- h'cfttn rft jratid &*• fu cfytrtof. flection 



Facsimile page from Fr. Potier. 



1907 BUREAU Ol- VR( lli\ is. 191 

"Haec virguln sen semi-lit tern "i" vel "j" maxime esl usus : 

I Ail ]n t • 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 - i : 1 1 1 < 1 1 1 1 1 1 : v.g. atatiak die iatatiak, ehiatank div 
iehiatonlc, etc Ante alias vocales idem, sed lenius quasi prope 
"i," iinn vero omnino; usus docebit." 

Obeying these directions lei us insert the "i" and instead of 
Xa-arha-a8i the word becomes Xa-arha-ia8i. 

Hut what else lias Potier to say concerning iota which mighl 
be helpfn I in our case ? 

"7 Tjtilis est ad discendum idioma froquaeum, nam seribunt 
'g' ubi scribimus 'i' [i.e. the iota subscript]" (Gramm. p. 2). 

Since the "g" is nl extremely rare occurrence as an initial 
in purely Huron words, we have reason to suspect that Carha- 
goud is of Iroquois dialect rather than Huron, which ind 1 wa- 
rtime prevalent in Champlain's time ami in Sagard's. 

I take at random two or three instances out of several that I 
have chanced to notice. Sagard for the French word cabane (a 
cabin, house, hut) e-ives Ganonchia (Gr. Voyage, up. pg. 81, 
low. 118; idem in his diet, under Cu), which, though often to lie 
imi with in Potier, is invariably written annonchia with the iota 
subscript under the initial "a" (R. II. 1751, p. Vii.ll . 1 col. et 
passim in Gramm. and Radices). Gagnenon is the Huron for 
dog, acording to Sagard (Gr. Vby. up. pg. 100, and in his diet, 
under heading aniviaux), while Potier sets down the wind 
an{g)niennon , chien, dog (1!. 11. 1751, p. 291, 1 col.), with a 
diminutive "g" over the first "n." which I have placed after it 
in parenthesis. Sagard interprets Garihoua andionxra as "Capi- 
taine et chef de la police," (.under heading minis), the same rant 
is to he found in Potier but written arihSa i 1! . 11. p. '„'!)•".. 1 col.) 
with the meaning "chose, affaire, notivelle, present public." Other 
examples mi^-lit be adduced, hut these are sufficient to sanction the 
change of a8i into ga8i. 

Nor must it be thought that the use of the initial "g" as a 
substitute for the iota subscript had become entirely obsolete 

even at a much later date. For instance, it had lint wlin'lx 
fallen into disuse when Ducreux's map was made. (In it we find 
the inscription "Ins. Galioedoc" (contraction for Gahoendoe). 
\nw, this name appears in the Relations as AhSendoe (Rel. 1649, 
p. 29, I col.), where we can scarcely expect to find the iota sub- 
script marked, but Potier never omits it either in his grammar 
or Radices I R. It. L751, p. 288, 1 col.;). 

The shape our word has now assumed is:- -Xa-arha-gaSt, 
ami by blending these roots according to the second and eighth 
rules nl "quaedam Observanda in Compositione" (Gramm. p. 66), 
it reads: Xarhag8i, a compound word one of whose roots is of 
the Iroquois dialect . 



liti THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

The ultimate form is reached by adding the suffix "a," thus: 

Am lnniSi-,1 , XarhagSa, or Carhagouha. 

The import of this last addition is sufficiently explained in 
Potier's own words: "Verbum "'"" per se significat praecise 
magnitudineni vel aetatem" (Gramm. p. 30, 7°), supplemented 
by a remark from the Radices: ''a' in compositione sequitur 
siimn simplex: chiegnnen igtidatsa, c'esl une grande chaudiere" 
It. 11. 1751, p. l.i in' mure definitely still in the Radices of 1743 
(p. 2): * a in compositione si jungatur singulari iiumero 
sequitur suum simplex in singulari, v.g. chieanncn iandatxa, 
c'est une grande chaudiere." 

The meaning of Carhagouha depends much upon how the 
word arha (bois, foret,) is taken. If literally, the compound 
word could be rendered by "The Great Forest-encircled Town." 
If metaphorically, much as we say of shipping in a harbour "a 
forest of masts," in allusion to the greai number of posts or 
trunks of trees forming its lofty palisade, it could be expressed 
by the terms "The Great Forest- Walled Town," meaning "The 
Great Palisaded Fortress." 

This interpretation would seem to be borne out by what 
Chrestien Le Clercq writes concerning this stockade. "Le plus 
fameux de leur village (sic) s'appelle Carragoulia, qui est revetu 
et entourre d'une triple palissade haute de (rente six pieds pour 
so deffendre de leurs ennemis" (Etablis. de la Foy, Tom. 1. p. 
Till, That is, "the most famous of their villages is called 
Carragouha, which is protected ami surrounded by a triple pali- 
sade thirty-six feet high as a defence against their enemies." 
But prior to Le Clercq, Champlain had written: "De la, ie me 
lis conduire a Carhagouha, ferine de triple palissade de bois, de 
la hauteur de trente cinq pieds pour leur deffence et conseruation" 
(CEuvres, Tom. IV. p. 28, low. pag. 516}. 

J.— TEANDEOUIATA. 

in; TOANI'IIK II. 

11 is mentioned twice in Relation 1635, once as it appears 
above in the title, on page 28, 1 col.: in the second mention, on 
pace 29, 1 col., it is spelt Teandeou'ihata with an "h" added. 

There can be no doubt as to the roots which enter into its 
composition ; 

Te-andeSes-i-ata. 

" Ande8e$" is the noun root, which as we know must precede 
the verb: "gnde8ea, Man (sic) de sable" (R. II. 1751, p. 289, 



1<.)<>7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 19:5 

1 col.). I presume thai father t'otier intended to write "Wane 
de sable,'" for I have noticed thai in other instances, but uo1 
invariably, he Ir.is omitted the "c" in blanc. The meaning in 
this supposition would be "colour of white sand," "sand white." 
Had lie meant "banc," we should have tn translate by "-and 
bank." Anderhia i- the ordinary Huron equivalent for sand, 
<b\ II. 1751, p. 289, 1 .1.1. i. 

"/' i- the verb, and in one of it- three acceptations is thus 
explained by Potier: ' '/' in comp. etre plein, etre entier, 
a n imiiili i . la maison esl pleine [the house i- full] etc." (1!. II. 
1751, p. 233). Hence :- 

AndeSe.i-i, AndeS'i meaning "all sand white," "all the colour 
i.f white sand." 

The use ..I i he termination ata requires lengthy explanations 
which are found in the Radices. What strictly concerns our case 
may lie summed u]> in comparatively few words. 

"Ata, in comp. et extr., le bout, l'extremite de quelque chose 
[the end. the extremity of something] .... Quando oln signi- 
fieal in facto esse etre fini [to end. to be finished] . ... in com- 
positione aliquando est personale aliquando impersonale juxta 

naturam rei significatae per nomen quod componitur 

Componitur autem cum utraque voce, sed raro cum activa, 
saepins cum passiva" (TJ. IT. 1751, p. 198). 

Aniline.- the examples given are the following: 

"77 annonchiata, etc., an bout de la cabane [at the end of the 
cabin or lodge]." 

"Eiotendatata, au limit du village [at the end of the village.] 

"Etiotetata, au bout du champ, des terres cultivees [at the 
end of the meadow, of the cultivated lands]. 

"Etiotrahata (pro etioterhata) au bout du bois, de la foret [at 
the end of the w Is <.r forest]. 

"Etiotond(g)iata, au bout dune pointe [at the end of the 
point]. 

"Etiok8endata, au bout de Pile [at the end of the island], 

"Otrih8ata, I'affaire est finie, achevee, e'est tout, il n'y a plus 
rien [it is dune, finished, that i- all, there i- nothing more] 
(Id. ili... 

This term ination ata added to Ande8'i gives us avde8'iata and 
our word is worked nut to completion by prefixing the Tt .. which 
may be either the simple particle of affirmation ilJ. If. 1751, p. 
241, sub. voc. oannon, ami p. L02 in Gramm.) or the '/'<•. a prefix 
meaning in front of, opposite, abreast of, etc." "Vis-a-vis, te. 



194 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

8andaen, te saiulaen vis-a-vis de la porte de la maison, tt sk8an- 
daen vis-a-vis de votre porte" (Gramni. p. 75), opposite, or in 
front of the door of the house, in front of your door. 

Whichsoever we t;ike the sense is appropriate. 

At t he entrance of Penetanguishene Bay, in fact what gives 
the very name of "Rolling Sands," in Algonquin, to the town 
itself, is a headland or bluff of light coloured sand. If the name 
Teandeouiatu was intended to convey the idea that all this dis- 
trict, lying in the north-eastern part of the peninsula, and 
including this point a^ a special feature, was under the control 
of the village, then, the name must be rendered "The Sand- 
white Point." If Te, in the other sense is preferred the name 
would be "Abreast of, or Opposite The Sand-white Point." 

Teandeomata was in fact, at the date when it was mentioned 
in the Relations, the only village in that part of Huronia. 

K.— CAHIAGUE. 
St. Jean-Baptiste of the Relations. 

This town i^ mentioned in ('hamplain (fEuvres, Tom. IV., 
up. pg. 29, low. 517; up. 32, 1. '^\: up. 251, 1. 907; up. 253, 1. 
!M)9i. And it^ orthography does not vary. Nor does its deriva- 
tion seem doubtful. Its component parts are: 
A a-aia xon-ae. 

1. Xa, pronounced kha, "Xa vel <hx< vel decka, hie, haec 
hoc, hi. liae, haec, Pronomina non inflectuntur, sed omni 
numero et generi inserviunt absque ulla variatione" (Gramm. 
p. G7, De Pronominibus) . 

2. Aiaxon .... aller tirer dev oiseaux, darder du poisson" 
I 1! . II. 1751, p. 104i. to go shooting birds, to spear fish. 

•3. Ar. See what has been said of this suffix under the head- 
ing Teanaostaiai . 

Combined according to rule, the three roots give Xaiax**- 
The "h" is supplied because in the primitive "/"/ (vel aai), to 
shoot, to spear, the "i" i-^ accented, and more than ordinary ^tres- 
is laid upon it, to which Potier draws attention lest it should be 
overlooked: " 'V notatum accentu acuto valde producitur, ihSenta 
hatias, ils dardent <ln poisson (it. II. 1751, p. 104). they spear 
fish. ITenre. Xnli'mx ■ (hamplain used the hard '"c" for the 
initial Greek "X," and the final "gue" to render the sound id' 
"xe." The meaning i^: "Where Fish-Spearing is carried on" 
or " Fish Spearing Place." 

Note.— !See colored sketch at page ltiOU. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 195 

The final "e,'' however may he accounted for otherwi.se. 
"Ad, ajjud, in, expriniuntur per aliquam ex particulis 'e' 
'he,' 'she,' 'nde.' Vocahulis desinentibus in 't' vel 'k' post- 
ponitur 'ke' loco dictarum litterarum, ut Stenr8ke, chez 8tenr8t 
[at Outeurout's], Handotonke, chez Handotonk [at Handotonk's], 
Aqt&nnkake vel Aqtonnhatake, a la fin de ma vie [at the close of 
my life, qhachenke, pendant le conseil [during the council, or in 
council] .... Vocahulis terminatis in V vel 'ch' loco illarum 
ponitur 'she,' v.g. Andachiaske, chez Andachiach [at Andach- 
iach's. Vocabulis aliter terminatis nunc '&,' nunc 'de' vel 'nde' 
postponitur, v.g. Hechonde, chez Echon [at Echon's house or 
home], ondSende vel ondoinde, chez sa mere [at his Mother's]. 
. . . .Kierre de vel Kierre ande, chez Pierre [at Peter's]" 
(Gramm. p. 75). 

In this latter supposition the word would still retain the same 
form with almost the same identical meaning "At the Fish Spear- 
ing Place.'" 

L.— TAENHATENTARON. 

or St. Ignace I. 

Taenhatentaruu was the name of the Huron village, which 
by the missionaries was called St. Ignace. There is no evidence 
to show that its Huron appellation was retained after the village 
was removed to its new site of St. Ignace II. 

The main root is "Aenha, perches qui servent a commencer 
la cabane [poles used at the beginning of the construction of a 
cabin or lodge]" (R. H. 1751, p. 287, I col.). 

The second root, or verb, is "AOen, 1° in fieri, se secher [to be 
drying, to become dry] .... 2° in facto, etre sec [to be dry]" 
(R. H. 1751, p. 202, No. 90). One of the examples given is 
" 8nn(t)hataten bois sec [dry wood]." 

From the combination of these two roots we have a compound 
substantive acnha-a8en, aenhaten, meaning a dry pole, or pos- 
sibly dry poles, which now enters into composition with another 
verb : 

"Aron (vel haron), 1. act., mettre de travers [to lay across, 
athwart, to place in the way] .... Saepe ponitur impersonaliter 
et cum Te dualitatis . . . . te aentaron, une buche traversant, 
a log lying across, (R. H. p. 188, No. 46) [from, qenta (atienta) 
baton, perche, pieu, etc. — a staff, a pole, a post, etc. — R. H. 1751, 
p. 2S6, 2 col.], t' etiond(g)iaron, die etiond(g)iata, il y a une point* 
qui traverse et avance sur la riviere, etc t' etionnontaron ou 

1.5 Ae. 



196 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

il y a une niontagne de travers [there is a point that lies athwart, 
across, and stretches out in the river, etc. ; there is a mountain in 
the way, barring, as it were, the passage]. 

Our word by this second combination becomes aenhaten-te- 
aron, aenhatentaron. 

The initial t may be the numeral "tendi vel te, deux [two]" 
(Gramni. p. 105) or the te localitatis, and with it, the e being 
elided, we have the perfect word T aenhatentaron, meaning 
"Where The Dry Pole, or Post, Lies in The Way" or "Where 
The Two Dry Poles Lie Athwart etc.," referring probably to 
some landmark in the forest trail. 



M.— KAOTIA OR KAONTIA. 

Ste. Anne. 

On Ducreux's inset map at about the same distance from Ste. 
Marie I., and in about the same direction as Ste. Anne was, 
according to the Eelations, we find inscribed Kaotia, a Huron 
name. It does not occur elsewhere. The bar over the o is the 
sign used to denote the omission of an n, which is to be supplied 
when pronouncing the word. A similar instance on the same 
map is "Ins. Gahoedoe" for Gahoendoe. 

The etymology of the word is not difficult to trace. In the 
Radices of 1751, page 287, 2 col., we find the word "Kahonchia, 
tout Pattirail de medecine [all the paraphernalia of jugglery]." 
As no marks of the aspirate are reproduced on the map the 
absence of the h before the o is easily accounted for, while the 
sounds of chia and tia are alike. 

As the only alternative of this rendering we have Xa-aonchia, 
contracted Xaonchia or Kaontia. 

Xa, vel exa, vel dexe, hie, hue, hac, hinc (Gramm. p. 68, 
1 col.). 

"Aonchia (ahonchia passiv., atakonehia recipr.) village [a 
village]" CR. H. 1751, p. 287, 1 col.). 

With the latter derivation Kaontia would mean "The village" 
or "This village;" or if we would follow the translation by Potier 
of "Xa on8aen\8i, voila notre champ, vel, e'est la, que nous 
avions notre champ [Lo, our field ! or behold our field, or there 
is where our field was]" CR. H. 1751, p. 63, sub. No. 41), Kaontia 
might be rendered "Lo, or behold the Village!" 

Why this place, remarkable, in the records which have come 
down to us, for nothing in particular save as the pest-centre. 



1<><)7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 197 

whence the terrible epidemic of smallpox in 1639 spread through- 
out Huronia (llel. 1640, p. 54, 2 col. ; p. 70, 1 col.), should have 
been styled emphatically ''The Village" must remain a matter 
of conjecture. 

This cause of unenviable celebrity, however, might lend 
colour to the claim that the name Kaontia should be translated 
"Tout l'attirail de medecine" (R. H. p. 287, 2 col.). "All the 
paraphernalia of the medicine-man, or of jugglery." 

N.— L. IS1ARAGUI. 
Mud Lake. 

On page 50 of "La vie du R. P. Pierre Joseph Marie Cha - 
monot," Shea-Cramoisy Series, nouvelle York, Isle de Manate, 
1858, the Father is made to say "Le canot sur lequel je m'em- 
harquai .... aborda le 10 de Septembre au haut d'un petit lac 
nomme Isiaragui .... Depuis peu nos Peres avoient fait batir 
tout proche une cabane [Ste. Marie I.] pour s'y loger." Father 
Felix Martin on pages 46 and 47 of his "Autobiographie du Pere 
Chaumonot, Paris, H. Oudin, 1885, gives the same passage with 
a slight variant "au bout d'un petit lac nomme Tsirargi, and in 
a foot note adds "On trouve aussi 'Tsiaragui.' Ce lac, nomme 
par les Francais 'Lac Bourbeux,' a cause de ses marecages, se 
, decharge dans le grand lac Huron par la riviere Wye." 

Of these three readings I choose the last as the most likely. 

The noun-root is arah8a, the verb oh8i, and the prefix ts, note 
of reduplication. 

"ArakSa (atralSa. soleil, rayon d'astre [the sun, the ray of some 
heavenly body, sunbeam, etc.]'' (R. H. 1751, p. 292, 2 col.1. 

"Oh8i . -. . . in comp. et aliquando extra, mettre quelque 
chose dans l'eau ou autre liqueur semblable [to put something in 
the water or some other liquid]. Aohos (die aorit) on met quel- 
que assaisonnement au pot [one puts some seasoning in the pot, 
or some seasoning is put in the pot]; ahonohSi. to put the canoe 
in the water: .... and(g)ioh8i, mettre le doigt a l'eau, l'y 
tremper [to put the finger in the water, to soak it]; aarohSi, 
mettre un rets a l'eau, l'y tendre [to put the net in the water, to 
set it] etc." (R. H. 1751, p. 242). 

Ts. "In relatione 2ae ad lam [person] pro reduplicatione 
mutatur h in A' ... . Reliquis personis inchoatis a vocali prae- 
fiiritur ts, etc." (Gramm. p. 21.). 

Before blending these component parts, it will be well to recall 
what Potier says of the "i" or iota subscript : "Haec virgula 



198 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

seu semi-littera 'i' vel 'j' maximi est usus : 1° ad pronuncian- 
dum, v.g. qtatiac die iatatiac, ehiatonk die iehiatonk, &c.'" 
(Gramm. p. 1.). 

ArakSa consequently is pronounced iarak8a, so that our com- 
pound word is Ts-iarak8a-oh8i, contracted (Gramm. p. 66, 2°, 
7° and 8°) Tsiaralc8i. 

The last three letters, lc8i, not bearing the diaeresis, form 
one syllable. There is no single u in Huron, so the termination 
gui in the name accredited to Chaunionot cannot be correct, but 
must be either gi (as gee in geese) or gout (in English gwooy, 
slurred into one syllable). This sound, with the g, is so ex- 
tremely rare in Huron, that I am unable after no little research to 
find a single instance of it, and I think it should be assigned to 
the Iroquois rather than to the Huron dialect. 

At all events, the meaning of the word is plain, literally, 
"The Sunbeams cast many times on The Waters," and less 
prosaically, "The Sunbeams Dancing on The Waves." For, 
evidently, the idea which the compound word is intended to con- 
vey is that of rays glinting from the waves, or sunshine shim- 
mering on the rippled surface. 

O— EKAENTOUTON. 
Manitoulin Island. 

Ehaentoton is mentioned in the Relation 1649 (p. 6, 2 col., 
and p. 26, 2 col.), and in Relation 1651 (p. 6, 2 col.; p. 7, 1 col.). 
In Relations 1671, (p. 31, 2 col.; p. 33, 2 col., title; p. 32, 2 col.) 
and 1672 (p. 31, 2 col. ; p. 32, 2 col.) an ou is substituted for the 
first o, Ehaentouton, which takes the form of 8 in the mention 
made in the "Journal des Jesuites," (p. 173), EkaentSton. 

The missionaries called it the "Isle de Saincte Marie," St. 
Mary's Island (Rel. 1649, p. 6, 2 col. ; p. 26, 2 col.). Its dis- 
tance from Huronia was estimated at about sixty leagues (Id. 
p. 6, 1 col. ; p. 27, 1 col.). Needless to say that this is an over- 
estimate ; in a straight line one hundred and eighty miles would 
reach beyond the western extremity of the Island. Its periphery, 
given in the same Relation (p. 6, 2 col.) as sixty leagues also, is 
very little over the correct figure. It was thought to be forty 
leagues long by twenty in breadth (Rel. 1671, p. 33, 2 col.), while 
its real proportions are about seventy miles by twenty-five. Of 
course if the circumnavigating canoes followed the indentations 
of the coast line, the estimates and the reality would be nearly 
equalized. 



1«KI7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 199 

That Ehaentouton was Manitoulin Island there can be no 
doubt. It lay in Lake Huron to the west of the country of the 
Hurons : "dedans nostre grand Lac ou Mer douce, tirant vers 
l'Occident" (Rel. 1649, p. 6, 2 col.). "II est facile de la decouvrir 
dans le Lac Huron, puis qu'elle y tient le milieu, et se fait 
remarquer par dessus toutes les autres pour sa grandeur" (Eel. 
1671, p. 33, 2 col.). 

Nothing, in fact, is easier than to identify it, it extends 
lengthwise in Lake Huron, well out on its southern shore line 
towards the middle, and by its great size it surpasses all the 
other islands of the "Fresh Water Sea." The island thus speci- 
fied can be no other than Manitoulin. 

The last mention, I think, made in the Relations of this island, 
under the slightly modified form of the Huron name, Kaentaton, is 
to be found where the events of 1673 are recorded (Rel. 1673-79, 
Martin-Cramoisy edit., Quebec, 1860, p. 16; Original MS. p. 7; 
Cleveland edit. vol. 57, pp. 211, 229). Its first mention under its 
modern Algonquin name, M anit oiial ain, ^occurs where the events 
of the year 1678 are related (Rel. 1673-79', p. 62; Original MS. p. 
26; Clev. edit., vol. 61, p. 127). But the form Manitulain also is to 
be found in another passage in the Original M.S. (p. 27), while in 
the parallel passage of the Martin-Cramoisy edition of Relation 
1673-79 (p. 64), the form Manitoualain is repeated. The Cleveland 
edition (vol. 61, p. 131) follows the manuscript. 

Ekaentoton cannot strictly speaking be called a compound 
word, but rather a juxtaposition of words rounded off by elision. 
I say strictly speaking, for appeal might be made to the excep- 
tional case of compounding an adverb with a verb, sanctioned by 
Potier: "Observationes in Adverbia .... 2° Nonnulla adverbia 
transeunt in nomina, atque adeo conjugantur per personas, v. g. 
sandcrat, tu es excessif, importun en ce que tu veux, etc." And 
hence he adds: "3° Adverbia aliquando subeunt compositionem" 
(Gramm. p. 73). 

At all events the word is made up of three roots. 

1. "Xir, vel exa, vel dexc- (adverbia loci) hie, hue, hac, 
hino," (Gramm. p. 68, 1 col.) meaning here, thus far, hither, 
hence, from (on) this side, out of this, from there on. 

Or, as a substitute for the adverb exa the prefix eh (De 
localitate — pro tempore et loco. Gramm. p. 24, 4°) : "Vocabulo 
incipienti ab iota (i) praefigitur eh dempto iota. Hae regulae 
nulli exceptione sunt obnoxiae." And as «ent (pronounced yaent), 
the second root, begins with the iota subscript : Eh-aent becomes 
Ehaent. 



200 THK REPORT OF THE No. 41 

2. "Ae?it, . . . in comp., etre jete a bord, ohonaent, 
canot jete a bord par l'eau'' (E. H. p. 65, No. 43), in English, 
to be cast on store by the waves v.g. a canoe stranded by the 
waves. This verb and the multiplicative aenton are both deriv- 
atives of aen. 

"Aen, neut impers. extra comp.; et in comp. aliquando 
personale, aliquando impersonale : etre a bas, a terre, etre 
couche, etendu, gisant, etre en arret, en repos, en paix, etre dans 
l'oisivete etc., etc." (Id. p. 61), to be prone, prostrate, lying on 
the ground, stretched, felled (as a tree), to remain at the point 
(as a setter or pointer), in repose, in peace, in idleness, etc., etc. 

"Aentonnion, multip. plusieurs choses etre a bas, a terre, 
etc.: aront8ton [from aronta (atrouta pass., atatronta recip.i 
arbre, a tree — R. H. p. 293, 1 col.] ichien dSa nrhaon, 8a de nron- 
taenton, or arontaentonnion , il y a dans les bois des arbes, les 
uns debout, les autres renverses par terre" (Id. p. 62), in the 
woods there are many trees, some standing and others felled. 
Hence : 

Exa-aenton, which blended according to rule makes Eha- 
enton, meaning, thus for, or from this place many objects cast 
up by the waves lie scattered along the beach ; to which already 
compounded word is added a second multiplicative : 

3. "8ton (et Stonnion) mult, significant multitudinem rerum 
quae suo situ eminent: arontSton vel arontStonnion, vel arhit- 
onnion, la multitude des arbres, onnontSton vel onnontStonnion, 
quantite de montagnes" (E. H. p. 277). Meaning trees without 
number, endless mountains. 

So with our word Ekaviton-8ton, EkacntSton : "Near there, 
are very many, or no end of things washed up and littering the 
shore," driftwood, etc. As EhaentSton was the name of an 
island, the modern Manitoulin, it might fittingly be translated 
"Island of castaways." And if we have taken eh as prefix (local- 
itatis) the meaning is restricted locally: "There where, or 
simply "Where very many etc." 

p.^PAGLS ETHAOUATIUS. 

'In Mara township, Ontario County, south of where Atherley 
now stands, the north-eastern coast of Lake Simcoe is deeply 
indented by two bays, one of which is, or was called Tenby. 
These bays »re formed by three points of land jutting out into 
the lake. This sinuous shore-line extends from The Narrows very 
nearly as far as Brechin, and on the inset map of Ducreux bears 
the name of P. Ethaoiiatins. The masculine Latin termination 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 201 

tins, shows that the P. does not stand for promontorium but for 
pagus. The latter word may mean either a village or a district 
or canton. As there is no little circle to mark the site of a vil- 
lage I conclude that it stands for district, canton or region. 

The Huron word is descriptive as is usually the case and is 
made up of two roots. 

1. "E'ta (ateta) champ, prairie [a field, a meadow]" (R. H. 
1751, p. 294, 2 col.). If taken in the plural sense it does not 
necessarily follow that an s should be added: "Nomina non 
inflectuntur per casus, adeoque non patiuntur ab alio nomine aut 
verbo ullam alterationem, nisi in compositionem cum illo intrent, 
v.g. onnehna ble [wheat] sive praeponatur sive postponatur verbo 
qiehSas j'ai besoin [I need] idem semper et eodem modo manet, 
dicesque : onnenha aieh8ax vel aiehSas onnenha, j'ai besoin de 
ble [I need wheat]. Ad pluralem numerum exprimendum saepe 
additur s, v.g. chieannen ionnenhas vel onnenh8annens ce sont 
de gros grains de ble [they are large grains of wheat], nam in 
singulare dicitur chieannen onnenha gros grain [a large grain], 
sic ha8en»en, e'est un ancien [he is an elder], hatiSannens ce sont 
des anciens [they are elders]" (Gramm. p. 65, 1°). 

"Saepe additur s," therefore not always. 

2. "A8ati .... in comp., courber [to bend]" (R. H. 1751, 
p. 102), from the same stem as "ahi8at, extr. comp., etre tortu 
[to be tortuous] .... hinc qhiochia vel aiochia, coude [the 
elbow]" (R. H. 1751, p. 101, No. 21) and "a8at, in comp. (pro 
ah'iSat extr.) etre plie, coiirbe, tortu [to be folded, bent, twisted, 
tortuous]; t'etiaontaraSat, une baye, un cul de sac, la ou le lac 
est courbe (Id. ib.) [from "ontara (atontara), lac, mer — a lake, 
a sea — " (R. H. 1751, p. 295, 2 col.)]; a bay, a land-locked cove, 
there where the lake curves, takes a bend. 

Divesting the name of its Latin termination the two Huron 
roots Eta and ASati remain, and in the combining the t, on 
account of the aspirate before that letter, becomes th or 6. A 
parallel case is given in "Notae in Relatione. 1 ?" (Gramm. p. 21, 
Localitas.) : "Quando et praecedit litteram h, t coalescens cum h 
evadit in #, ut : iOaahahSacha il me viendra voir de la [from 
there he will come to see me], eBiah il te viendra voir de la [he 
will come to see thee from there]." Now, in the verb pti there 
is no h apparent, but the sign of the hard breathing precedes 
the t (See "ennon, Hi, aller, venir ; venir. revenir" — to go, to 
come; to come, to come back — p. 36 et ss., where the entire con- 
jugation of this irregular verb is given). 

Hence E'ta-a8ati, ethaSati, with the meaning "The Deeply 
Indented Meadow Lands," referring to the sinuosities which are 
met with along the margin of Lake Simcoe at this point. 



202 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

This name is not duplicated on the inset map, but we find it 
again on Ducreux's general map, inscribed as P. E&a8atius, in 
the region that would correspond to what is now Peterborough 
County, comprising apparently the present townships of Douro, 
Otonabee and Asphodel. There is no little circle to indicate that 
"P." (pagus) stood for "village." Further north however there 
is one with an accompanying name, P. Echioius, which would 
seem to lie in the northern part of Dummer township in the 
vicinity of the present village of Stony Lake. This P. EOaSatius 
has evidently the same meaning as the one in Huronia and for 
a similar reason, that is, the intricate windings of the water 
course through Stony Lake, the Otonabee Eiver and Rice Lake. 

Q— LACUS OUENTARONIIS. 
Lake Simcoe. 

Lacus Ouentaronius, such is the name Lake Simcoe bears on 
Ducreux's inset map. 

It is a compound word of two Huron roots and a Latin 
termination. 

1. "AhSenta (akSenta) petit poisson [a smal-1 fish]" (R. H. 
1751, p. 288, 1 col.), and though "entson extr., entsonta in comp. 
poisson" is given (Id. p. 295, 1 col.) as the generic name for 
.fish, "ahSenta seems to have been more in use. Ah8enda, with- 
out the circumflex accent on the e, means "paquet de poisson," 
a parcel or string of fish (p. 288, 1 col.) ; qngSachia (Id. p. 290, 1 
col.) a word with the same meaning as the preceding; ang8ira, 
queue de poisson, coche de fleche (Id. ib.) the tail of a fish or the 
notch in an arrow, from angara the tail (Id. ib.), etc., not one of 
which can possibly derive from entsonta. Inferentially, therefore, 
qhSenta when compounded with other words is not restricted in 
meaning to small fish but is used for fish in general. 

2. "Aroni vel aharoni et qrai (vide aharen [p. 99, No. 10. 
etre perce, etc. — to be pierced, etc. — ]); 1° neutr. significat vel in 
fieri se percer, s'ouvrir, se faire plusieurs trous .... vel in 
facto etre perce, ouvert, perce en plusieurs endroits [in fieri, to 
pierce or stab oneself, to open oneself, to make several wounds 
in one's body; in facto, to be pierced, opened, stabbed in several 
places .... 2° act., to pierce, to stab, to make holes in some 
object .... aennionraharoni (die ennionronn(g)iak, je vais 
faire des trous au bois des raquettes [I am going to make the holes 
in the frame of the snowshoes] . . . . ; andechiaroni rompre la 
glace, y faire des trous [to break the ice, to make holes in it]" 
(R. H. 1751, p. 189, No. 48). Hence: — 

AhSenta-aroni, ah8entaroni. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 203 

The initial a is elided (see observa. 7. on compounding words, 
Gramm. p. 66; "aliquando duplex ant triplex vocalis eliditur in 
substantivo)," while the aspirate passes to the 8 and we have the 
compound Huron name 'Sentaroni, with the Latin termination 
Ouentaronius , Lacus, that is, "Fish-piercing" or Fish-Spearing 
Lake." 

R— LACUS ANAOUITES. 

The Modern' Cranberry Lake. 

No mention is to be found of this lake in the Relations, but 
on Ducreux's inset map it occupies the same position as Cran- 
berry Lake and is drained by what is now Wye River. 

Were it certain that there were no other substantives in the 
Huron language than the 566 noun-roots catalogued by Potier 
in his Radices of 1751, the name Anaou'ites when subjected to 
analysis might well be termed refractory, for there is no noun on 
the list which can be made to do service as the first root in the 
compound word. 

The name however has been compounded by the Hurons them- 
selves, so we are led to conclude that a noun existed corresponding 
to the verb annhi, probably the only one which combined with 
the second root would yield anaouites. Here is what is said of it 
in the Radices : 

"Annhi (ex quo videtur formatum qnnhandi) 1° extr. signi- 
ficat y avoir du monde en affluence dans quelque lieu, un grand 
concours [a great crowd to be collected, a great concourse of 
people] .... 2° in comp. significat telle on telle chose signi- 
fied par le nom qui est compose etre ramassee dans quelque lieu 
jusqu'a le remplir, y ctre rependu de tout cote [that the thing 
signified by the noun which enters into composition is gathered 
in some place so os to fill it, or to be scattered all about, on every 
side]." (R. H. 1751, p. 143). 

From this the meaning of the missing noun would be a crowd, 
a mob, a swarm, a throng, etc. 

+ja8iti is the second root. "AaSiti . . . .aller en canot vers 
quelque lieu [to go in a canoe to some place]" (R. H. 1751, p. 
48). This form comes under the heading of "aa8i .... aller 
ou venir en canot, voguer [to go or come in a canoe, to row, 
paddle, sail, to sail along]" (Id. ib. No. 7). It would appear 
from an example given in the grammar (p. 61, 1") to illustrate 
the force of the suffix ti, thai the mere act of rowing— "to row" is 
expressed by another cognate verb not to be found in the Radices 
of 1751 : "qaSe, ramer [to row], aq8eti ramer avec telle chose [tn 
row with such or such an object]. 



204 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Taking now our two roots as given above we have : 

Annhi-aaSiti, combined and contracted anaSiti. 

The meaning would be "Swarming with canoeing parties," 
"The swarm of canoes being paddled about." 

One would think this sufficient to express the idea of the 
numbers present, or the popularity of the place as a resort, the 
coiner of the word, however, intensifies its meaning, but first he 
must localize it. 

"Ad, apud, in exprimuntur per aliquant ex particulis 'e,' 'ke,' 
'she,' 'nde' .... vocabulis aliter terminatis [i.e. otherwise than 
in t, h, s, ch] nunc c, nunc de vel nde postponitur, etc." (Gramm. 
p. 75). Thus e is substituted for the final i, and instead of ana- 
Siti we have ana8ite, "at the place" or "there where swarms of 
canoes are paddled about." 

The intensifying process to which we have just alluded 
accounts for the final s. After descanting on the formation of 
verbs of motion and continuation (Gramm. pp. 59, 60). Potier 
says in Nota 4: "Praecedentibus verbis additur .<; ad exprimendos 
frequentes actus, v.g. : hatiSe ihaties ils vont tous ensemble, etc. 
Quod etiam est in usu in ceteris verbis motus ut atrendaendes 
j'ai coutume d'aller prier Dieu [I am wont to go to pray God] at 
atrendaende je viens prier Dieu [I come to pray God], de unico 
actu intcdligitur." And in Nota 5: "Haec additio litterae .? non 
solum significat frequentationem actuum, sed aliquando etiam 
pluralitatem v.g. : haSannen ancien [an elder] hatiSannens les 
anciens [the elders], handachia&cn sitit, hatindachiatens sitiunt 
. ... sic #0 iandatsa la chaudiere est comme cela [the kettle is 
like that], Oo andatsas aSeti ces chaudieres sont toutes de cette 
grandeur [these kettles are all of that size]." 

Thus modified according to rule, Anaovites would mean "There 
The Swarms of Canoes Being continually Paddled about" that is : 
the Lake which is "The Much Frequented Resort of Canoeing 
Parties." 

S.— AN ATARI. 

Thorah Island (?). 

Opposite the north-western extremity of what may be intended 
for Thorah Island, in Lake Simcoe, Ducreux has inscribed the 
name Anatari. The appellation cannot be meant for the north- 
eastern part of Innisfil, for what is marked on the map is much 
too far to the east for that point. But whatever it may be there 
can be no reasonable doubt as to the signification of the name. 



1«KI7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 205 

1. "Ahnliata. die Stac'ta, Wehe, bois de chaufirage" (R. H. 
1751, p. 290, 2 col.), a log, fire-wood. 

2. " Ari 1° in fieri, quelque chose se cuire, se murir 

2° in facto, quelque chose etre cuite, etre miire [something to be 
cooking, to be ripening, and, by inference, to be seasoning] . . . 
iori (die iSri) cola est cuit [that is cooked]; oshenari, la farine est 
cuite [the flour is cooked]; ohiari les fruits sont miirs [the fruits 
are ripe]; ondoiari le ble est ruiir [the wheat is ripe]" (R. H. 1751. 
p. 185, No. 42). Hence: 

Annhata-ari, combined annhatari or anatari, "Where The 
Firewood is Seasoning"' or else "The Dry Fire-wood," "Dry 
Fire-wood Island." 

T.— SCHIONDEKIARIA INSULA. 

Reausoleii. or Prince Wm. Henry; and Chionkiara, Mouth of 
The Severn on the South Shore. 

Along the south shore of the River Severn, near its mouth, 
Ducreux has inscribed the name Chionkiara. The appellation as 
it appears on his inset map would extend from about lot 16, XII. 
concession, Tay, to a point in the neighbourhood of lot 20, II. 
concession, Matchedash. 

A name somewhat similar, Schiondckiaria, marks what is now 
Beausoleil or Prince William Henry Island. Nowhere else are 
the two names to be met with. 

The initial s, in the latter word, as far as the pronunciation 
goes may be eliminated, for says Potier (Gramm. p. 1) : "c 
semper est junctum cum h et hae duae litterae simul junctae 
pronunciantur more gallorum v.'g. chieaan(g)nionk tu fais chau- 
diere, et aliquando ut c Italicum ut chieons, aegrotas." As the 
chi is here followed by an i the first two syllables of both names 
are pronounced alike as if written in English "sheeon." In the 
name of the island the syllable de occurs after chion, b\it is want- 
ing in the name on the mainland, whose termination differs also 
from that of the former word in as much as it has no penult i. 
The presence of this i is not difficult to explain if we bear in 
mind that the word has been latinized and that Insula requires 
the feminine adjective termination Maria formed from the noun 
ending in hiara. Stript of their accessories the two names would 
now read Chiovdcl-iara and Chionkiara. 

TL i-s resemblance in structure, coupled with the fact that on 
the inset map the island lies opposite the mouth of the Severn, 
with none of the intervening islands marked, might well prove 



206 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

a lure for one bent on making out the signification of the two 
names, which he might very naturally suppose, when worked out 
etymologically, would disclose some correlation in meaning as 
well as in outward feature. 

Possible Derivation of Schiondehiaria. Chi-onda-exa-i-ara, 
contracted chiondexiara. The principal root seems to be onda 
(atonda), espace de temps, de lieu, etc. [an interval of time, a 
space, a stretch of land] R. H. 1751, p. 295, 2 col.), it certainly is 
the only noun to be found in Potier's list which can be made to 
fit more or less compactly into the compound word. 

The verb-root might be ara or ara the meaning of which is 
determined by the way the r is pronounced. 

In this connection here is what Potier says: "De 'i' [the iota 
subscript] sen 'j' (iota) — Haec virgula seu semi-littera 'i' vel 'j' 
maximi est usus : .... 3° affixa litterae r variat pronunciation- 
em et facit leniorem, v.g. arati, numerare, leniori, non tremulo 
linguae motu hanc litteram efferas (Gramm. p. 1). With 
this sign over the r, a/ra means paraitre flotter sur 1'eau, 
to seem to float on the water, or to appear floating on 
the water (P. H. 1751, p. 10, No. 66); without it, ara or are 
means un oiseau avoir son nid quelque part, a bird to have 
its nest somewhere ; iora il y a un nid, there is a nest, ondara vel 
ondare, ils ont leur nid, they have their nest (Id. ib.). On Du- 
creux's map no hard or soft-breathings are marked. 

"E x a, ce s cette," this, (Gr. p. 85.) 

When combined these roots, onda and ara, according to rule 
assume the form ondexara. 

Chi as a prefix is generally an adverb, "Chi, loin [afar, far 
away, in the distance] (Gramm. p. 91). It means also, on the 
other side, beforehand, hitherto, hereafter, etc. (Id. ib.). How- 
ever, as a preposition also, it often precedes the word with the 
meaning of the latin prepositions ultra, prae, ante, etc. (Id. p. 
75). 

With this prefix, and by inserting before the verb-root the i 
adjectitium "ita appellatum quia nihil sensui vocum addit vel 
minuit, sed euphoniae causa praefigitur quibusdam vocibus et 
verbis (Gramm. p. 2) we have Chiondehiara. As I have already 
pointed out the initial s does not modify the pronunciation of 
Chion, which remains as if written sheeon in letters with the 
English sound ; but what it may add to the sense I have not been 
able yet to discover from anything to be found in Potier's Gram- 
mar and Radices, save that "in omni reduplicatione reperitur 
littera s, potest ergo haberi pro nota reduplicationis" (Gramm. p. 
22, 1°). What follows complicates matters not a little for the 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 207 

beginner, "gaudet [s] aliquando littera aliqua praecedente, ali- 
quando littera sequente," and this with other certain rules respect- 
ing persons, moods, and tenses. 

In the Iroquois language, which was but a dialect of the Hur- 
on, it had its use: "S initial augniente la force des qualicatifs" 
(Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise, abbe Cuoq, P.S.S. 1882, p. 
161), in other words, it was an intensative prefix, though it was 
also used very much the same as in Huron as the note of redupli- 
cation (Iroquois Gramm. Marcoux, p. 73). 

Schiondehiara, as a compound name, in the supposition that 
what precedes is correct, should mean "This Land to appear Float- 
ing Afar," "A Stretch of Land Looming up in the Distance over 
the Lake," just as on a calm sultry day an island on the horizon 
seems to hang in mid-air over the surface of the water. Insula 
Schionde Maria would be rendered "The Schiondekiarian Island." 

A Tentative Derivation of Chionhiara. How perplexing so- 
ever the difficulties that have been met with in explaining the deri- 
vation of other names they were but slight when compared with 
those to be encountered in accounting for the syllabic structure 
of Chionhiara. Wherefore I shall merely indicate, as closely as 
possible, the meaning of its several parts, when disconnected, 
without affirming that when strung together they may be taken 
as effectually rendering the sense of the compound word. 

Chi-ion-he-i-ara, or -h8i-ara. 

Chi-on-he-iar-a, or -Jc8i-iar-a. 
-ke-iara, or -l-8i-iara. 

These or any other combinations will sufficiently serve the 
purpose. 

Chi is an adverb or preposition, one of the few in Huron 
which may precede the noun. It means, far, afar, at a distance, 
beyond, on the far side etc. (Gramm. p. 91). It means also, 
before, beforehand (Id. ib) ; beyond, willingly, spontaneously, 
of one's own accord (Id. p. 75); ever, forever, from all time (Id. 
P . 92). 

In compounding words "Substantivum semper praeit" (Gramm. 
p. 66). But "nonnulla adverbia transeunt in nomina" and "ad- 
verbia aliquando subeunt compositionem (Id. p. 73). 

Ion, is a verb used only in composition for "on which latter does 
not enter into composition (R. H. 1751, p. 154) unless it means, to 
take, to hold. Aon, for which ion stands in compound words 
means, to reach, or arrive at some spot, to enter some place (Id. 
ib.). 

On is a verb meaning, to be several or many together (R. H. 
1751, p. 248. No. 21: R. H. 1743, p. 194, No. 96). 



208 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Ke, e, she, nde are suffixes which have the same meaning as 
the Latin prepositions ad, apud, in. But according to rule words 
ending in n require de instead of he, thus Hechonde at Hechon's, 
etc. (chez Hechon) (Gramm. p. 75); so that unless there be 
exceptions authorizing its use in the present case he rmist be 
eschewed. 

K8i. Ti, sti, h8i, etc. mean 1° by the same means, by or on the 
way, to take advantage of an occasion to do something else, as : 
asenn(t)hatenha8it on your way bring some wood (Gramm. p. 81). 
2° despatch, as^ sastiaronkSat go quick 3° immediately, on the 
spot, thereupon, from that time, as : ehSaeiiienhSiti from that 
moment I knew it. (Id. ib.) . . . . Ti and h8i are also particles 
of place and time (Id. p. 82, 8° and 9°). 

Ar vel qra, a heavenly body (sun, moon or star), to rise (It. 
H. 1751, p. 164, No. 6); onnen iar, lo, the sun has risen (Id. p. 
164, 4th line). 

Ar vel qra neut., something to be within, among, with, and in 
the active, to put something within, etc. (Id. p. 165). 

Ar vel qra, act. to paint, depict, represent, etc.; pass., to be 
painted, depicted, carved, etc. (Id. p. 167). 

Iara, preposition, placed after the noun, super, on, above, on 
top, (Gramm. p. 76, 2 line). 

Ara, verb, to place on, above, to be on, above, on top of, etc. 
CR.H. p. 172, No. 9). 

A, final, means greai (It. H. 1751, p. 1; Gramm. p. 30). 

Now, when two verbs are component parts of a compound 
word the first must be compounded with the noun, before the 
second verb can enter into composition with it, or rather with 
the compound noun formed by its combination with the noun- 
root. So that if we have reason to think that the latter part of 
Chionhiara , that is ara or iar, is a verb the first part of the name 
should be formed into a complete compound noun before combin- 
ing it with ara. Thus. 

Chi-ion-h8i or ChionhSL 

This might have for meaning the "Far away Arrival Place." 
With this ar is now combined, ChionhSiar, contracted, according 
to the seventh rule for compounding words (Gramm. p. 66), 
Chionhiar, "There afar where the orb rises," adding a, the 
termination denoting greatness, Chionhiara. "There in the dis- 
tance where the great orb, or where the Sun rises." This appel- 
lation would be appropriate only for the Indians residing in that 
part of Huronia which lies to the west of the Severn River. The 
"materia prima" stands ready for those who wish to try their 
band at other combinations. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 209 

I cannot say that the two last derivations are quite satisfactory, 
1 mean, of Schiondekiaria and Chionhiara. The last mentioned 
is even less so than the former. I am fully persuaded that a sub- 
stantive existed, not to he found among Potier'a noun-roots either 
primitive or derivative for that very reason that it was itself a 
compound word. The spelling should he much alike Achion or 
Ochion with or without a vowel termination, and in meaning, 
denote an object polished, highly finished, cunningly wrought, 
but in a more or less perfect degree in keeping with the signi- 
fication of the verb with which it was combined. 

My reason for this conjecture is that the verb achion8endi\, 
absolutely the only one at all resembling our two names, is given 
in Potier's Radices, 1751, p. 56, No. 27, with the meaning "polir 
quelque chose,*' to polish, furbish, scour, brighten by rubbing, 
burnish. The causative verb follows: "achionSendi'ti, caus., 
polir avec quelque chose," to polish with something, and then 
the derivative noun is added: "ochion8endiQa, prele, herbe a 
polir," horsetail, a weed used in polishing. The word, in the 
Radices of 1744, (p. 22, No. 23), is explained in terms almost 
identical, save, that after giving the meaning of the causative, 
Potier adds : "hinc ochionhSendita, sorte d'herbe appellee presle, 
parcequ'ils s'en servent pour polir." The hinc implies that the 
noun derives from the causative verb. Note also the difference 
in the spelling, h is inserted before the 8, while the last syllable 
is written with a instead of a t. This shows that while the 
change of a letter may be very perplexing for a beginner, the 
advanced student treats it sometimes as of little consequence. 

The verb-root is 8endii since according to rule the noun must 
precede it. Hunting up 8endii we find as the nearest approach 
to it "aSendi (R. H. 1751, p. 215) in compositione pro endi extr. 
"Endi, extr. quelque bon ou mauvais evenement arriver a quel- 
qu'un. quelque bieii ou mal, quelque bon ou mauvais succes, 
etc." (Id. p. 214), which would be rendered more simply in 
English by to happen, to befall, to fall out, to result, etc. This 
effect or result should be indicated in the missing noun achion 
or ochion. It would not therefore be rash to presume that this 
noun conveyed the idea of a polished, burnished or smooth 
object. This conclusion seems to be borne out on further search. 
Achondi or Achrondi (R. H. 1751, p. 56, No. 33) is rendered 
"faire quelque chose, l'accommoder, la mettre en ordre, l'ajuster, 
le regler, l'embellir, l'enjoliver, la preparer. la disposer," to 
make something, to adapt it, to fit it, to put it in order, to regu- 
late it, to embellish it, to adorn it, to set it off, to prepare, to 
dispose it, etc. 



210 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Conformably, the verb achion8e?idii supposes some previous 
process resulting in a polished, smooth or even surface, or in a 
finished or embellished object. Hence the variety of objects, of 
divers uses, expressed by a compound word having achion or 
ochion as its first component part. 

I subjoin some examples, and from the references by Potier 
it will be seen that the initial vowel is retained or suppressed at 
will and that sometimes there is an interchange of o and a. 

AchionSacta, bracelet de fil d'alton (sic, laiton?), bracelet of 
brass wire (M.* p. 6, 1 col., p. 9, 2 col.). 

AchionSendita, sarbacane, a smooth tube used like a pea- 
shooter (E. H. p. 286, 2 col.). 

Chion8oindita, sarbacane, (M. p. 10, 2 col.). 

OchionSacta, vide chion8acta (M. p. 7, 1 col.). 

ChionSendita vel ochion8cndita, sarbacane, baton creux (M. 
p. 6, 1 col.). 

ChionSendita, os8a i8at, etui a duvet (M. p. 6, 1 col.) a down 
case. 

Osa8a, duvet, down, Osa8a saotalc8a, vel osa8a chionSendita, 
etui a duvet (M. p. 7, 2 col.). 

OchionSendiOa, prele, herbe a polir (E. H. 1751, p. 56, No. 
27) horse-tail. 

Ochionh8endita, sorte d'herbe appellee presle, parcequ'ils s'en 
servent a polir (E. H. 1744, p. 22, No. 23). 

Ochion8acta, vide chion8acta (M. p. 6, 1 col.). 

Chion8acta, alene, tc. (M. p. 6, 1 col.) an awl. 

Chion8aeta d' ecliaron(g)niaQa , alene a faire collier, vel d'ech- 
aron(g)niaBa (M. p. 6, 1 col.). 

Chion8acta, alene (M. p. 9, 2 col.). 

E chiaronniada vel chionSacta d' echaronniaOa grosse alene (M. 
p. 9, 2 col.), a large awl. 

OchionSa(c)ta (atechioti8a(c)ta, pass.), epingle, aiguille, 
alene, etc., quidquid acutum est; collier, pendant d'oreille, fil 
d'archal, etc. (E. H. 1751, p. 286, 1 col.) a pin, a needle, an awl, 
anything that is sharp-pointed; a necklace, ear-ring, wire either 
of brass or iron. In connection with this word I would refer to 
another in the Eadices "aha, die i8Ha (ateta pass.) ongle. 
griffe (j>. 286, 2 col.), finger nail, claw. 

ChionSacta, fourchette, a fork, vel Ka8atsaestak, grande four- 
chette (M. p. 9, 1 col.), a large fork. 

ChionSacta. Etionsara, vel chion8acta, vel andatsandinionta 
chaine a pendre la chaudiere (Gramm. p. 158, 1 col.). Same, 

»M stands for Regtstre des Morts, I'Assomption du Detroit, 17-'iG-1760. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. '211 

save that the last Huron woTd ends in tab. (M. p. 9, 1 col.), 
chain to hang the kettle over the fire. 

As for words ending - in Mara or Maria I have not found any 
in any list. The nearest approach are those ending in am, iara 
and kcira. 



■■\Tidatara, pain (R. H. p. 289, 1 col.), bread. 

AkSara, couvercle de chaudiere (R. H. 288, 1 col.), lid of a 
kettle. 

Annenstara, pierre, gravois (R. H. p. 290, 2 col.), gravel, 
pebble. Probably from annent, beach, strand (Id. ib.). 

Entara poil rouge, enta in comp. (R. H. p. 295, 1 col.), ;i red 
filiament from the skin of an animal, or red hair; from oenta 
couleur rouge (R. H. p. 287, 1 col.) or Senta (die 8ointa vermil- 
ion) Id. p. 286, 2 col.); red, vermillion. 

OskSara, poil (R. H. p. 293, 2 col.), a filament, a hair. 

AngSara, le petit rapide (Grainm. p. 156, 1 col.). The Little 
Rapids. 

EnhSara, couverte (Gramm. p. 158, 1 eol.) a blanket. 

Etionsara, chaine de chaudiere (Id. ib.), a kettle chain. 

Sndaara, come a poudre, etc. (Id. ib. 2 col.) a powder horn, 
etc. 

Arara, Verb. Tendre des rets aux oisseaux (R. H. p. 176, No. 
18), to set nets for birds. 

At vel ara, verb, un astre se lever (R. H. p. 164, No. 6), a 
star, etc., to rise; onnen iar, voila le soleil leve (Id. ib), lo, the sun 
is up. This verb means also "etre telle heure," to be such time 
of day. 

Ar vel ara, verb. Something to be inside, within, among (Id. 
p. 165). 

Ar vel ara, verb. To paint, depict, represent; pass, to be de- 
picted, represented, painted etc. (Id. p. 167). 

Ara, verb. To place upon, above, over; Go iara, it is set on 
top (Id. p. 172, No. 9). Akin to this is the preposition v>ra, on, 
upon, above, over, it is placed after the noun (Gramm. pp. 
75, 76). 

Ara, verb. To wear as a covering, to be covered (R. H. p. 
173). 

Ara, verb. To strike, to wound (Id. ib). 

Ara, verb without the iota subscript. To appear to be 
floating, or to appear floating (Id. p. 10, No. 66). 

If! Ar. 



212 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Ara vel are, verb. A bird to have its nest somewhere (Id. ib.) 
And a number of others, among which might be classed the 

noun : 

Arha, woods, forest (Id. p. 292, 2 col), for the It is often 

omitted or replaced by an aspirate sign. 

lara. 

Oiara, bark of the Linden (R. H. p. 288, 1 col.). 

On(d)nrachiara, a polished or smooth red stone (M. p. T, 2 
col. and p. 9, 2 col.). 

Ondrachiara, red stone (R. H. p. 290, 1 col. and Gramm. p. 
158, 1 col.). 

Atsiara, blacking (noir a noircir) (R. H. p. 294, 1 col.). 

Iara, preposition following the noun, on, upon, above etc. 
(Gramm. pp. 75, 76). 

AandSiara, a porringer or bowl of porcelain, vel andoqra (R. 
H. p. 290, 1 col.), which word seems to have nothing in common 
with onnonh8ar8ta, the Huron for porcelain (R. H. p. 291, 2 col.). 
"OnnonkSoiita, die nnonkSoiiSta branche de porcelaine," a string 
(?) of porcelain (beads?), is given in the same column. On page 
292, 2 col., arensa is given with the same meaning, and further 
on, page 294, 2 col. "ensta (atenstara, pass.) canon de porcelaine 
ou de verre," a china or a glass bugle or elongated bead. 

Ti8skonchiai 8nd(g)iara, vel ctioSndaSoimndi Sngiara, le 
Saut de Niagara (Gramm. p. 156, 1 col), The Falls of Niagara. 

Kara. 

Ta8isl:ara, pierre a fusil (M. p. 7, 2 col., p. 10, 1 col.) gun-flint. 

Ata8iskara pierre a fusil (R. H. p. 285, 2 col.) gun flint. 

An{g)nionkara, falaise, ecors (Id. p. 291, 1 col.), a bluff, a 
cliff". 

Onionkara vel ataarenre (Fragm. Potier*) a bluff, a cliff. 
The two preceding words derive probably from the verb an(d)ni- 
cnt, to suspend, to hang, to be suspended, etc. (R. H. 1751, p. 
147, No. 53). 

Askara, tout ce qui sert a se couclier ou s'asseoir comme nattes, 
trapis, matelas, paille, foin, etc.. any material or article of which 
a litter or seat may be made such as mats, carpet, mattress, straw, 
hay. etc. CR. H. 1751, p. 190). 



'Mr. Phileas Gagnon, Quebec, has in his collection a fragment of some 
one of Potier's M.S. books; pagination 175 to 213. The word quoted above 
is on p. 193. 1 col.. I have not met it elsewhere. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 213 

Ateskara, passive form of the preceding (Id. ib.). 

Aheskara, le jeu de paille (Id. p. 287, 2 col.), game played 
with straws. 

Andaskara, jarret (Id. p. 288, 2 col.), the ham or inner bend 
of the knee. 

Andeskara, glaoon (Id. 289, 1 col.), an icicle. No doubt 
from iindich(r)a, ice (Id. p. 289, 2 col.) or qndecJtin, ice; the 
former has a second meaning, moon, month, the latter, sand (Id. 
p. 289, 1 col.). 

Akara pass, of aura, the eye lid. p. 286, 2 col.). 

Atsinnionkara, the thumb, (R. H. p. 294, 1 col.). 

A'ionkara, vel atsinionkara, die u.nionkara, the thumb, (R. H. 
p. 288, 1 col.). 

An(g)nionkara (aten(g)nionkara, pass.), thumb, vide otsin- 
nonkara (Id. p. 291, 1 col.). 

Ai8skara, point of a knife, arrow- point (Id. p. 288, 1 col.). 

Ondaonskara, the nettle (Id. p. 288, 2 col.). 

And(g)iSskara, green fruit (Id. p. 289, 2 col.). 

Endiskara (atendiskara, pass.) (Id. ib.) a wheel. 

Andiskara, wild cherry tree (Id. ib.). 

Annondakara, quartier de citrouille, a section cut from a 
pumpkin (Id. p. 291, 1 col.). 

OnnonhSaskara, hemp (Id. p. 291, 2. col.). 

OnnonhSashara, die nnonSaskara, the cotton tree (Id. ib.). 

Atsindekara, root of a tree (Id. p. 294, 1 col.). 

Enkara, braver (sic), (M. p. 7, 1 col.; Gramm. p. 158, 1 col.), 
tights or breech-clout. 

And not a few more. 

During the summer of 1907, after having written what pre- 
cedes, I visited Port Severn It needed no close observation to be- 
come convinced that the name Chionkiara, whatever its precise 
derivation or etymological structure, wa3 intended to designate the 
geological formation there prevalent. It is a good denotation of 
the ruches moutonnees of that region, firmed by abrasion during 
the glacial period. These are generally styled "dressed rocks" or 
"^beep-back rocks," and are knobs ground down and smoothed by 
glacial action. The first part of Chionkiara would correspond to 
the first of qchionSendii (to polish), and the second part to that of 
Ondrachiara fa polished or smooth red stone); both enumerated 
above. 



214 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

THE PETUN OR TOBACCO NATION. 

Closely akin to the inhabitants of Huronia Proper, and speaking 
the same language (R. 1654, p. 9, 2 col.) were the Indians of the 
Nation of the Petun, so called by the French from the abundance of 
the Tobacco plant raised in their country (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.). 
Their Huron name had many variants as the following list will 
attest. 

Khionontaterronons R. 1635, p. 33, 2 col. 

Khionontaterons R. 1639, p. 88, 1 col. 

Khionontatehronon R. 1640, p. 35, 2 col. 

Khionontateronons ... R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col. 
Khionontatehronons.... R. 1641, p. 69, 1 col. title. 

Kionontatehronon R. 1642, p. 88, 2. col. 

Etionnontatehronnons. R. 1671, p. 37, 1 col. 

Etionnontates R. 1670, p. 6, 2 col. 

Tionnontatehronnons. . . R. 1654, p. 9, 2 col. ; 1667, p. 15, 2 col. 

Tionnontateronons R. I. Douniol, 1672-3, Tom. I., pp. 95, 172. 

Tionnontante (sic)*.... R. 1672, p. 35, 2 col. 

Tionnontate R. I. Douniol, 1676-7, Tom. II., p. 124. 

Dionondaddies Corrupt English form of the Huron. 

Dinondadies Corrupt English form of the Huron. 

Etymology of Khioxnontateronxox and Congeneric 
Appellations. 

To explain with as much perspicuity as possible the origin and 
derivation of Khionontatehronon and congeneric appellations of the 
inhabitants of the Petun or Tobacco Nation, it will be best to begin 
with the most complex form. 

Etionnontatehronnons is one of the names given to this tribe 
and is to be found in Rel. 1671, p. 37, 1 col. 

The etymon of this, and in fact of all the other forms, is : 

"Onnonta (passive atennonta) montagne" (R. H. 1751, p. 291, 
2 col.), hill, mountain, in both singular and plural. 

Ate is added as suffix to the preceding "Ate .... extra et 
intra compositionem, sed extra impersonaliter, in compositione 
autem impersonaliter et personaliter (etre present ut sic. P.) . . . 
(R.H. 1751, p. 200, No. 89). 

*The Quebec edition of the Relations has, in this spelling, followed the 
original. See "Relation, etc., 1671 et 1672 — a Paris — chez Sebastien Mabro 
Cramoisy, etc., M.DC.LXXIII., p. 127," St. Mary's College Archives. It is 
no doubt a misprint for Tionnontate. This latter emended reading was 
adopted in the Cleveland edition, see vol. 56, p. 114. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 215 

"Ate componitur rum multis aliis nominibus. 1° cum aata, etc. 
2° cum andionra, etc. 3° cum entio'k8a, etc. 4° cum multis no- 
minibus temporis, etc. 

"5° cum nominibus locorum ail designandum eorum existentiam, 
sic. : 

Aronhiate il y a un cicl [there is a beaven], dew aronhiate, ce 
ciel que voila, [that beaven yonder]; ondechate, il y a une terre 
[tbere is a land, an earth,], de\ 'ondechate cctte terre [tbis eartb]; 
.... hatindaSate* les babitans de la riviere [the people of the 
river] die [i.e. more correctly] hat i union enhac, hatinda8ateti." [Id 
p. 201]. 

To the word onnonta-atc, contracted onnontate, is now added 
after the manner of a prefix eti or ratber etion8e or etiao as the 
sequel will show. 

"Eti .... aller ou venir en tel lieu (vid. gram.)" (R. H. 
1751, p. 218). 

Turning to Potier's Grammar I find on p. 36 "Ennon, eti, aller, 
venir, revenir." Eight and a quarter pages of Father Potier's finest 
handwriting are devoted to this verb, and at the outset the timid 
investigator finds himself confronted with tbis ominous premon- 
ition : "Portentosum verbum, memoriae onus gravissimum, hoc stat 
distinguere in duo verba, quae, licet difficilia, facilius disjuncta vin- 
centur. Primum ergo unam significationem prosequor quae utroque 
verbo exprimitur, etsi in significando aliquid diversitatis intersit, 
etc." 

All that concerns us is contained in his remarks on the perfect 
tense of the verb — p. 38 : 

"Perfectum. 1° EkSaeti, je suis venu de la, nominando locum 
unde venitur. Significat etiam patriam, nee alio modof Hurones 
ham- exprimunt : annen etiseti? d'ou viens-tu? [Where do you come 
from?] Ennionenhake ek8aeti, je suis venu de France [1 came from 
France] ou je suis de France [or I am from France]. Dicunt etiam 
pro patria tsinneronnon, aannenronnon? d'ou est-il venu? [Whence 
did he come?], nda8aeronnon, du Sault St. Louis [from Sault St. 
Louis]." 

Potier then proceeds to conjugate the Perfect tense of the verb, 
thus : 

Sing ekSae . . . .elite eOaSe . . . .etiaSe adde 'ti 

Dual etionde . . . etiste eOonde. . . . etionde 

Plur etiowtie . . .etiskSe . . .eOonde. . . .etionde. .etiariSe 

• From nndaSa, river, flood, stream, (J?. //. 1751, p. 288, 3 col.). 
\ ■,.! yet Potior records another way, as will be soon later. 



216 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4T 

The pluperfect is conjugated like the perfect. 
What we need is the first person plural, etionSe, which is ren- 
dered: I and they (both masculine and feminine), we and they, he 
and we, she and we have come. 

EtionSe-onnontate, contracted Etionnontate, is the result; for 
Se is elided according to the second rule to be followed in compound- 
ing words, and on is suppressed in keeping with the eighth. 

But I must hasten to add that, though these syllables are elided 
before onnonta, Etionnontate could not really be considered on that 
account a compound word, if derived as above, but a mere juxtaposi- 
tion of words, the first rule being precise and imperative : "1° Sub- 
stantivum Semper praeit" (Gr. p. 66). And this would hold good if 
eti, in its present function, be classed as a verb. That it derived 
originally from etionSe there can scarcely be a doubt, but eventually 
it assumed separately the character of a mere prefix, denoting local- 
ity or distance. Under the heading "Notae in Relationes" (p. 21), 
Potier, after descanting on the several moods and tenses susceptible 
of being modified by the "particula localitatis" concludes: "Reli- 
quis personis inchoatis a vocali praeponitur eti, v.g. etiaakakSas, 
on te regarde de la; ctionxiak, on nous regarde de la." Again, 
under "De Localitate, pro Tempore et Loco," (p. 24): "5° Verbo 
incipienti a consanante praefigitur eti," and in the second note in 
6° : "ante o et aSe loco o ponitur eti." There is much else, but this 
is quite sufficient to warrant its use as a prefix. 

So that, all told, Etionnontate may be said to be a legitimate 
form of a compound word designating people "hailing from a hilly 
or mountainous region," or "who had had for country a moun- 
tainous region." 

Lastly ronnon is added : "Nationalia formantur a nomine pro- 
prio addendo ronnon" (Gr. p. 65), and the word now reads Etion- 
nontateronnon with the full meaning: "The Nation (or belonging 
to the Nation) hailing from a mountainous region." 

What has already been said elsewhere about the plural of nouns 
finds its application here, that is to say an s is oftentimes added but 
not invariably: "Ad pluralem numerum exprimendum sacpe ad- 
ditur s" (Gr.. p 65, 1°). As for the h after ate, it is sometimes 
inserted by the authors of the Relations and at others discarded ; its 
presence or absence seems to be a matter of indifference ; while the 
h following a double r in ronnon is, to say the least, abnormal. 

Etionntates is sufficiently accounted for in what has gone be- 
fore. The ronnon is dropped leaving the word with the meaning 
given above. 

Tionnontatehronnons. This form might be summarily passed 
over with the remark that it must be a corruption of Etionnontate- 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 217 

ronnons. I should like to do so for brevity's sake, but if conscien- 
tiously studied it will be found to be more closely related to the 
following. 

Khionnontateiironkons. Relying mainly on Horatio Hale's 
remark (Journal of Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. 1, p. 178) that the Huron 
name of the Petuns "means apparently 'people beyond the hills,' ' 

1 gave in the Ontario Annual Archaeological Report, 1902, on page 
109 the subjoined derivation : 

Etymology — Chi-onnonta-ronnon 

"Chi,\oin (Potier, Gramm. p. 91) expressing distance, site, point of time 
etc. Chi au dela [beyond] vel cchi, chi aSatenrati, trans murum [beyond 
the wall, the palisade], chiaanda8ati, de 1'autre cote de la riviere [beyond 
or on the other side of the river] etc." 

"Onnonta (atennonta) montagne [mountain]" (Potier Fad. Uur. p. 291. 

2 col.) 

"lionnon" (nomina Nationalia, Potier, Gr. p. 65, Xo. 7). "Nationalia 
formantur a nomine proprio addendo ronnon v.g. : annontae, onnontaeronnon , 
Ies habitants des montagnes" (the mountain dwellers). 

Consequently Khionontateronons would mean thosr thai dwell beyond the 
mountains. 

This derivation is faulty and must be modified. Chi no doubt 
among other meanings has that of beyond, but as in Huron it has 
invariably the sound of sh in she, or of ch in chill (Potter's 
Gramm. p. 1), it may not be forced to do duty for Xi (the Greek x) 
or Khi, which without exception has the hard sound of ley, and 
occurs nowhere, so far as I have been able to ascertain, as a separate 
particle. 

What seemed to lend colour to the possibility of an occasional 
legitimate interchange of x or A- for ch was the fact that both are 
used indiscriminately in the demonstrative pronoun. Thus in 
Potier 's Huron Grammar, p. 67, we read : "Pronomina non inflec- 
tuntur, sed omni nurnero et generi inserviunt absque ulla variatione, 
v.g. [among others] Xa vel dcx" vel decha [the ch as in chatter], 
hie, haec, hoc, hi, hae, haec." This would hardly warrant the writ- 
ers of the Relations, who were familiar with the Huron language, 
writing for French readers Khionnontateronnon if the first syllable 
of the name stood for chi, beyond; much less would it authorize one 
unversed in the niceties of the Huron idiom to render A hi, with the 
hard sound, by "beyond" as if it stood for chi, thereby doing vio- 
lence to the very first rule to be met with in. the Huron Grammar : 
" 'C semper est junetum cum 'h', et hae duae litterae simul junctae 
pronuntiantur more Gallorum, v. g. chiean(g)nionk, tu fais chau- 
diere, et aliquando ut V Italicum lit vhieons, aegrotas" (Potier 
Gram. p. 1). 



218 THE REPORT OF THE No. l\ 

The moral of all this is that though it is seemly to bow before 
the superior knowledge of others, in cases like the present, it is 
much safer to take time to investigate for oneself. If Khionnonta- 
teronnon meant the "people dwelling beyond the mountains" the 
idea conveyed would be irreconcilable with historical facts, as it is 
established beyond doubt that the Petuns dwelt for several years 
almost exclusively among the mountains, "on the summit" or on 
the plateau of the Blue Hills. 

The true derivation of the two forms, given above, and which 
may be bracketted together is : 

Xa-i-on-onnonta-ate-ronnon. 

T i-i-on-onnonta-ate-ronnon . 

The first three components require explanation, the others having' 
already been discussed. 

"On, etre plusieurs ensemble. Sine smgulari et duali; on, onh ; 
onnen pro omnibus praeteritis" (R. H. 1743, p. 194). On the same 
page and immediately following this verb there is another by 
means of which the question "What countryman?" may be 
answered : 

"Onde (ab onda) [but which in turn probably derives from the 
primitive on. Onda, passive atonda, is translated, on page 295 of 
Ii. H. 1751, a space, an interval of time, of place, etc.] avoir 
son pais, sa patrie en quelque lieu. Est defectivum carens propriis 
inflexionibus temporum quae supplentur per verbum auxil., ien 
[or en, to be] .... v. g. aonde eh en, c'etoit la mon pais." 

The E. H. 1751, in treating of on, follows very closely R. H. 
1743, save that some eight then newly found derivatives intervene 
between on and ondr. 

Naturally in the grammar also on finds its place: "On, etre 
plusieurs ensemble. Caret singulari et duali. Saepe huic verbo 
additur i initiale" (p. 45). 

"I adjectitium, ita appellatum quia nihil sensui vocum addit, 
sed euphoniae causa praefigitur quibusdam vocibus et verbis. 1° 
Verbis monosyllabis, v.g. ie, je vais [I go] etc.," quite as Potier has 
just said that oftentimes an initial i is added to on. 

Kha, the equivalent in French or English to the sound of .v" 
has a number of meanings, among others that of the Latin ibi, "there 
where" or simply "where" (Gram-m. pp. 68, 85). Thus, Kha-i-on- 
onnonta-ate-ronnon, contracted according to rule (Grainm. p. 66). 
Khionnontateronnon, the Nation dwelling where there are many 
hills, tersely, "The Highlanders." 

Let Ti now be substituted for Kha. 

Ti is not here the dual sign as it is, for instance, in ti-oen R. H. 
1751, p. 245, "there is an interval between two objects," or as in 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. U!) 

ti-ohie,' "two things are mingled" (Id. p. 245, No. 14) or in other 
compound words without end, but it stands here as an adverb. In this 
acceptation its meanings are almost numberless (Gramm. p. 103). It 
means how, after the manner, the way in which, according as, dur- 
ing, at the time when, formerly, of old, since, so much so, very, how 
much, etc., etc. "Sexcenta significat, vide exeinpla" as Potier puts 
it. 

Tionnontaicronnon then could very well mean "The nation that 
formerly dwelt among the hills or mountains." Nor is this a fanci- 
ful interpretation, for from a glance at the dates, in the list given 
above it will be remarked that the appellations beginning with Khi 
were all used while the Petuns still dwelt in their own country, and 
that all the others were in vogue after their expulsion by the Iro- 
quois. 

Tionnontate, the curtailed form bears by itself the meaning of 
"The former hill-dwellers" without bringing into prominence the 
idea of nation emphatically expressed by the termination ronnon. 

Meaning of Their Huron Name Indicative as to the Location of the 

Petuns. 

The trouble entailed by this revision of the derivation of 
Khionnontateronnon is neither time nor k.bour lost. It has its bear- 
ing on the question of what region the Petuns occupied. They may 
have inhabited at one time, but before the sojourn of the mission- 
aries in Huronia, territory as far east as the lowlands in Notta- 
wasaga township, Simcoe county, and this would seem to be highly 
probable ; witness the number of Indian village remains there 
brought to light by Mr. David Boyle (Reports of Can. Inst. 1886- 
87, p. 12, and 1888-89, p. 9). But the cruel wars waged between 
them and the Hurons Proper (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.) can safely be 
'assigned as reason for abandoning that region as being too much 
exposed to attack. 

Their country, previous to their last war with the Mascoutens, 
extended as far west as the mouth of the Saugeen, and as far north 
as the townships of St. Edmund and Lindsay in the Bruce penin- 
sula. On Ducreux's general map the village of Saints Peter and 
Paul is set down near the former, and that of Saints Simon and 
Jude within the limits of the latter, both of which villages are listed 
in the Relations with the other Petun centres (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.; 
R. 1641, p. 69, 2 col.). 



220 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

The Blue Hills after 1639 were The Home of the Petun. 

However, after the year 1639, the bulk of the nation was con- 
centrated in that portion of their territory known to-day as the 
Blue Hills. I say advisedly that part of their territory since pre- 
vious to that date they already bore the name of Khionnontateron- 
non (R. 1635, p. 33, 2 col). But the Blue Hills, after that date, if 
we take the expressions of the missionaries in their strict sense, 
were, so to speak, their exclusive habitat. Instance the phrase 
in Relation 1650 (p. 2, 2 col.)-. "...-. parmy les peuples de la 
Nation Neutre, et dans le sommet des Montagnes que nous nommons 
la Nation du Petun." Here the relative que (which) refers to "the 
summit of the mountains" or "the mountain heights," which 
"mountain heights" we term "the Nation of the Petun." And 
this other : "dans les Montagnes que nous nommons la Nation du 
Petun" (P. H. 1650, p. 8, 1 col.) Which again refers to moun- 
tains, "which we call the Nation of the Petun." Consequently from 
1639 until their final dispersion by the Iroquois the Petun or 
Tobacco Nation did not extend much east, west, or south, beyond 
the confines of the Blue Hills, while to the north it was bounded by 
the shores of Lake Huron : "au couchant, sur les rivages de ce lac 
. . . . " (Bressani, p. 62). Hence, it may be inferred also that 
the incorrect rendering of Khionnontateronnon by "the natiou 
dwelling beyond the hills" is misleading. 

It is not necessary to recapitulate here the opinions of modern 
authors with regard to the position of the Petun country; all are 
substantially in agreement, and all are substantially correct. The 
divergence, where it exists, arises from some writers circumscribing 
within too narrow limits the region occupied by that nation. Some 
few, indeed, seem to restrict them to the low plains of Xottawasaga 
township, while to be accurate it must be said that within historic 
times, and until 1639, as has been shown, the Khionontateronons 
extended westward all the way from the Bhie Hills, in the western 
part of Nottawasaga township (Simcoe County), to the shores of 
Lake Huron proper, and northward to Cape Hurd, taking in ap- 
proximately what now constitutes Grey and Bruce Counties. The 
Algonquins, however, mingled freely with them, and reared their 
temporary cabins anywhere along the coast line from Xottawasaga 
Bay to the mouth of the Saugeen. They took up their abode even 
in the permanent villages of the Petuns. 

This rather scant information may be gathered without much 
effort from the Relations and from Ducreux's general map. 



1<J07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 221 

Eastern Boundary Line of the Petun Country. 

In estimating the distance from one country to another, 
where there are no great natural barriers, even well informed m\<- 
sionaries may, quite unwittingly, disagree in their computations. 
This is all the more likely to happen when there is question of 
uncivilized countries whose respective territories are not deter- 
mined by hard and fast lines : in which hypothesis there generally 
lies a neutral zone between, not defined with geometrical precis- 
ion, nor so stipulated by any formal convention, but in the lapse 
of years sanctioned as such by a kind of tacit understanding. A 
most striking instance of what we speak of is presented in the 
case of Huronia, the Neutral Country and that of the Petuns. 

This divergence of opinion may arise also (always in the same 
hypothesis) when the terminus a quo varies, and more particularly 
the terminus ad quern. The former may be the place, not always 
expressly specified, whence the author indites his account of the 
region, his letter, or his Relation; or else may be a point of the 
country where he resides lying nearest to the other country men- 
tioned. The terminus ad quern., very naturally, should be the 
nearest boundary of the extraneous nation. But it is not an 
unfrequent occurrence to take the heart of the country, otherwise 
the more densely peopled portion of it, as the terminus ad quern, 
when at comparatively short intervals of the national existence 
this centre of density has widely varied in position. Such trans- 
position had taken place in the Petun Country in the past, and was 
again actually taking plp.ee under the eyes of the writers of the 
Relations. 

At all events, we find that the missionaries among the Hurons, 
whatever may have been the cause, were not at one in estimat- 
ing the distance from Huronia to the country of their western 
neighbours as the following summary will show. 

Brebeuf, (ReJ. 1636, p. 105, 1 col.), gives the distance as "eight 
leagues from us." His relation is dated from Ihonatiria, July 16, 
1636. Xow twenty-four miles, taken in a straight line, would not 
reach from the site of old Ihonatiria across Nottawasaga Bay to 
the present town of Collingwood. Twenty-nine or thirty miles 
would about suffice. If by "from us" he means from Ossossane, 
which was really the starting point of the Hurons going to the 
Petuns : then the twenty-four miles would reach around the Bay 
to a point beyond Duntroon, or if taken in a more northerly direc- 
tion, almost to lot 30, concession XI, Nottawasaga township. 

Le Mereier, (I'd . 1637, p. 163, 2 col.), writing from Ihonatiria 
ild. p. 179, 2 col.), June 21, 1637, says, ". . . . the Petun 
Nation, which is two days' journey from us." According to a 



222 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

passage in Eel. 1641, (p. 71, 2 col.), four or five days' journey is 
about forty leagues. That would be ten leagues a day, if the 
journey was made in four clays, and, if in five, it would be eight 
leagues a day; so that Le Mercier's estimate would be from six- 
teen to twenty leagues, or from forty-eight to sixty miles. 

Chaumonot {Autobiographic, Edit. Paris, 1SS5, p. 94), in 
speaking of the Petuns says that they were "A nation which was 
situated eleven long leagues from our dwelling." He resided at 
that time at Ossossane. (lb. p. 93; cf. also Ret 1649, p. 28, 2 
col., p. 29, 2 col.). This would mean, I suppose, thirty-four or 
thirty- five miles. 

Bressani (Martin's French Translation, p. 62) places them 
further: "Towards the setting sun" he says, "on the shores of 
this lake [Huron] there exists a nation which we call the Petun 
[Tobacco] Nation because it raises an abundance of that plant. It 
lay but thirty-five or forty miles from us." And again (lb. p. 
254), referring to the fugitives from the Huron villages, destroyed 
in 1649, he writes : ""Women and children and many aged men 
who had reached their hundredth year, journeyed the whole night 
long on the ice, intent on reaching the country of the Petuns. 
more than forty miles away." 

Jerome Lalemant (Rel. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.) has this to say: 
"The Khionontateronons called the Petun [Tobacco] Nation, on 
account of the abundance of that plant produced in their country, 
lie towards the west, and are distant about twelve to fifteen leagues 
from the country of the Hurons, whose language they speak. 
Formerly they waged cruel wars against each other, but they 
are now on very good terms, and but a short time ago they renewed 
their alliance. Moreover, they formed a confederation against 
some other nations, their common enemies." The letter is written 
from the Huron country without indicating any particular place. 

It will be well, for convenience sake, to tabulate these esti- 
mates. The date refers to the time the document was written: 

Date. Authority. Leagues. Miles. Starting Point. 

1037 Le Mereier from 16 to 20 or about from 48 to 60 .Ihonatiriu 

1636 Krebeuf " 8 " 8 " 24 "24 ? 

1653 Bressani " 11-" 13 " 35 "40 ? 

1640 Jer. Lalement " 12 " 15 " 36 "45 Huronia 

1688 Chaumonot 11 (long leagues) 34 " 35 Ossossano 

In striking an average LeMeicier's estimate may be set aside 
since it evidently had Ihonatiria for its terminus a quo; and even 
in this supposition it is a high estimate if there were merely a 
question of the distance to the confines of the Petun country. 
Sixty miles from Ihonatiria (Todd's Point) taken around the head 
of Nottawasaga Bay would land us near the point of junction of 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 223 

the four townships of Holland, Euphrasia, Artemesia and Glenelg, 
in Grey County. Forty-eight miles would reach a little beyond 
the middle of Osprey township. The average of the four remain- 
ing estimates would be from thirty-two and a quarter to thirty- 
six miles; half the sum of which is thirty-four and one-eighth. 

With Ossossane (near Point Yarwood) as a starting point, 
twenty miles of the thirty-four and one-eighth, in a sweeping 
curve around the bay, would bring us to concession IV., Notta- 
wasaga, on the Duntroon road just beyond Stayner. Taking this 
point as a centre, and the remaining fourteen and one-eight li 
miles as a radius, the arc traced would, according to the average 
of the above estimates, represent approximately the eastern limits 
of Petun territory. I have no doubt now that this line is from 
five to seven miles too far west, for though the curve, roughly 
speaking, may be said to be parallel to the trend of the eastern 
slopes and ridges of the Blue Hills, it is that many miles west 
of it. 

The appositeness of the last remark lies in the fact, that when- 
ever these "Mountains" are mentioned in the old records they 
are spoken of either as the Mountains of St. Jean or as the Moun- 
tains of the Petuns. "A prisoner," says Bressani (p. 263), "who 
had escaped from the enemy's country, came in and warned us of 
the project- they had formed of invading either our island [Chris- 
tian Island] or else the Mountains of St. Jean." So also the 
Relations : "As the inhabitants of the Huron towns dispersed they 
followed different routes in their flight : some threw themselves 
into the mountains which we call the Petun Nation, where three 
of our Fathers laboured last winter in three different missions; 
others betook themselves to an island, etc." (Rel, 1649, p. 26, 
2 col.). The impression left after reading these passages is that 
the Blue Hills were, on the side facing the Hurons, conterminate 
with Petun territory. 

Partial List of Petun A'illages. 

Before relating the experience; of Fathers Jogues and Gamier 
during their evangelical excursion through the Petun Country in 
1639, Father Jerome Lalemant acquaints us with the names given 
by them to the villages they visited on their way: "Voicy les 
noms qu'ils ont donnes a neuf bourgs qu'ils y ont rencontres: 
(1) sainct Pierre et sainct Paul, (2) sainrt Andre, (3) sainct 
lacques, (4) sainct Thomas, (5) sainct lean, (6) sainct Iacques et 
s;iinct Philippe, (7) sainct Barthelemy, (8) sainct Matthieu, (9*) 
sainct Simon et sainct Iude" (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.), all names 



224 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

of Apostles as the mission had bef»u named "The Mission of the 
Apostles" (Id. ib.). 

Of these nine villages two only are set down on Ducreux's 
general map that of Saints Peter and Paul and that of Saints 
Simon and Jude. The remaining seven are apparently ignored. 

The mention of St. Mathias occurs for the first time in the 
Eelation 1648 (p. 61, 1 col.). It will not he out of place to quote 
the whole paragraph since we are therein informed that the entire 
Petun Nation, at that date, was made up of two clans, that of the 
Wolves and that of the Deer: "Ceux que nous appellons la Nation 
du Petun, nous ayans pressez qu'on les allat instruire, nous y 
auons enuoye deux de nos Peres, qui y font deux Missions dans 
deux Nations differentes, qui composent tout ce pays la: l'vne 
appellee la Nation des Loups, que nous auons nominee la Mission 
de Saint lean; nous nommons l'autre la Mission de Saint Mathias, 
qui est auec ceux qui s'appellent la Nation des Cerfs." As both 
these missions were in the Blue Hills (R. 1650, p. S, 1 col.; p. 19, 
1 col.), we have a corroboration here of a previous statement, that 
at this later period the Petun Nation was concentrated within 
the circuit of the high lands. 

In 1639, the town of Saints Peter and Paul was the further- 
most and the principal one of the missionary district allotted to 
the two Fathers, which district took in the whole of the Petun 
Country : "En fin nous voila arriuez au dernier et principal bourg 
de notre district, auquel nous auons donne le nom de sainct Pierre 
et sainct Paul" (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.; p. 99, 1 col.). A decade 
later, that is in 1649, St. Jean is mentioned as the principal centre 
(Brcssani, p. 263). 

Why, during the interval, St. Pierre et St. Paul had been 
alumdoned may be inferred from a passage in Relation 1641 (p. 
69, 2 col.) : "Certain it is that the town of EhSae, named Saints 
Peter and Paul, the principal town of this mission, whence Father 
Gamier had been driven last year, had undergone every conceiv- 
able misfortune before the close of the twelvemonth. Most of the 
lodges had been burnt by the enemy three months later. Many 
inhabitants had died of hunger, cold and smallpox; others had 
perished in the waves, and numbers had been taken prisoners by 
their enemies." The Petuns had been at war for years with the 
Mascoutens, and at that very time there were Mascouten captives 
among them, adopted into the nation, and who had grown old in 
their service (R. 1640, p. 9S, 2 col.). They were not at war then 
with the Iroquois, and the incursions from which they suffered 
came from the west, from the Fire Nation, termed by the Hurons 
Atsistaehronons (Id. ib.). more generally known as the Mascoutens. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 225 

PETUN VILLAGE SITES. 

The names of ten villages in all have come down to us, but 
how to identify them, or where to locale them, is a matter of no 
small difficulty for the few, and, from lack of data, an utter impos- 
sibility for the greater number. 

With the exception of what refers to the villages of St. 
Matthias and St. Jean in Father Gander's letters, and of the 
knowledge derived from a study of Duereux's general map rela- 
tive to the sites occupied by St. Pierre et St. Paul and St. Simon 
et St. Jude, there is scarcely a shred of historical evidence which 
could possibly be turned to account in locating any of the other 
villages whose names have been listed above. I say, scarcely a 
shred, for there are some hopelessly vague indications bearing on 
the positions occupied by St. Thomas and by St. Matthieu. Let 
us turn our attention first to these two last mentioned. 

Whereabouts of St. Matthieu. 

Apart from its being included in the general list of Petun vil- 
lages (R. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.), no other particulars are vouchsafed 
us, save that before the two (R. 1650, p. S, 1 col.) mission centres 
of St. Jean (Id. ib.) and St. Mathias (Id. p. 19, 1 col.) were 
merged into one, which was made to include all the other villages 
in the Blue Hills, St. Matthieu had been dependent on St. Mathias 
(R. 1650, p. 19, 2 col.; p. 20, 1 col.): Close on to this it is added 
that there was another village under the same jurisdiction in 
which a little chapel with bell-tower had been built, and this lat- 
ter mission was one of the nearest to St. Mathias (R. 1650, p. 20, 
2 col.). Were it not for the opening words of the paragraph, 
which may have been added later by the Superior in compiling 
the Relation and wrongly ascribed to a village distinct from St. 
Matthieu, one would be led to believe from the incidents mentioned 
that there was still question of St. Matthieu. The wording, how- 
ever, could not be plainer: "En un autre bourg dependant de cette 
mesme Mission [i. e., of St. Mathias]." 

There is little room for speculation here. All that may be said 
is that if St. Matthieu lay in the direction of St. Jean, it very 
naturally must have been nearer to St. Mathias from which it 
was attended, consequently less than six miles away, as the two 
mission centres were twelve miles apart. Were it situated to the 
north or north-west of St. Mathias its distance was limited by the 
contour of the Blue Hills, as, from what has been seen, it certainly 
lav within their circuit. 



226 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Site of St. Thomas vaguely Indicated. 

St. Thomas was the first village Fathers Jogues and Charles 
Gamier passed through after leaving (Jssossane (La Conception) 
on their way to St. Pierre et St. Paul. At Ossossane they could 
induce no one to serve them as guide on their journey (R. 1640, 
p. 95, 2 col.). The two missionaries had started from headquar- 
ters, Ste. Marie I., November 1, 1639, (R. 1640, p. 61, 2 col.), but 
it may have been only on the 2 d that they set out from Ossossane, 
journeying all that day and bivouacking the first night in a spruce 
grove on marshy ground (Id. p. 95, 2 col.) "dans une sapiniere." 
Sapin is a fir-tree or any kind of spruce, and here taken very likely 
for any kind of evergreen, and as the place was moist "en vn lieu 
humide" just as well as not it might mean a cedar swamp. They 
must have wandered a little from the direct trail for: "Sur le 
milieu du chemin n'ayant pii trouuer vn certain destour qui nous 
eust conduits a quelques cabanes qui sont vn peu a l'escart, nous 
fusmes surpris de la nuict, etc." (Id. ib.). They failed to find "a 
certain turn," was it in the road, or was it the great bend in the 
Nottawasaga River? The latter seems more probable. And does 
the "milieu du chemin" mean half way to St. Pierre et St. Paul, 
the end of their long journey, or simply to the first village? Cer- 
tainly not the former. If the latter, as the great bend is about 16 
miles from the site of Ossossane, St. Thomas would be about thirty- 
two from the same point, somewhere on or near the meridian of 
Loree, Collingwood township, Grey County, say four or five miles 
south of that village. 

By r another process we come to very much the same conclusion. 
The Fathers reached St. Thomas after a two days' journey. A 
day's journey, when the tramp is kept up for four or five days, 
was supposed, according to Relation 1641 (p. 71, 2 col.), to be one 
of from eight to ten leagues. Supposing always that they had set 
out on the morning of November 2, and had not after reaching 
Ossossane on November 1, pushed on that same afternoon, with 
good roads, favourable weather and no stopping on the way, they 
should have covered from twenty-four to thirty miles. But this 
was not the case. 

First, they had, as the narrative goes, certainly missed the way 
by which they intended to travel. Then, the roads were in a ter- 
rible condition. This was the excuse given by the Indian guides 
at Ossossane for refusing to accompany them, which meant much, 
coming from an Indian. So, without afcy previous experience of 
the country they were to traverse, they had departed alone (/?. 
1640, p. 95. 2 col.). Furthermore it was snowing, and snowing 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES. 227 

hard enough to have made it impossible for them to lighl their 
fire at nightfall, had not the weather cleared through a kind dis- 
pensation of Providence. (Id. ib.). Under such untoward circum- 
stances they could not have proceeded more than sixteen or 
eighteen miles. This would have brought them abreast of the 
great 1 end of the Nottawasaga, or very little beyond. 

The second day they must have made better progress. In the 
morning they came upon a few scattered hovels, at which they 
secured no provisions, but they afterwards held company with 
some of the inmates who were going to the Petun country. As an 
offset, however, to this advantage, the roads were even worse than 
on the previous day, and the newly fallen snow had obliterated 
every trace of the beaten trail. Wishing to reach the shelter of 
some village they continued their march long after darkness had 
fallen, for the last league was accomplished "par la seule clarte 
de la neige," or as we might put it "thanks to the brightness of 
the snow."* About 8 o'clock that evening they arrived at a little 
village to which they gave the name of St. Thomas (Id. il>.). 
Allowing twenty-five miles for this second day's tramp, Si. 
Thomas must have stood near the meridian of Aleaford, in the 
neighborhood perhaps of Fairmount or of Rocklyn, Euphrasia 
township. 

All this is a matter of appreciation, and the reader with the 
data before him may evolve other possibilities to his liking. 

The Two Petun Villages on Ducreux's Map. St. Pierre et St. 
Paul and St. Simon et St. Jude. 

St. Pierre et St. Paul. The meaning of EhSae (I\. 1611. /> 
69, 2 col.) the Huron name of this village, can be of little or no 
help in determining its site. 

Its composition is very simple, the main root being "OehSa, 
noyer, noix" (R. H. j). 287, 1 col.), walnut, or walnut-tree, the 
common name of trees of the genus Juglans (Diet. CI if ton - 
Grimaux). There are three species of this tree natives of North 
America : Juglans nigra, or black walnut ; Juglans cinerea, or but- 
ternut, and Juglans Fra.tinifolia or ash-leaved walnut. But in 
America there are also several species of Carya or hickory called 
by this name (Diet. Webster). 

*An English poet had in view the same familiar phenomenon when he 
wrote : 

". . . . And there, although 
By the hour 'tis night, 
There's light, 
The day still lingering in the hip of snow." 
17 \\:. 



THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

The ochSa, however, should belong to one of the three first 
mentioned speci* - 

To the etymon is added the oft recurring suffix '; . ibi, there, 
in answer to the question expressed or understood annen? t ubi. 
where (Gramm. p. 87; R. H. 17-51, p. 82; R. H. 1744, pp. 66- 

The initial o is dropped, in keeping with the seventh rule con- 
cerning compound words: "Aliquando duplex aut triplex vocalis 
eliditur in substan:ivo" [Gramm. p. 66, 7°), thus: oeh8a-w. . con- 
"At the walnut tree'" or "At the walnut grove." 
sine- S may stand either for the singular or the plural 

■>m. p. 6-5, 1°). 

Bruce Peninsula — Ducreux's Outline and the Modern Tracing. 

Before discussing the positions which the villages of St. Tierre 
31 Paul and St. Si] v Jade should occupy on a modern 

map. a few words in explanation of the diagram will be in order. 
It must not be forgotten that the missionaries made but a hur- 
tour through this western part of the Petttn Country. For 
that matter, their sojourn at any time in any part of it was com- 
paratively short. Ducreux's map can have had no other ba-is 
than the cursory observations made on their way by Fathers Gar- 
nier and Jogues. who, it must be added, brought with them no 
anient to determine the latitude and longitude of the places 
through which they passed. "What was said of the Xeutral Nation is 
ily applicable to the Petun : "To dream at this stage of mak- 
ing more accurate researches or observations is to dream of what 
cannot be done. The sight of the instrument alone would be 
?nou§ ive to extremities people who could not abide the sight 

the quill and the ink horn, as the sequel will show"* [R 1641. 
The crude outlines of a map. traced under such 
conditions, should not be a cause of wonder: the wonder is thai - 
much accuracy should have resulted from a flying passage through 
such an extent of hitherto unknown country. 

The accompanying diagram contrasts this rough outline of 

Ducreux's map with the modern tracing of the Bruce Peninsula. 

The figures correspond to those on the modern tracing, and are 

nded to mark what, according to my personal impressions, are 

similar features in both drawings. As will be seen at a glance, 

the main axis of the peninsula in Ducreux's outline is too much 

inclined to the west, and here the want of a compass becomes 

rent. "Were it swung round the point in the isthmus marked 

for 27° 30 . the most glaring defect would in a measure be cor- 

■\nd Colpoy's Bay be reduced to something like its real 

- 



1007 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 22!) 

Site of St. Pierre et St. Paul. Never having visited thai 
section of Ontario I am unable to say whether or not there are any 
small streams between Sable River and the Saugeen : none is 
marked on the best maps; but the stream which empties into Lake 
Huron near figure 11 seems to be intended for the former, that 
at 13 for the latter. If L am correct in this surmise I should lie 
led to say that Ducreux's site of St. Pierre et St. Paul would cor- 
respond to a point in Arran township a little to the north-east of 
Mount Hope. 

Site of St. Simon et St. Jude. We have not been favoured 
with the Huron name of this village, and as for its site, our only 
chance of determining it is by means of Ducreux's general map. 
On the outline given in the diagram it is marked 3, at the inner- 
most extremity of a deep indentation of the coast line between 
figures 3 and 4. The rounded foreland of Cabot's Head, between 
2 and 3 of the modern tracing, is, though enlarged, well repro- 
duced on Ducreux's outline between the same figures. On the 
modern tracing the only feature that could be taken for the deep 
and sharp indentation of Ducreux's outline is the little lake to 
the south of the Head, whose eastern end, though reaching almost 
to the coast line, does not seem to have any outlet to the Georgian 
Bay. Bearing in mind, however, that the Fathers approached 
the village on foot from the land side, it may have escaped their 
notice that this sheet of water was not a lay of the great lake but 
a landlocked pool. 

It is seemingly in this vicinity (concessions X., XI., lots 
marked 46, Lindsay township) that the designer of Ducreux's out- 
line intended to mark the site of St. Simon et St. Jude. Still if 
the nature of the ground at the western extremity of the little lake 
precludes all possibility of its ever having been used as a village 
site, then the sole alternative remaining would be that the village 
lay a little further south, on Dyer Bay, between Cabot's Head 
and Cape Chin (i.e., on some one of the lots 24 to 29, in conces- 
sions A', to VIII.). 

Ekarenniondi or St. Mathias. 

Great as are the difficulties which beset the chartographer of 
oldtime Huronia in his attempts at reconstruction, they take on 
the proportions almost of an impossibility when he turns his atten- 
tirn to the region once occupied by the Petun or Tobacco Nation. 
There is in the former task an all-important, helpful element 
entirely wanting in the latter, that is vo say, a starting point, ot 
landmark, whose position on the map is determined beyond all dis- 
pute, namely, Old Fort Ste. Marie I. 



230 THE REPORT OE THE No. 41 

Here and there, scattered throughout the Relations, distances- 
are given, quite incidentally, from Ste. Marie, for instance, to a 
few neighboring villages, and from these in turn to other points. 
Such most useful indications are few and come in no particular 
order. To find them is the almost hopleless task of hunting for 
the lost needle in the proverbial hay rick which is verified to the 
letter. And when found further elucidation is often necessary for 
at first sight not a few are provokingly ambiguous. The labour 
is not even then at an end. They must be marshalled in logical 
order irrespective of chronology, so that by their help the entire 
region may be gone over and studded with towns and villages pro- 
perly located. 

In mapping out the home land of the Petun there is unfortu- 
nately no such starting point available. ETcarenniondi, the village 
of St. Mathias, is the nearest approach, but falls far short of it in 
its general helpfulness as a landmark. The reason is obvious, for 
the data are not merely far more scanty that when there is ques- 
tion of locating Huron villages, but, strange as it may seem, there 
is absolutely but one distance given, and that to St. Jean or 
Etharita, a most important one withal. 

The position of ETcarenniondi once determined beyond cavil a 
way is open to us of finding the exact site of Etharita, that mis- 
sion centre of St. Jean, which contains the yet undiscovered grave 
of its devoted missionary Father Charles Gamier (/?. 1650, p. 10, 
1 col.). 

Two Mutually Supplementing Passages : For information 
we naturally turn to the old records. In the Relations Ekaren- 
niondi is not mentioned in connection with the village of St. 
Mathias; but- Charles Gamier, in a letter to his brother, dated 
April 25, 1648, gives us the following particulars : — 

"My Superiors have sent me with one of Ours, named Father 
Garreau, to a new mission [in the Petun Nation], which we have 
called the Mission of the Apostles. . . . Fr. Garreau is to 
instruct the Algonquins and I, the Hurons. . . . Wherefore 
we both took our station in a town made up of Hurons and Algon- 
quins. . . . The devil brought about a rupture between the 

Hurons and Algonquins by means of a murder It 

was an Algonquin who was slain. . . . The Algonquins 
blamed the Hurons, and then withdrew from the village called 
Ekarenniondi, where they had been living together, and joined 
another Algonquin nation two days' journey from Eharenniondi . 
. . . Since last summer Fr. Garreau and myself have con- 
cluded to concentrate our efforts principally on two Huron towns, 
which are four leagues apart, the one named Eharenniondi, dedi- 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 231 

cated to St. Malhias, the oilier Eiharita, dedicated to St. -lean 
I'Evangeliste," {Contemporaneous MS. copy, />. 99; Recent 
copy, p. 84, St. Mary's College Archives.) 

On the other hand, in the Relations, though the Indian name 
is not associated with any town, it is with a certain rock standing 
on the confines of the Petun Nation. \ translate the passage from 
Brebeuf's Relation, dated, Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636: — 

"One day I asked one of our savages where he thought the vil- 
lage of the [departed] souls was. He answered that it lay in tie' 
direction of the Petun Nation, that is to say, towards the west, 
eight leagues from us, and that some had seen them as they 
journeyed on; that the road they followed was wide, and pretty 
well beaten, and that they passed near a rock which they [the 
Hurons] called Ecaregniondi, which is often found embellished 
with paint with which they are wont to daub their faces" (I'< I. 
U>:)G, p. 105, 1 col., Quebec edition; Vol. 10, p. 145, Cleveland 
edition.) 

Two Forms of the same Wokd : In Gamier's Eharenniondi 
and Brebeuf's Ecaregniondi we have two names resembling each 
other in sound sufficiently to awaken conjecture as to their identity. 
yet sufficiently unlike orthographically to preclude this, their 
identity, being taken for granted. A word or so of explanation 
will not, therefore, be amiss. 

Brebeuf , in writing for those unfamiliar with the Huron lan- 
guage, always wrote the word so that it would be pronounced cor- 
rectly by a Frenchman, or as nearly so as possible. Garnier, in 
the present case, wrote the word as it should really be written. If 
we consult Potier's rules on the pronunciation of the Huron let- 
ters (Grammar p. 1), we find this direction under the letter "i" : 
"Si coalescit in imam syllabam cum pra^cedentibus vel d, vel t, 
vel h, vel n, et i sit purum [i.e. followed by another vowel], fit 
quasi liquefactio in pronuntiando, v. g. : <;ndia [initial a with iota 
subscript] die ianguia; hatatiak loquitur, die hatahiah. . . can 
iiiinik [both initial vowels with iota subscript] je fais chaudiere, 
die ieiagnionk, gn ut Galli "agneau" ; onnianni bene, die ogni- 
audi vel potius ongiandi." 

In Eharenniondi the first "i" is preceded by an "n" and fol- 
lowed by another vowel, hence the proper pronunciation will be 
"Eharegniondi, the "gn" being liquid as in the French word 
agneau, lamb. 

As for the difference in the spelling of the second syllable it 
is more apparent than real, the c in car being hard, while we are 
informed by Potier (Gram. p. 1) that "k et x " [Greek chi] sonant 
ut kh, v. g. x* hie, ha-c, hoc, dicitur Kha." 



232 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Meaning of the Word : As most Indian names are descriptive, 
we are prompted by sheer curiosity — which, however, may take a 
practical turn — to look up its signification. Here again we find 
two forms, for both EJcarenniondi (with a diminutive d over the 
second n) and Elarendiniondi* are given. The former is to be 
found in the shorter list of Huron roots in Potier's Grammar (/>■ 
143, 1 col. No. 80) as the first derivative from iondi; the latter, in 
the more exhaustive catalogue, compiled in 1751 by the same 
author (p. 237, No. 28), where it also is given as the first deriva- 
tive from iondi, which latter occurs only in compound words. The 
meaning is "etre etendu, s'etendre, s'avancer en pointe, en long" 
to be extended, to stretch out, to project or stand out in a point, in 
length: though iondiati, with a diminutive "g" over the '"d", is 
set down separately as meaing "etendre en long" to extend in 
length. 

The compound word is translated "lii oil il y a une pointe de 
rochers qui s'avance" there where there is a point of rocks which 
projects or stands out. 

Through the kindness of the Abbe Lindsay, of Quebec, I had 
the good fortune some time ago to have at my disposal for a few 
hours the French-Huron dictionary, belonging, I believe, to Hev. 
M. Prosper Vincent, of Charlesbourg. Under the word "Pointe" 
I found "iondi in compositione, El-are uniondi, a cette pointe de 
roche" at that point of rock. And I take it that peak, pinnacle, 
or spur of rock, would be quite in keeping with the sense. 

Derivation of the Word : Now should we wish to try our 
hand at decomposing Ekarenniondi, which is a word compounded 
of E\a, arenda (initial a with a circumflex accent and an iota 
subscript) and — iondi, the meaning is rendered, if possible, clearer 
still. 

^X^. an adverb of place, which is translated by Potier Gram, 
p. 68, 1 col.) l- hic, hue, hac, hinc" here, hither, in this place, 
hence. 

••Arenda, rocher roc" (Radices Huroniece, Potier, 1751, Pg. 
292.) 

— iondi (Gram. p. 143, 1 col., No. 80, and Rod. tlur. 1751, p. 
:J-'j7) with the meanings already given above. 

Consequently Exa-dreda-iondi would mean "Here the rock 
stands (or juts) out." In accordance with the rules given by 
Potier (Gram. p. GG), it is reduced to its proper form:- "R 1.. 
Substantivum semper prteit. R. 2, Ultima vocalis substantivi perit, 



*For the adventitious di, consult note 5, Gramm. p. 58: "quaedam finnt 
passiva addendo praetor mutationein conjugationis. syllabam di in medio, 
etc." 



1907 BUREAU Oh ARCHIVES'. 233 

et consonans adjectivi vel verbi [verb], quae initialis est, eliditur; 
sivi' (quod idem est) perit vel tilt i ma primi verbi [word] littera, vel 
prima littera seeundi verbi [wordj". 

I:'x (a)arend(a)iomli, Eharendiondi, which, as we have alreadj 
seen is the equivalent of Ecarenniondi or "The Standing Rock." 

Having thus satisfied ourselves that Brebeuf and Gamier were 
using the same word; and recalling the fact that, as a general 
rule, names of Indian villages are suggested by some topographical 
feature, or by some historical event, which has rendered the place 
famous; we cannot help coming to the conclusion that the site of 
St. Mathias or at least its immediate vicinity, is marked by some 
monumental rock; a rock of exceptional formation, something out 
of the common, remarkable enough to strike the fancy of the Sav- 
age; a rock jutting out of a bank, projecting from a ledge, rising 
from the bed of a stream, or standing erect in the open campaign ; 
a landmark, in fine, unique in the neighborhood. 

The nest thing in order would be to enquire if there were not 
to be found somewhere on the confines of the Petun Country a 
rock of that description. 

This prominent landmark has been identified, and I shall speak 
further on of its discovery. It stands a few feet east of the line 
dividing the counties of Simcoe and Grey, in the XII. concession 
of Xottawasaga township, Simcoe county, and, as well as could be 
ascertained at the time, on lot 30. 

.Meanwhile, the reader must be put in possession of whatever 
may be turned to account in defining the relative positions of St. 
Mathias and St. Jean. 

Position of Ekarenniondi or St. Mathias Relatively to St. 
Jean or Etharita : * It is on or beyond the eastern line of the 

"Etymology : e-tho-ariti-a, Etharita. 

"Tho, 6o. (d, ibi, in eo loco sine et cum motu, v.g. : t'ahonrhon, la oil ils 
sont reposes, tho eret, il ira la" (Potier, Hur. Grammar pp. 103, 101f.) 

"A" denotes number, quantity, size, value, etc.; "a in compositione 
sequitur suum simplex, v. g. : chieannen iandatsa e'est une grande chaudiere 
(Bad. Hur. 1751, Potier, p. 1.) 

"Ariti faire cuire ou murir quolque chose" (to have something cook, ripen, 
etc.). (Bod. Hur. 1751, p. 185.) 

Consequently we have tharita, conformably with the rules to be observed 
in compounding words, already quoted above. The idea of stability or per- 
petuity is now added by means of an initial "e". See "Variae significa- 
tiones particu'arum ti. sti, kSi, etc." Potier Gram. p. HI.) These particles 
are suffixes, but under note 4 we find "Significant perpetuitatem cum "e" 
initiali ; v. g. ; eochrati perpetua est hyems, etc." The suffix ti does not 
modify the final ta, which conveys a sense of its own; but the initial "e" 
imparts to tharita its ultimate form Etharita, with tho moaning "Tho over 
principal drying or maturing placo," referring, no doubt, to the curing of 
tobacco, the staple product of tho country. 



234 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Blue Hills, if what precedes is to be taken into account, that one 
must look for the village sites of the Tobacco Nation, at least as 
it existed at the time the Fathers were evangelizing the Huron 
tribes. The two villages that hold out most hope to one bent on 
discovery are those of St. Mathias and St. Jean, whose Huron 
names, as we have already seen, were respectively Ekarennionai 
and Ethanta. In the same passage of Garnier's letter from which 
this information is derived, we are told that they were four leagues 
apart. 

These same villages were the chief towns of two distinct duns. 
"Having received," writes Father Paul Puigueneau, in his Relation 
of 1648 (p. 61, 1 col.), "a pressing invitation from those known to us 
as the Petun Nation to undertake their instruction, we sent them 
two of our Fathers who are now engaged in the two missions 
established among the Indians of two distinct tribes. We have 
given the name of Mission of St. Jean to the Wolf tribe, and the 
name of St. Mathias to the other which styles itself the Deer 
tribe." 

As to their relative positions, we learn with certainty from the 
Relation of 1650 (p. S, 1 col) that St. Jean lay in a southerly 
direction from St. Mathias. If we bear in mind that the nearest 
of the Iroquois Nations lay to the south-east, the wording of the 
Eelation is not ambiguous. "In the mountains which we call the 
Petun country, we had for several years two missions, in each of 
which two Fathers were stationed. The one nearest the frontier 
exposed to the enemy was t]<.ii of St. Jean, the principal town of 
which bore the same name, and comprised about five or six hun- 
dred families." It lay also, in all probability, a little to the west; 
for had it been situated due south, and with more reason to the 
south-east, it is not likely that Father Noel Chabanel would have 
passed through St. Mathias, as he did (Rel. 1650, p. 16, 1 col.) 
when he was endeavouring to obey an order to return from St. 
Jean to headquarters, then established at St. Marie II. on 
Ahoendoe, now Christian Island. t It would in such a hypo- 
thesis, have considerably, and to no purpose, lengthened a journey 
through a rugged and hilly country. 

*The "enemy" of the Petuns, at this date, was the Iroquois. See a little 
lower down on this same column 1, p. 8 of R. 1650. 

+The construction of Fort St. Mario IT., on the Island of St. Joseph, was 
completed in November, 1649. Letter oj the Yen. Marie de V Incarnation, 
March 17, 1G50. Tom. I., p. 416. 



^< 



a .»>"■<! 







/^> 



DJl^U-. 



Ste.3rtMj£ut. 



twL* t-H4 /; 




XLI. I XLH. 
The Petun Country. 



IW07 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES': 



235 



To sum up in a few words, St. Jean Lay al out twelve miles 
from St. Mathias in a southerly or, mine likely, in a south-west- 
erly direction. 



Bruce Co. 

I. St. Edmund. 

II. Lindsay. 

III. Eastnor. 

IV. Albemarle. 

V. Amable. 

VII. Saugeen. 

VIII. Arran. 
XIII. Bruce. 
XfcV. Elderslie. 

XIX. Greenock. 

XX. Brant. 
XXXII. Carrick. 

Grey Co. 

VI. Keppel. 

IX. Derby. 

X. Sarawak. 



Townships . 

XI. Sydenham . 

XII. St. Vincent. 

XV. Sullivan. 

XVI. Holland. 

XVII. Euphrasia. 

XVIII. Collingwood. 

XXI. Bentinck. 

XXII. Glenelg. 

XXIII. Artemesia. 

XXI V . Osprey . 

XXXIII. Normanby . 

XXXIV. Egremont. 

XXXV. Proton. 

SlMCOE CO. 

XXV. Nottawasaga. 

XXVI. Sunnidale. 

XXVII. Vespra. 



XXVIII. Flos. 

XXIX. Medonte. 

XXX. Tiny. 

XXXI. Ta'v. 

XXXVIII. Tosorontio. 

XXXIX. Essa. 
XL. Innisfil. 
XLIII. Adjala. 
XLIV. Tecumseb. 
XLV. W. Gwillimbury. 



DlJFFERIN Co. 

XXXVI. Melancthnn. 

XXXVII. Mulmur. 
XLI. Amaranth. 
XLII. Mono. 



As for the nature or the configuration of the ground, all we cau 
surmise is, that it must have had, though in the hills, a good 
southern exposure, since the Huron appellation denotes a place 
where things ripen or are dried, in allusion, perhaps, to the curing 
of the indigenous tobacco plant. 

Diagram ox the Map Explaixed : It is fortunate that there 
i^ a possibility of checking, to some extent, the accuracy of the 
foregoing inferences by collating the results with what another 
passage in the Relations seems to suggest. This passage was just 
mentioned above in connection with Father Ckabanel ; and not 
only for the sake of a more ready reference, but also that no inci- 
dent may be overlooked, it is advisable to give it in full, and 
translate it as literally as possible. The letters within brackets, 
which I have inserted in the text, refer to the map, on which F 
is assumed to mark the site of Ecarenniondi or St. Mathias, and 
A, that of Ethanta or St. Jean. The latter is placed on the arc 
N 0; but there is no reason why it should occupy the point A 
preferably to any other on the curve, save what was said in sup- 
port of the theory that its bearings were south-west rather than 
due south. Were I to hazard an opinion as to its more likely posi- 
tion, I should say that the site should eventually be found within 
the boundaries of Osprey Township (XXIV.) or a little farther 
west in that of Artemesia (XXIII.). 

The other curve P M is the one referred to, as being from five 
to seven miles too far west, while dealing with the eastern limits 
of the Petun territory. Its centre will be found in the northeast 
part of Nottawasaga Township (XXV.) marked by a dot within 



236 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

a small circle, lying just outside the Village of Stayner, on the 
Duntroon Road. 

One last preliminary remark before citing the passage: — the 
various routes followed, as indicated by the letters and the dotted 
lines, are wholly hypothetical, and are to be accepted so far only 
as they explain more or less plausibly the text itself, and fit in 
with all the facts recorded. 

Raguenea's Account of Chabanel's Journey: "Father 
Xoel Chabanel was Father Charles Garnier's companion on the 
mission [A]; and when the Town of St. Jean was taken by the 
Iroquois two days had elapsed since they parted company in com- 
pliance with an order they had received; for our Fathers and 
myself had deemed it expedient not to keep two missionaries 
exposed to danger, to say nothing of the famine which was so 
direful that sufficient food could not be found for two. But hav- 
ing borne together the burden of the same mission, God willed 
that they should not be separated by death. 

"The good Father [Chabanel], while returning to where obedi- 
i ace recalled him, had passed by the mission of St. Mathias [F], 
where two of our Fathers were in charge, and had taken leave of 
them on the morning of December 7. With an escort of seven 
or eight Christian Hurons, he had made his way lot six good 
leagues over most trying roads when he was overtaken by night 
in the depths of the forest, [H]. His companions lay sleeping, 
while he alone kept a prayerful watch. Towards midnight he 
heard the noise and shouting of the enemy's victorious warriors 
[C] and of the prisoners, taken that very day at the Town of St. 
Jean, who were singing their war-song as is their wont. Startled 
by the sound, the Father roused his companions, who without a 
moment's delay fled through the woods. They eventually effected 
their escape by scattering on all sides, then by a circuitous route 
they headed towards the very place [A] whence the enemy were 
coming. 

"These Christians, after this hair-breadth escape, regained the 
Petun country,* and reported that the Father had come a certain 
distance [H I] in his attempt to keep up with them, but that worn 
out with fatigue had sunk on his knees and exclaimed, 'What mat- 
ters it if I die? This life is of little account, but what the Iro- 
quois cannot snatch from me is the happiness of heaven.' 

'From the bend of the Nottawasaga, a little south of Vigo (township of 
Flos) to Ekarenniondi (the Standing Rock) there is about seventeen miles. 
To make up the six leagues covered by Father Chabanel after leaving St. 
Mathias, that is, from the mission to the spot where he bivouacked, the 
site of the village itself should lie a little to the west of Standing Rock. 
Otherwise, the distance given would be ton long by a mile. 



1<*07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 237 

"At day break the Father benl his course in ;i different direc 
tion;_ and pushing on all intent on ;i< ining us at the island 
[AhoendoS] where we were living, came upon a river which lay 
athwart his path, thus barring- further progress [L]. A Huron 
brought in this report, adding that he had ferried him across in 
his canoe. Furthermore, that his flight might be all the more 
unimpeded, the Father had disburdened himself of his hat, of a 
satchel wherein he carried his manuscripts, and of his blanket, 
which with our missioners does duty as wrapper and cloak and 
1 olster and mattress and bed. or any ether accoutrement neces- 
sary; it even serves as a roof, when they are on the move, and, 
for the nonce, have no other shelter," etc. (Rel. 1650, p. 16.) 

How it Happened That the Trails Converged : The only 
I 'articular in this narrative that requires elucidation is the implied 
fortuitous converging of the two trails : the one followed by the 
Iroquois retiring after having dealt their blow, and the other, 
by Chabanel's partj T on their way to Ahoendoe. That the Father 
and his guides should have preferred a more inland route to the 
shore line in their retreat, is intelligible. Journeying by the 
latter they would be more in view, and would have less chance of 
escape if pursued. To find an adequate reason for the direction 
taken by the invading bands after destroying St. Jean, we must 
turn back to page 8, of the same Relation. The passage, wherein 
the explanation is more than suggested, runs as follows : — 

''Towards the end of November, news reached us by two 
Christian Hurons, who had escaped from a war party of some 
three hundred Iroquois, that the enemy were yet undecided as to 
their future action; whether, in other words, they should march 
against the Petun Nation, or attack us in the island we occupied. 
Thereupon, we held ourselves on the defensive, and detained the 
Huron bands, who were planning to take the field to meet the 
approaching enemy. At the same time, we sent word promptly to 
the Petun Nation, who received the news with rejoicing, counting 
a- a certainty beforehand on the defeat of the invaders, and con- 
sidering the invasion as a proffered occasion of triumph. They 
resolutely awaited the attack for some days, then, growing restive 
at victory's slow coming, they sallied forth to meet it — at least 
the braves of the village of St. Jean did so, being men of action 
and undaunted. They even hurried their departure lest the Iro- 
quois should escape them, for they were eager to surprise them 
while yet on their way. They set out on December 5, and directed 
their march towards the quarter whence they expected the enemy 
[E]. But the invading hands were not met with; they had chosen 



238 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

a roundabout route [D C A]; and to heighten our misfortune, 
as they drew near the village [St. Jean], they seized a man and 
woman who were just leaving it. From these two captives they 
learnt how things stood in the village, and of the absence of the 
best part of its defenders. Thereupon they hurriedly pushed on 
to take advantage of so favourable an opportunity to deluge in 
blood, and reduce the place to ashes. 

"It was on the seventh day of December last, in the year 1649, 
about three in the afternoon, that this war-party of Iroquois 
reached the entrance of the town," etc. {Eel. 1650, p. 8.) 

Inferences Drawn from the Quotations : That the Iroquois 
afterwards withdrew by a route, varying little in its general direc- 
tion from B C D, there cannot be a shadow of doubt; otherwise it 
would have been impossible to have approached, near enough to 
be heard, any trail followed by Father Chabanel while attempting 
to make his way to Ste. Marie II. This alone goes to show that 
{heir base of operations — for it was part of their strategy to pro- 
vide one in case of a reverse (Cf.'R. 1649, p. 11, 2 col.) — was 
established somewhere towards the eastern extremity of Lake 
Sinicoe, near Orillia. 

This fact once admitted leads necessarily to another inferem :e, 
namely, that it was from that base, and along the same line, their 
bands made their approach towards St. Jean. In so doing, they 
left no flank open to attack. To the north, it is true, lay the whole 
Huron peninsula, but it was cleared of its inhabitants, and its 
palisaded strongholds dismantled. To the south their march was 
covered by the long reach of Simcoe Lake, and Kempenfeldt Bay. 
This move accounts for, and this move alone can explain, the dis- 
comfiture of the Etharita braves, who, confident of meeting the 
hostile bands of the Iroquois, had very naturally taken quite a 
different course towards the south [E]. 

It should be added here that all the Iroquois raids into 
Huronia came from the direction of what is now Orillia and the 
Narrows. A retrospect of events recorded in the missionary annals 
of the Huron Nation sets this beyond the pale of contention. The 
first Huron stronghold, "the principal bulwark of the country," 
that fell beneath the blows of the Iroquois, and was utterly de- 
stroyed, in 1642, was Contareia (R. 1642, p. 74, 1 col.; F. 1656, 
/j. If), / col.; I'. 1644, /i. 69, I col., conjtinctim sumpt.), which, 
as many discoveries of village remains show, once occupied the 
very site of the modern town above mentioned; but which stood, 
at the time of its destruction a little further west and to the south 
of Bass Lake. St. Jean-Baptiste, which was situated near the 



[907 BUREAU OF ARCH1\ l-s. 239 

present village ol Hawkestone, was nexi threatened. \\- braves 
met with many disastrous defeats in the years subsequent to L642 
and deeming themselves too much exposed to attack, dwelling 
where tiny did, forestalled total destruction by abandoning their 
rude fortress and removing further from their redoubtable foes 
(/,'. 1648, />. !'■>. 1 col.). These two bulwarks, mi the east and 
south, Laving ceased to exist, the next nearest pa I i -ailed village, St . 
Joseph II., further in the west and north, la,\ open to attack. It 
was carried by storm in 1648 (R. 1649, pp. ■"> et .«.; /'..!/. ///>. 
238 et ss.). Taenhatentaron, or St. [gnace I., lay further ninth 
than St. Joseph II., near the present township line of Medonte 
and Tay, ami east ni Sturgeon River. Even before the fall of 
Teanaostaiae, that is at the close of the winter 1647-48, its inhab- 
itants had suffered grievously in two bloodj encounters with the 
Iroquois invaders; thereupon, abandoning their old village home. 
the\ built upon a new site, that of St. I^naee II., two and a half 
miles further to the north-west. This move postponed tor a time 
but did not avert their impending ruin. Both St. [gnace II. and 
St. Louis together tell a prey to the rapacious foe in 1(1 1!), i /.'. 
1649, /'/>. /". 11), thus leaving unprotected the French fort of Ste. 
Marie I. (/'. Kil'i. />. 25, I nil.). During all this time not one of 
the more northern or extreme western villages had 1 ecu molested. 

Thus was the barbarous hut astute [roquois wont to hide his 
time and patiently await a favourable opportunity to tall 
unawares on his equally brave but less watchful rival. Persis- 
tently, year after year, he winked out hi- preconceived plans with 

consummate strategy, never surpassed by the great commanders ol 

civilized nations. Jiut what 1 wished here to draw attention to 
especially was the direction, adhered t<> till along, of his line of 
invasion. 

Another important point must 1» dub emphasized. The scene 
of the night's halt of Chabanel's party, and the eighteen miles 
covered after leaving Ecarenniondi, necessarily lay to the west of 
the Nottawasaga River, seeing that it was the only unfordable 
stream ami that towards its mouth which intersected the com- 
paratively low-lying hinds between lluionia and the Blue Hills. 
Had that stream been already crossed ludore the enforced bivouac 
a II. ('lialianel could not have stood in need of the apostate 
Huron's canoe 

All the inferences drawn Irom the passages quoted above would 
In- very much the same even were the p tints !•' ami A slightly dis- 
placed. 

IS Alt. 



240 



I III': RKl'OR I ( )l THE 



No. 41 



I'lii' Xottawasaga liiver, in its course from Essa to Flos, taken 
a1 a 11 j point, is about eighteen miles distant from the western 
boundary of Xottawasaga Township, winch is at the same tinn 
the county line. In Flos Township, the bend in the stream neai 
Vigo is aboul seventeen und a quartei miles from the same bound 
ar\ . So i+ will i i ■ . 1 1 1 1 1 \ be understood why, in 1902, our exploring' 
party, in hopes of discovering" the rock Ecarenmondi, or St. 
Mathias, directed its researches for a goodly stretch along the road 
dividing the two counties of Sinicoe and Grey. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 241 

I III; FINDING OF EKARENNIONDI, 
oi "The Standing ttock." 

h was on Augus 15, 1902, thai the site of St. [gnace II. was 

dentified. For what took place between that date and August L9, 

when Father Quirk and myseli with much regret, parted company 

at Elmvale witb om genia] companions, 1 must refer tin inquirer 

to the Ontario Archaeological Report for L902, as H has no beai 

ml'' mi iIm matter in band. 

An early after n train from Elmvale soon landed us at 

Penetanguishene. Here we found all :c commotion, and everj 
bodj at the presbyten bustling about, a- then was a bazaar foi 
the Memorial Church in lull swing. The house was full of guests, 
and, rat her than add In the difficulties of the situation, we resolved 
to push on i" Lafontaine. 

\Vhil< awaiting the conveyance which was to bear us ti i 

destination, we had time to make friends -with several of the rev- 
erend clergy. The delay was indeed providential, for among oui 
newly made acquaintances was the Reverend Father Jeffcott, ol 
Stayner. (•! course the purpose of our wanderings and zig-zag 
journeyings across the country was discussed; and, to prepare the 
Reverend Father in good season for the infliction, I announced 
the nmre than probable expedition which, a kind Providence fav- 
ouring, we fully intended to push through his part of the country 
tin following summer. It certainly bad nut been our intention 
to take in. on that trip, Nbttawasaga Township, much less the 
adjoining townships in Grey County, for our charts were not quite 

ly, and we had no fixed itinerary mapped out; but the Father's 
invitation was most cordial, and he suggested thai we should drop 
in on him thai \ i r\ season. 

In the same number of the Ontario Archaeological Report, as 
mentioned above, will be found recorded our experiences in this 
northernmost part ol the Huron Country. On our return eastward 
we spent two in three days at Midland which we turned to account 
in the interests of historical research. 

While we were, set the guests of Father Barcelo, we had occa- 
sion in his company to pay a visit to Mr. Michael O'Hare, senior 
proprietor "I be Midland Woollen Mills. We found him sur- 

i led bj his numerous family. A grandfather already, though 

comparatively vomit* in years and full of vigour, be presided " 
his assembled household with kindly and patriarchal dignity. He 
had been a resident ot Creemore, in Nbttawasaga, for man\ vears, 



•242 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

where hi- boys bad been brought up, an I as boys they had ranged 
over iln township Fa] and near as boys only know how. They con- 
firmed all we had heard from Father Jeffco+t abouf the rock, the 
Devil's Glen and other places oi interest, jint whether it was 
owing to our profound ignorance both ol the localities described 
ami ni the actual bearings one from the other of the points men- 
tioned, or to a too greal insistence on features which appealed 
more to the fancy, but were less essential to our purpose, we came 
a\\a\ with but a hazy notion ol the exact position of the important 
landmark. In Eaci the impression left was that the Devil's Glen 
and the monumental Rocls lay in different parts of the township. 

Still we had learned enough to determine us to put off for a 
day en so our departure for Montreal, rather than postpone for 
another year all attempts to find Ekarcnniondi. In pursuance ol 
this resolve a despatch was senl forthwith to Stayner lest we 
should lake Father -I < ll << >1 1 whollj unawares. 

Monday. August 25, Father Barcelo bimsell drove us over to 
Penetanguishene, where we took leave oi him. It is to he hoped 
that the future holds in store more than one opportunity when 
our debt to his Reverence and to his confreres may be requited. 

Not so much to escape a long delay on a bare platform at ( 'ol- 
well Junction, as to foster friendly relations with an old acquaint- 
ance, we ran through by tram to Barrie, and spent a most agree- 
able hour or two with Dean Egan. By 8 o'clock we were on our 
way to Stayner. 

Stayner is a little town on the Collingw 1 branch of the 

Grand Trunk Railway, in Nbttawasaga, the most western town- 
ship of Simcoe County, and lies in the flat lands between the old 

II nit 1 1 . 1 the l'etiin countries, but nearer the latter. Reverend 

Father Jeft'cott, whom we had the pleasure of meeting at Pene- 
tanguishene, on August 19, had lately been placed in charge ot 
tin parish. Two young ecclesiastics, Edward Kerby and John 
Purcell, Imth of whom Lad graduated in theology at Montreal 
that summer, the former securing a D.D., the latter an L. Theol., 
were guests enjoying the openhanded hospitality we had come to 
share. 

It did not lake long to agree upon a pis f campaign for the 

morrow. The deadliest foe we were likely to meet with on this 
expedition, it appeared, was the unobtrusive ground-hog. In con 
sequence one lethal weapon was deemed sufficient protection in 
view ot all possible encounters. This was handed over to the 
D.I)., who, not being in Holy Orders, ran no risk of incurring any 
irregularity. Ii was ; i master-move of strategy as events proved. 



1 «»07 Bl'RE \l' OF \K(III\ ES'. 243 

Tuesday i ing, Augusl 26, dawned brighl and lull of 

promise. The vehicle \\ ; i ~^ stored with whal provisions were neces- 
sary for a day's outing; and oui party oi five drove ou1 on the 
Duntroon road al a brisk trot, Leading wesl towards the Blue 
Hills. As we 1 1 1 i-w near Duntroon the landscape improved won- 
derfully. In the distance directlj in fronl of us rose a ridge of 
limestone formation, which stretches, we were told, across the 

ulinli mtry. h traverses somewhat diagonally Xottawasaga 

township, from south-easl to north-west, and reaches Lake Huron 
to the wesl of Collingwood. 

In many places its eastern edge is not precipitous, 1ml straighl 
ahead of us it stood oui like a headland, its rocky tare plainly 
visible. It was certainly a prominent feature in the landscape, 
and we asked ourselves if ii mighl not will be the rock we were 
in search of. On reflection, however, it occurred to us thai main 
such bold prominences were Likely to be found along this eastern 
fringe of the Blue Hills. 

Old [xdian Earthworks: At Duntroon Village we turned 
south down the road between concessions \HI. and IX., to the 
farm of Mr. William Anderson, to examine an earthwork which 
Mr. David Boyle has described in the Annua] Report of the Can 
adian Institute (Session 1888-9, p. 11). Mr. Anderson brought 
his work to a stand-still, and cheerfully accompanied us over 
the ground. He is one of those thrifty and hospitable Scotchmen 
who seem to think thai they can never do too much to welcome 
their visiters. Very little trace of the embankment is new observ- 
able; on the hillside it may he said to be entirely obliterated bj 
frequent ploughing. 

Leaving Mr. Anderson's farm (north half let 23, concession 
IX., Xottawasaga), we proceeded still further to the south by 
the same concession line. Our intention was to move into the 
uplands lower down in the township, and having once gained the 
heights to be guided by the information we might glean from the 
residenl fanners. It was the safes course to pursue since the 
region was unfamiliar to every one of the party, even to Father 
Jeffcott, who had not resided al Stayner over a year. 

As we advanced tin countrj became charmingly picturesque, 
especiallj owards Glenhuron, ami --lill further to tin' south, when 
the eye soughl Dunedin ami Creemore in the reunite perspective. 
The horizon in thai direction was bounded by ureal rolling hills 
intersected by deep valleys, the whole under fair cultivation. The 
■dupes presented every varietj of tint from the rich yellow of the 
ripening grain t<> the sombre green oi the mountain gorge. This 
became mere noteworthy when, leaving the concession hue. we 



244 Mil. REPORT OI- THE No. 41 

turned to tin west and toiled upwards along 1 li <• side road between 
lots IS and L9, until a last, safe on tile tableland* we -- 1^ i 1 1 « >< I for 
well mi to .i null' an exceptionally deep and narrow ravine. Its 
slanting sides, thickly studded with trees, shut nut the sunlight 
and screened from view the waters of the Mad River in its gloomy 
depths. Tin' name we learned later mi, and learned moreovet 
that it \\.i- appropriate. On the whole the yawning chasm had n 
forbidding look, and the conviction gre\^ upon us that we were in 
presenci id the Devil's Glen; but in this we were mistaken. The 
(>lcn was miles away. 

I lie country we were traversing, after we lost si^lit of the 
ravine, grew monotonous; ami but a little further on, the road 
was shut in mi cither side by the tall timber. In ignorance ol 
our surroundings we proceeded in that happy-go-lucky way which 
at times leads explorers to discovery and oftener to discomfiture. 
The fact is we had met nobody for some time whom we could con- 
sult. Coming upon a newly built shanty, in a recent clearing, 
with every evidence ol its being occupied, since its modest farm- 
yard was tenanted by a few stray fowls, one of the party made bold 
to enter the premises, but found not a soul within call. Someone 
thereupon suggested that we should picnic there in the woods, which 
suggestion was speedily acted upon. Between sandwich and 

sweetmeat the question, What next!' was debated, and it w;is 

unanimously decided that we should keep on towards the west. 

Ten minutes drive, or less, brought u- out ol the woods, and in 
view of a numbei ol field labourers a1 work. From them we 
learned that we were nol far from Singhampton, but nothing 
more. So to Singhampton, situated on the county line, we drove. 
Upon enquiry, the proprietor of the village hotel informed us 
that he had often heard it said ihal some miles up the country 
I here were "rocks and caves." No one else seemed to have a 
clearer notion on the subject, m, without loss of time we resumed 
our drive, but this time towards the north, along the dividing 
road, with Grey county to the left and Simcoe to the right. 

It will he understood, from what has been said, thai we were 
travelling a few points west of ninth along the plateau or table- 
land, high up above the level of (astern Nbttawasaga. Our sur- 
roundings were now tame enough, the countrj around as far as 
we could sec being gently undulating. The only agreeable break 
in the monotonj of the prospect was Pleasant Lake, which we Ief1 
behind ih on our right. It lies close t< the road a placid little 
-heei of water covering, a- well as we could make out, a consider- 
able area of lots 21 and 22, concessions XII., Nbttawasaga. From 
here on we met but one single human being on foot, apparently 




■I- M 

.H 



._ x « 



s a 
a c 



1<I(I7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 245 

a tradesman, whom we accosted forthwith. He gave us, to our 
great relief, very precise directions to follow in our quest. We 
bad to keep on the county Line until the road came to an end, and 
then proceed on foot some sevent3 rods (so I understood), and 
we would come upon "the rocks and eaves." After an exchange 
ol civilities with our informant, we pushed on with more buoy- 
ant hopes, and with something definite in purpose. 

For the use of any who may be tempted to explore in this 
direction, it should be noted here that the cross-road marked on 
the maps between lots 27 ami 28 does not really exist, while there 
is one open, which is not marked, between lots 26 and 27. Tt 
must have been a little beyond lot 27, if our calculations were 
correct, that the road forming the line between the two counties, 
alter a slight rise, came suddenly to an end. It was fenced across, 
but a gate opened on the left into a field, and a meandering road 
led down to a barn in a hollow. As for dwelling, there was none 
in sight. 

I'm Devil's Glex axd the Standixg Rock of Ekarenniondi : 
Three of the party kept on straight on foot across the field, Father 
Quirk, the D.D. and myself. Father .Teficott and Mr. John Pur- 
cell remained near the carriage. There was quite a perceptible 
rise in the ground, an uneven field liberally bestrewn with bould- 
ers of various shapes and sizes. Ahead, the woods, which began 
with out-lying, straggling clumps of trees, but which, as we 
advanced, grew denser and denser and more impenetrable on 
account of the thick underbrush, shut out from view all that might 
prove of interest beyond. A narrow but well beaten path to the 
left first lured us on, but after a few rods it led so rapidly down- 
wards, no one knew whither, that it was abandoned for the higher 
ground to the right. 

We scattered imperceptibly to right and left as we moved for- 
ward, and whether it was that the trail of the ground-hog lay 
broad on the wold, or that some nobler game had been descried, 
certain it is that about this time the Doctor, who, thanks to his 
youth, was by far the most active member of the trio, disappeared; 
nor was hi- absence noticed for the nonce. To be plain, my rev- 
erend companion and myself had quite enough to do to push 
through the matted undergrowth, and make our way laboriously 
over fallen trunks which crumbled under pressure as we sought 
a foothold, without troubling ourselves about more extraneous 
matters. A glimpse now and then through the branches of the 
taller trees showed a scrap of blue sky, or a patch of that misty. 
indescribable neutral hue which betoken- a void, a falling awaj ot 
the ground and the presence of wooded hillsides beyond. It was 
but a fleeting, deceptive vision. 

19 An. 



246 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

After battling against innumerable petty difficulties for what 
I thought was a reasonable time, I am ashamed to say. I was the 
first to cry enough, and to assure Father Quirk that all that was 
ahead of us then would be there as certainly on the morrow, when, 
thoroughly rested, we could return directly to the spot, now that 
we knew where it was. As we emerged from the thicket we pre- 
sented a truly woe-begone appearance. Flushed with our vain 
struggles and bespangled with burs, we bore, moreover, the marks 
of many an encounter with branch and bramble. Crestfallen at 
our failure, we returned demurely enough to the carriage. Then 
it was that we missed the Doctor. We waited patiently, I do not 
know how long, that he mighi not be unduly hurried in his explor- 
ations; when, finally getting anxious, the party, Father Jeffeott, 
of course, leading the chorus — sent up a succession of war-whoops 
which must have uncomfortably impressed the Petun warriors in 
their graves. But no Doctor. Not even did the echoes deign to 
answer our call. Another wait, and the shout was renewed with 
like results. To make the best of the delay, for time was wearing 
away and we were anxious to turn homewards, we assumed restful 
postures on boulder, sward, or fence, and entertained each other 
with the recital of our individual adventures. 

On a sudden, a shout, faint in the distance, went up, "Rocks 
and caves!" Every eye turned to the spot whence the sound 
came, and we caught sight of the Doctor, standing just where we 
had emerged some time before, in unconventional ecclesiastical 
attire, waving his arms wildly and shouting again and again, 
"Rocks and Caves!" 

We, at first, exchanged incredulous glances, and had some mis- 
giving lest, in return for some innocent banter that afternoon on 
the habits of the American marmot, we should be as innocently 
inveigled into a purposeless walk back over already twice trodden 
and difficult ground. We wronged his candour. In common 
decency, we could not slight the earnest appeals of the young 
divine. So, pulling ourselves together for a renewed effort, we 
started to join him. 

When within conversational distance we felt more reassured, 
and following blindly, in Indian file, over easier ground near a 
fence to the extreme right, we bravely penetrated the thicket, 
and in a few minutes came out into the open on the opposite side. 

What a wonderful sight ! We were speechless for an instant. 
We stood on an elevated ledge, with deep crevasses penetrating at 
acute angles the wall of rock. Underfoot they seemed to be 
bridged over by roots and accumulated mould, but yawned wide 
below. The Doctor had explored some from the lower level — how 



YST7 



&? ■ 



-/ 



Y 




1907 BUREAU OF ARCHI\ Is. 247 

far he bad made his way into their recesses I do not now recall. 

I liese were t lie "( 'lives." 

But the wild, weird scene beyond ! At our feet, below the ledge, 
countless huge rocks lay scattered, Imt with a certain order. 1 
eamiot describe (lie effect better than to suppose that some Titan 
had pushed over many walls, one falling on and overlapping the 
other, with the different courses of masonry sundered, lmt still 
juxtaposed, and in gigantic layers. The whole was bare of vege- 
tation; no moss, nor fern, nor creeping vine to shroud their naked- 
ness, but masses of stone lying whitened by time as bone- in the 
desert. Across these rocks lay prone, in every direction, whole 
trunks of trees bleached by alternate rain and sunshine. These 
were the "Rocks," and they formed a waste of utter desolation, 
so tersely and fitly described by the uncanny name "The Devil's 
Glen." 

To take in all these details, one by one, required time. We 
scanned the nearest features first; but as we Looked further towards 
the outer verge of this valley of confusion, hundreds of feet away, 
another object, hitherto unheeded, met our gaze. 

Stark from the field of shapeless ruins and on the steep slope of 
the hill, detached from all around, rose a rectangular mass of rock 
of monumental proportions, with a base a score or so feet in 
breadth, and an elevation of thirty or forty. Firm on its founda- 
tions, it alone stood erect, where all else had yielded to the shock, 
and crumbled when very earth had rocked and quaked. 

From our outlook, on a higher level, it was seen at a disadvan- 
tage. But as the slope, where it was securely stepped, sank away 
rapidly, from the depth of the gorge far down on our left it must 
have towered up in, seemingly, far nobler proportions. 

In general appearance, it resembled nothing so much as a ruined 
keep. Its outlines softened by decay, the rifts in its masonry 
widened by winter frosts, rents here and there along its face from 
base to summit, all spoke plainly of the wear of centuries. To 
heighten the illusion, from the only face visible to us, portions of 
the rock had fallen away, leaving in outline the embrasure of a 
great mediaeval fire-place, if not of a dismantled portal. The rock 
was deftly pointed off in courses by Nature, and slightly battered 
inwards from foundation to crest, giving it all the appearance of 
the last remaining tower of a ruined castle. 

Such was it to our eyes; but to tin 1 eye of the superstitious 
Huron, it was the Hock near which the shades of their deceased 
braves passed on their way from earth to the land of souls. It was 
on the face of that Rock that great deeds were recorded in the 
sign-language and war-paint of the tribe, their heroes extolled, 



248 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

or perchance a message from the living to the dead inscribed. It 
was, in fine, Ekarenniondi, or the Standing Rock of the Petims, 
"lying" — as the Hurons pointed out to Brebeuf the Blue Hills — 
"lying towards the setting sun." 

The exact position of Standing Rock is on the very western 
limits of what we judged to be lot 29. Taking up a position on 
the ledge in true alignment with the county road quite traceable 
to the eye for a long distance across the rising hills to the north, a 
mile or so away, we clearly perceived that the line dividing the 
two counties would pass at the very foot of the Rock to the west, 
leaving it wholly within Nottawasaga township, Simcoe county; 
while the Devil's Glen extends well into Grey, being situated, con- 
sequently, partly in both counties. 

Due credit must be given to Reverend Edward Kerby, D.D., 
now ordained, for being the first of our party to set foot within 
the Glen. Had it not been for his tenacity of purpose it is certain 
that we should not have come upon the Standing Rock of the 
Petuns that day; while plans based on the promise of the morrow 
have been known eventually to fail, as meanwhile some unfore- 
seen occurrence called for an indefinite postponement. 




The Standing Rock, from below and from the west. Lot 30, Con. XII., Nottawa Township. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 249 

THE SITE OF ETHARITA, OB ST. JEAN 
AS YET UNDISCOVERED. 
i Search made in 1903. i 

VS'liat has been said concerning the Petun "villages and the 
finding of E karenniondi would not be complete unless a short 

account Were added of an ineffectual attempt made ill August. 

1903, to discover the site of Etharita or the St. .lean of the Petuns. 

It is one thing, in searching for village sites, providentially to 
come across so striking a feature as an isolated rock, standing over 
forty feet above the soil, whose position tallies with authentic 
data, and quite another to bring to light the remains of an isolated 
Indian village of which no indications can by any possibility, at 
this date, exist above ground. Such a search to be eventually 
crowned with success must Vie prosecuted with method. If feas- 
ible, the residents on the lands, throughout the region to be 
explored, should be notified at least a year in advance, that they 
may be induced to talk the matter over among themselves, and 
compare notes. This can be accomplished by means of the local 
papers. But it is especially when the expedition is once on foot 
that much patient enquiry becomes necessary, and a judicious sift- 
ing of the scraps of information elicited, to be followed by a care- 
ful scrutiny in going over the ground. Keep in mind also that 
the real object of the search is not ossuaries, nor tomahawks, nor 
an odd find here and there of some Indian trinket, though these 
may well serve as pointers, but ash-beds, refuse heaps or kitchen- 
middens; these, except in very exceptional cases, are the only cer- 
tain indications of village sites. 

It is all very well to say that St. Jean of the Petuns lay four 
leagues, or about twelve miles, from St. Mathias, and to add that 
it lay towards the south, and that in all probability not due south 
but in a southwesterly direction. There is a good deal in this, and 
we must be thankful for even such data. Still it leaves a large 
enough zone to be gone over, where, with the exception of 
Etharita itself, no other villages, or but an insignificant few. stood. 
The Relations are explicit, it was the mission "la plus frontiere a 
1'ennemy" with a population of some five or six hundred families 
(/?. 1650, />. 8, 1 col.). It stood in this exposed position as the 
bulwark of the 1'etun Country, consequently whatever villages 
depended on it for protection very naturally lay scattered farther 
to the north. 

Taking it that the town of EJcarenniondi, or St. Mathias, was 
but a very short distance north or west of "Standing Rock," from 

Vote. See colored sketch :>t page 266a 



250 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

which it took its name, its meridian would pass slightly to the 
east of Badgeros (Osprey county) and of Shrigley (Melancthon 
county), the former distant less than twelve miles from "The 
Rock," the latter not much over; arid if prolonged the line would 
strike the village of Melancthon, itself about twenty-two miles 
distant and due south. 

With Ekarenniondi for centre and a radius of twelve miles, 
the arc described towards the west would pass between Badgeros 
and Shrigley, but nearer the latter, thence a little north-west of 
Wareham, and, continuing the sweep, east of Eugenia Falls (in 
Artemesia). If the inferences, drawn from what data we have, 
be strictly followed, the zone, say a mile or so wide, beginning 
about a mile south of the meeting of the four counties of Notta- 
wasaga, Osprey, Melancthon and Mulmur should not he extended 
further north than Eugenia. 

Whether my deductions are sound ox not, the reader in pos- 
session of the same data, must judge for himself. But sound or 
not, it was by these deductions I went, in 1903, in my attempt to 
find Etharita, the village of St. Jean of the Petuns. 

I shall not inflict on the reader an account of a preliminary 
ramble, that same season, over old ground in Huronia; save to 
put on record the fact that while examining the ash-beds on west 
half lot 7, concession IV., of Medonte, otherwise the "Flanagan 
Farm," Mr. Flanagan, the present owner (then aet. 75), whose 
father had received Father Felix Martin and shown him over the 
premises in 1855, and Mr. John P. Hussey (then aet. 97), who had 
accompanied the Reverend Father during part of his tour, both 
assured us that it was the farm where the half-fused rectangular 
stand of a brass crucifix or candlestick had been ploughed up. 
This authentication, if so it might be termed, had become neces- 
sary owing to some doubts expressed, and took place on Friday. 
August 14, 1903. 

On Wednesday, August 19, Father Bacelo of Midland, learn- 
ing that we were to proceed to Collingwood, with his wonted affa- 
bility and gracious desire to extend to its utmost limits his hos- 
pitable courtesy to his guests, proposed to Father Quirk and my- 
self, as an agreeable change a drive across the country and round 
Nottawasaga Bay as far as Collingwood. our immediate destina- 
tion. This generous offer was gratefully welcomed. Leaving Mid- 
land about ten in the morning we dined at Elnivale, where a 
change of horses was in readiness, and we reached Vanvlack early 
in the afternoon, crossing the bridge at the mouth of the Notta- 
wasaga River. 

Near this spot, but precisely where it is impossible to say, 
Father Noel Chabanel, on December 8, 1G49, met with his death 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 251 

at the hands of an apostate Huron, who, having sated his hatred 

tor Christianity on his defenceless victim, threw thr lifeless bodj 
into the stream. 

The drive from this point for miles and miles was delightful, 
I mean along the shore, until we headed inland in the neighbor- 
hood nt Batteau. Brighf and balmy, without being disagreeably 
hot, no fairer summer's day could have been chosen than the one 
providentially accorded us. Over nature's toad, the hard even 
sand, the horses, fetlock deep in the splashing waves, speeded on 
at a brisk trot. Seemingly grateful for the absence of dust-cloud 
or gadfly, they sniffed in the breeze which came cool to their nos- 
trils from over the expanse of waters, and snorted their content at 
so novel a chance from parched highway to shelving beach. And 
why should not the human animal enjoy the outing as well when 
sky, and lake, and long curved strand, sweeping westward into 
the dim distance, presented nothing to sense or fancy but what 
was Boothing, refreshing or exhilarating? 

But not. so, on that drear wintry morning, December 8, two 
hundred and fifty-four years ago, did the lone wanderer, hurrying 
from the war and famine-stricken land of the Petun, plod on over 
the same ground towards the term whither obedience called. 
Bleak was then the stretch of coast, unsteady his steps through 
the broken ice floes washed high on the shore, while his tattered 
garb was stiff with frozen spray. He hurried on, buoyed up with 
a child-like trust in Him who holds in the hollow of His hand the 
destinies of empires, just as He does the frail life of a solitary 
sparrow; for had uot the devoted missioner declared, but a short 
time before, that he had given himself wholly to God, and that 
thenceforth he belonged to Him without reserve? (R. 1650, pp. 17, 
18, 19). He hurried on, and what mattered, for a few hours 
longer, the keen blast and the ice-bruised limbs? On, on to Ste. 
.Marie on the Isle, where anxious brothers, in the service of the 
same Master, would soon give him a hearty welcome and the 
embrace of peace. 

Ami who would dare say that his trust was vain because the 
lurking savage, springing from his ambush, was to fell him merci- 
lessly as he reached the outlet of the unfordable stream we had 
just passed? The blow fell unawares, dealt with Indian ferocity 
and the vindict iveness of the apostate. There was no time for 
torture, for even now Christian braves might be on their way to meet 
him. A scalp, perhaps, turn hastly from the unconscious form, 
and the poor missionary outfit were all the spoils. The body was 
cast into the stream and then the assassin fled. 



252 THE REPORT OE THE No. 41 

And for the timid, but willing victim, what of him? (R. 1650, 
/'/'• 18, 19). 

Providence in its own all-wise, but unsearchable ways had 
indeed led him at last to his longed for home. Stunned by the 
first stroke, but doubtless with the name of the Redeemer suppli- 
antly on his lips before consciousness bad fled, he felt not the 
shower of blows that followed. His spirit lingered but an instant 
in its earthly tenement, and then the glorious vision broke upon 
him in a flood of eternal light. There before him, with out- 
stretched hands, his martyred brethren, who had led the way, 
welcomed him home to the ranks of the white-robed throng to 
receive his palm from Him for whose faith he had generously 
sacrificed his all. 

Needless to say that this is not precisely history. It is but a 
fanciful scene evoked by the surroundings; and as the thoughts 
welled up they could not but take on a realistic form, conformable, 
however, to the main historical facts. Xo one familiar with the 
events preceding and following the death of Ghabanel could with- 
stand the impulse of filling in the details which were lacking. 
And all the more so, as cushioned in ease and surrounded by every 
comfort, in the full enjoyment of life and health, with the glori- 
ous sunshine overhead, and the same landscape and wide expanse 
of water on one and the other side, we dashed along over the same 
ground the missionary had so painfully trod. Verisimilitude was 
not outraged, and the contrast was too striking not to bring home 
to one the vast changes effected during the lapse of two centuries 
and over. 

It was not until after the Relation, 1650, had been sent to 
France for publication that Father Ragueneau, the Superior of 
the Huron mission, ascertained beyond doubt the name of the 
assassin, and, from the apostate Huron's boastful declaration, the 
motive of the crime: for previous to that, though strong suspicions 
were entertained, there was nothing known positively concerning 
Father Chabanel's death. 

When sending over the manuscript of the Relation, Father 
Ragueneau had also sent a manuscript volume entitled : ''Memoires 
touchant la Mort et les Vertus des Peres Isaac Jogues, Anne de 
None, Anthoine Daniel. Jean de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, 
Charles Gamier, Noel Chahanel et vn seculier Rene Goupil," for 
the purpose of having it transcribed at Paris by a scribe de cour. 
This copy was admirably executed, and the volume on its return 
reached Canada in the summer of 1G52. Whereupon affidavits 
were added, at the close of the different sections, by both Father 
Joseph Poncet and Father Ragueneau, together with many mar- 



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[907 BURE \C OF ARCHI\ Is. 253 

ninal signatures bj the mi h ic . These were made under oath, the 
formula used was. "ego infrascriptus juratus affirmo," or ' fidem 
facio," or "sanete affirmo," stating ai the same time that the 
signatory was himself an eye-witness, or that he had received the 
particulars from trustworthy and competent eye-witnesses. 

This precious document consists of 302 pages, eight and a 
quarter by six and a quarter inches, and is solidly bound in 
leather. Before the extinction of the Jesuit Order in Canada, in 
Isiiii. it was intrusted tor safe-keeping to the Religious of the 
Hotel-Dieu in Quebec, and was by them restored to the Jesuit 
Fathers on their return to Canada, in 1842, 

Page 276 of this volume lias Keen photo-engraved for insertion 
in tin' present work. The six lines, at the head id' the page are 
the continuation of the narrative, as then known and as given in 
li. 1650, ]). 16. and may lie found near the foot of the second 
column. By adding, at the beginning' of the reproduced page: 
"Si nous eussions voulu . . . ." the phrase is eomplete. Then 
follows Ragueneau's affidavit, not contained, of course, in the 
printed relation. On the following page <>t the manu- 
script, 'J77. we have textually the last line of the printed 
page 16, but a title is inserted in the manuscript: "Abrege de 
la Vie du Pere Xoel Chabanel. — Le Pere Noel Chabanel nous 
estoit venu de la province de Tholoze, l'annee, 1G30, etc." 

At the pace we were going this spot of historic interest was 
soon left behind in the distance, and nothing further worthy of 
remark occurred before we reached Collingwood. Here we made 
arrangements with a photographer, who, the next day, Thursday, 
A.ugus1 20, accompanied us to Ekarenniondi or the Standing Rock. 
The state of the atmosphere was not favourable for our artist, 
and the views taken came out uniformly gray, by no means sharp, 
with a lack of contrast of light and shade, and an indistinctness 
on the line of horizon, where Collingwood was quite perceptible to 
the eye. These defects when we received the prints later on were 
the cause of much disappointment. 

We received other views some months later through the kind- 
aess lit Mr. I). Williams of the Collingwood "Bulletin," whom 
we take occasion here to thank for this as well as for his general 
whole-hearted co-operation in our work. 

It was with much regret that we bade au revoir to Father 
Bareelo, and at 3.45 the afternoon of the same day we were on our 
way to Cardwell Junction, there to entrain on the Owen Sound 

Page 276 of M.S., Vol. L652. 



254 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

branch of the Canadian Pacific for Dundalk, our chosen head- 
quarters in our prospective quest for Etharita or the St. Jean of 
the Petun Nation. 

If there is one kindly virtue for which more than another our 
Ontario clergy are remarkable it is their unbounded hospitality, 
and Father George Murphy, who stood on the platform at Dun- 
dalk. with countenance wreathed in good-natured smiles, to greet 
two hitherto unknown archaeological tramps, is no exception to so 
genera] a rule, confirmed, in our case, by its uniform observance 
and not. as the saying goes, by any disagreeable exception. 

This genial "P. P." had provided overnight for our next day's 
outing; and in the morning we sat behind a spanking team with 
his Reverence and Mr. Morgan for company, a thoroughly com- 
petent guide, quite familiar with every twist and turn of the roads 
in the very complicated lay-out of the concessions in these parts. 

I here would remind my readers that my purpose in giving 
in detail our itinerary is not to startle them with the account of 
any remarkable discovery made, for unfortunately little occurred 
worthy of record from an archaeological point of view, but to 
indicate more clearly what I looked upon as the region in which, 
most likely, the site of Etharita is to be found, and so that 
future explorers may take in on their tour of research other sec- 
tions also lying in the neighborhood, which I had not gone over. 

On Friday, August 21, 1903, we set out from Dundalk taking 
a north-easterly direction along the road between lots 230 and 231, 
old survey, and passed from Proton into Melancthon township, 
Dufferin county, reaching the Toronto and Sydenham (now Owen 
Sound) road, continuing thence, in the same direction, betweeu 
lots 31 and 32, Melancthon, to the road running between conces- 
sions VIII. and IX. Thence south-east to Shrigley. Here at tbo 
cross-roads we noted what appeared to be the remains of an 
embankment or intrenchment, but of comparatively small dimen- 
sions. It did not seem to be a freak of Nature in the level fields, 
Imi had all the marks of an artificial formation. 

Our inspection would have been more thorough had we not 
been disappointed in failing to meet Mr. Bailey, to whom Mr. 
Telford, of Dundalk, had kindly directed Mr. Morgan. Mr. 
Bailey had left the previous day for England, and we were thus 
shut out from much helpful information, for he was spoken of as 
possessing a thorough knowledge of the country around Shrigley. 

At Shrigley we turned north-east between lots 26 and 27 to the 
town-line of Osprey, Grey county, and then north-west through 
Badgeros, across a small tributary of the Mad River, to the Dur- 
ham Road, which, running nearly east and west, divides the con- 
cessions in Osprey into those of north and south. Turning east 



1«.K>7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 255 

here we reached the county line between Grey and Simcoe. Then 
beading ninth, with Osprey township on our left and Nottawasaga, 
Simcoe county, on our right, we arrived at Singhampton, where 
at Mr. E. B. Blackstock's [nn, we sal down to an excellent spread, 
with nature's besl seasoning, for our morning's drive had not 
failed to whet the appetites of all the party. 

Thus far, with the exception of the low embankment at Shrig- 
ley, wo had ohser\od nn token, on eitlier side of the way lor a long 
distance, suggestive of anything like a site of a populous frontier 
village, chosen as the defensive outposi of the whole Nation of 
the Petuns. On the contrary, we had been ravelin"' o\er a sur- 
face but slightly undulating, the table-land of the Blue Hills, 
which at a certain distance beyond Badgeros we had found inter- 
sected with bog lands. Small sluggish streams radiating to the 
east, north and west, if not south, drained very imperfectly the 
surface waters into the Mad River, the Beaver and the Saugeen. 
I do not remember to have seen a solitary habitation in this section 
or any sign of human occupancy for miles. 

If Etharita or St. Jean lay at all in this direction it must have 
been south or east of Shrigley. But to adopt this hypothesis, it 
seems to me, would he stretching the four leagues from Ekaren- 
niondi. given by Father Charles Gamier, beyond reasonable 
limits. 

When we took to the road again, on leaving Singhampton, we 
headed almost west, on the "Gravel Road," between the VI. and 
VII. concessions north, in Osprey, through the hamlet of Max- 
well, making inquiries on the way whenever it was possible. The 
surrounding country was fairly level, with no commanding site 
on either side of our line of observation. Among other places we 
stopped at the McKaveny Farm (lot :. VII. concession north), 
occupied by an aged brother and sister. Our prolonged interview 
with these good people was anything hut encouraging. We 
elicited the tact that "paries" had been there a few years ago 
liming for oil, in fact, the deserted and sun-bleached drill frame- 
yet standing in the vicinity confirmed their story. But as for 
Indian relics of any description, they had heard no mention made 
el such, nor had they ever unearthed them themselves. 

We continued west on the "Gravel Road" into the township of 
Artemesia, and to the line betwet n lots 30 and 31, where we turned 
north, and then west by the road between the VIII. and IX. con- 
cessions; and then north again between lots 20 and 27 to Eugenia 
Falls. 

We reached this oharnrng spot at ■"> p.m., after what would 
have In en a very monotonous drive through an unbroken country, 
had not hi- Reverence and Mr. Morgan, by their interesting con- 

20 \i:. 



THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

venation, enlivened things generally and made the hours seem 
all bui too short. Here we could find ideal positions for an Indian 
stronghold, but as the crow flies Eugenia Falls lay south-west-by- 
west fully fifteen miles from Standing Rock, much in excess of the 
,,„„. league limit and, as I should judge, not Ear enough south^ 
Moreover, no one could positively affirm that Indian remams had 

been discovered in the neighbors 1. 

From the high banks on the village side of the falls, the pros- 
pec, extended for miles down the thickly wooded ravine, which 
with0 |,,„, sweep south, then west, then north, hid the seething 
waters ana guided between its walls of roek th, turbulent stream 
to the main branch ol the Beaver River. This latter empties, ,ar 
to ^ north, into Georgian Hay near Thornbury n, Collmgwood 

" Eugenia Falls must be some sixty feet in height, falling m one 

unbroken sheet into the i 1 beneath. In this utilitarian age 

beauty is a m inor consideration. The barrage, already in exist- 
ence up stream, furnishes a good water-power, but as the tail-race 
empties into the main body of water before its headlong leap, so 
far the tails have lost nothing of their natural charm. Bumotir, 
however, had it then that an electric plant was to be established, 
and that the full power of the falling column of water was to be 
turned to accounl to Light up Markdale, Flesherton, Proton and 
several other towns within convenient distance. 

A hurried evening meal at 7, and we were on our homeward 
way A brisk drive lirs, between lots 26 and 27, then between 25 
and 26, heading south, soon brought us once more to the Gravel 
Roa(1/ . ulmll we followed firsi wesl and then south-west, as its 
,,„„,,. lay, till it brought us into Flesherton. From this point 
until we "reached Dundalk, over the Sydenham Road and through 
the villages of Proton and [nistoge, the trip was uneventful; and 
, t 10 15 p.m. we drew up before Father George Murphy, pres- 
bytery a little fatigued but none the worse for our long day, 
drive of something over fifty miles. 

Saturday, August 22. The failure to discover any traces ot 
the Petun capital did not dampen our ardour, but as we did not 
purpose covering as much ground as on the previous day, it was 
only in the early afternoon that we started out once more on our 
° U el:, having, however, meanwhile consulted with some of the 

"oldest inhabitants." ., , 

We drove north-west on the Toronto and Sydenham Road, 
t h roug h Inistoge, to the Durham Road at Proton village; thence 
north east to the boundary line of the "Old Survey then 
north-west, entering the road between lots 7C .and 71, to the ht 
h a mlet called by its inhabitants Fort Law. There we paid a short 




I ugenie Kills. County of Grey, < (ntario. I The Pe 



The Petune 



1«>07 BUREAU OF ARCHI\ IS. 257 

visil to Mr. Thompson, who keeps a genera] stoic at the Corners, 
and who, wi had Itch informed, bad found a stone pipe of Indian 
make while digging out a culvert on the road between concessions 
II. and III., north of the Durham highway. We had not the 
advantage of examining it as it had passed into other hands. The 
lind was made about abreast of lot ',), but no other object of inter- 
est had been turned up. 

Mr. Thompson, however, stated that years ago many Indian 
relies had been found on li is father's farm, lot G9, north conces- 
sion III. So turning west we drove thither. Mr. Thompson. 
senior, who had already passed his three score and ten by more 
than half a decade, and had worked on the land since 1858, assured 
us that when it was but recently cleared the children had picked 
up many curiosities of Indian make, but could not then recall 
exactly what they were. We gathered from his words that these 
were found nearly all in one spot, which probably was the refuse 
heap of the village. To the north of the road the land rises in 
a gentle ascent, but no bold prominence was in sight to the rear. 
Our search extended over the highest portion of the field, and also 
lower down over the spot where the remains had been discovered. 
We found nothing. But it must be confessed that our search was 
not as thorough as I should have wished; nor could it very well be, 
as our time was limited. My idea was, as on former occasions in 
Huronia Proper, to obtain a general knowledge of the whole region 
with the purpose of returning the following year. This was not 
to be, but, God willing. \ have still hopes of being able to visit 
the country again. 

On our return trip our route lay through T\ areham to the town 
line between Osprey and Melancthon, then south-west between 
lots '.Mil ami 211, old survey, and by tic Toronto and Sydenham 
road homewards to Dundalk. 

Sunday, August L'-">. bather Murphy having invited me to 
preach at his church, in the extreme southern part of Proton town- 
ship, we set out at 8 a.m., leaving Father Quirk in charge at Dun- 
dalk. The tract we passed through seemed extremely fertile, and 
in a far better state of cultivation than Osprey and the part of 

Artcmrsia we bad g< through the preceding days. Our course 

lay first south-west and then south to the road between concessions 
IX. and X., through Ventry. as Ear as the line between lots 22 
and 23; thence two lots east to the chvtrch, which stands on the 
southern portion of lot 'J I . concession 111.. Proton township. 

What with a word here and a greeting there lor the good people 
who had assembled from many miles around to ;itli nd the morning 
,,Hi, ,. and listen to the "'few- words of edification" I had been called 



L , 5S THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

upon to deliver, the morning wort on, and so also the after in, 

f or lt was 5 p.m. before we were comfortably housed ie more 

at Dundalk. 

In speaking, that same evening, in the chapel at Dundalk ! 
took occasion t'o dwell on Father Garnier's devotedness in the 
service of th. Good Master, and of his heroism in abiding with 
his iock, the wild Petuns of L649, when warned of the dangej 
of massacre by the Iroquois, and after having been offered the 
secure shelter of Christian Island, should he desire to withdraw; 
how when his choice was made, he fell pierced with bullets while 
consoling the dying, and preparing them for their passage to 
eternity. I reminded them that it was not aecessarj to journey 
to far off hinds to visit the scenes where the early martyrs had 
laid down their lives for the faith; that theirs was a land hallow. I 
by the blood of Apostcdie men. A lapse ed more than two centuries 
and a half had obliterated, above the soil, all vestiges of village oi 
habitations, as these hitler were unsubstan ial structures, built of 
the hark of forest trees; but the upturned soil, as they ploughed 
; ,i,d harrowed, might bring to light remnants of such simple uten- 
sils as those made use of by a primitive people. Ami when tins 
occurred it would be well foi them to report the same to their pas- 
tor or some other responsible person who would take note of it 
f 01 . future use. if indeed they had at heart the recognition, by the 
present generation, of the long years ,f painful Labour the mis- 
sionaries had endured, or if they eared one day to see commemo- 
rative monuments raised over the spot where the great Petun vil- 
lage had stood, and where the heroic Gamier, an exemplar for 
them t0 imitate, had fallen in the fulfilment ol duty by which he 
set more stoic than his own personal safely. 

Few, however, among the congregation were farmers, but they 
may have communicated their impressions to friends of theirs who 
were: and this may eventually had to something more definite. 
It is not a case of apathy, for how many among them, living on 
these concessions, ever heard mention made of the name of Gar- 
nier, or were ever aware that, a couple of hundred years before 
the first white settlers came to hew out forest into farms, the war- 
like nation of the Petun had dwelt where their houses now stand? 
Monday August 24. This was the date we had fixed upon for 
our departure, and it brought us a little surprise. While seated 
on Fathei Murphy's verandah in the morning and busy planning 
for the In are, sounds reached our ears, which, had they been 
accompanied with the blare of trumpets, the brazen elan- of cym- 
bals and the enlivening boom-boom of the drum, we might have 
taken for the approach of a circus parade, lint the small boy was 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 259 

there, and, when raised to the n"' power, is quite capable oJ sup- 
plying all the other elements which go to make up a successful 
-i reel demonst rat ion. 

A wagon with a captive bear was what stirred the emotional 
nature of young Dundalk. It Lad been entrapped in the woods 
somewhere between Hopeville and \ entry through which we bad 
passed the day before. We had no idea that in so thickly se tied 
a neighbourhood bears could be found, but were assured that this 
was nut a rare occurrence. The poor brute bore In- misfortune 
with all the stoicism el an Indian brave, and seemed quite indif 
lerenf tn his surroundings, even to the nut unkind curiosity i»f 
those who pressed around as the wagon stopped for a tew minutes. 
His greatest misery, as well as an onlooker could judge, was the 
oppressive heat. His fur coat was certainlj out of season, and he 
panted and gasped with tongue protruding, like a hound from the 
chase. Kind hands were not wanting to offer him some relief, 
and he lapped with avidity the cool water from a neighbouring 
pump. My thoughts, very naturally, went back to the Indian 
eap ive, who was pampered and caressed, sometimes decked out 
with gaudy trappings before being subjected to untold cruelties. 

Here In fore n^ was certainly a scion, id the pures blood, descended 

from the aboriginal bruin who fell before the flint-tipped anew in 
days long gone by when Ekarenniondi and Etharita flourished. 

The afternoon found us mi the platform waiting fur the train, 
hut not before we had paid parting visits to Mr. Telford, Mr. 
liiieas and Mr. Mclntyre. Mr. Morgan, to whose patience and 
kind attentions we owe much of the pleasure of our drives, was 
there to meet us. father George Murphy introduced us to Rev. 
Mr. Hill, the Anglican incumbeni of Dundalk. who was seeing olV 
his reverend confren oi Shelburne. Mr. Hill showed much inter- 
est in our undertaking, and T have no doubt that answer- to 
his inquiries among his congregation will prove of much use when 
we next direct our attention to the habitat of the Petun. 

At 5.24, we bade goodby to all. and as tin train moved out ol 
the station for Toronto a silence fell upon Father Quirk and 

myself, our thoughts must have I n running in the same channel. 

for the interruption was simultaneous and the sentiments which 
found sudden expression were identical. We felt grateful for and 
dwelt at length on the generous hospitality, the kindly ways and 
the cordial co-operation of our reverend host. Father George 
Murphy, whom we shall be delighted to meet again when Provi- 
dence shall allow us to resume mi i' peripatetic search tor the 
evanescent Etharita. 



260 I HI-: REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Pointers foe Searchers : It will not lie out of place here, 
even at the risk of making disagreeable repetitions, to sum up for 
the convenience of those who are intent on solving the mystery of 
tlic whereabouts of Etliarita or the St. Jean of the Petims, the 
facts which are certain and the deductions which are merely prob- 
able. 

It is certain that St. -lean lay either on the outward slopes of, 
or among the Blue Hills, vine,, tin country in Garnier's time was 
termed indifferently the "Nation of the petun" or the "Moun- 
tains of St. Jean." 

It is certain that from St. Mathias, or Ekarenniondi, there 
was a >trctch of at least six leagues, something like eighteen miles, 
N i me the unfordable stream (Nottawasaga) was met with when 
journeying from Ekarenniondi towards Huronia Proper. 

It is certain that the rock Ekarenniondi lay to the west of 
Huronia Proper, and on the confines of the Petun Country. 

It is certain that Etharita, or St. Jean, was four leagues dis- 
tant from St. Mathias or Ekarenniondi. 

It is certain that Etharita was the frontier town lying nearest 
to the enemy. 

It is certain that at thai 'late the enemy threatening the Petuns 
was the Iroquois Confederation, or the five Nations, of which the 
Senecas formed part, ami lay nearest to them towards the south- 
east. 

It is certain that when the Iroquois fell upon the defenceless 
town of St. -Jean their approach was made from a quarter from 
which attack was not expected, consequently not from the south. 

It is certain that at a point about eighteen miles from Ekar- 
enniondi the line of march of the Iroquois, returning from the 
sacking and destruction of Etharita, coincided with that of Father 
Chabanel who was following one of the trails to Huronia Proper. 

It is probable that Etharita lay rather to the south-west than 
due south of Ekarenniondi, otherwise Chabanel would have 
lengthened his journey, ami that through a more difficult countrj 
to traverse; unless — and the contingency is quite admissable — he 
had very great reasons for seeing the missionaries at tin' Lattej 
village before returning to Ahouendoe Island. 

It is highly probable that the site of Etharita is marked by 
ash-beds or refuse heaps containing the usual Indian relics, pots- 
herds, etc., as it had been occupied for some years by the Petuns. 
In fact in the present case these must be looked for as the only 
sure sign of the village site. 

It is highly probable that no indication of other village sites 
will be found within a radius of several miles of St. Jean, as it 
was the frontier town most exposed to the enemy. 



1<><)7 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 26] 

Consequently, the village sites, evidently of Petun origin, 
which have been discovered in the region lying between Kirkville, 
Heathcote 1 Clarkesburg are, L think, much too far north for 

;in\ • oJ them to have been that of Etharita. It would indeed 

seem a little strange that the village which gave its name to the 
Blue Bills as the "The Mountains of St. Jean" should lie north 
of those bills wbi? 1 vere synonymouslj ' The Nation of the 
Petuns," being their habitat; and at the same time that Etharita 
or St. -lean should lie "la plus frontiere a I'ennemy," which 
enemy certainly dwelt to the south of it. This indeed necessarily 
implies that no Petun village lav farther or as far in that direc- 
tion. So that admitting that Etharita lay in the region indicated 
above, the Blue Hills themselves could not at all have been peopled 
by that nation, since Etharita in the hypothesis would have stood 
between the northern edge of the hills and the shores of Georgian 
Bay. 

Village remains as far south as a concession or so below Shrig- 
ley, Melancthon Township, or even as far east as the south-western 
part of Nottawasaga Township. Simcoe County, if of undoubted 
Indian origin, would, it seems to me, be more likely to mark the 
spot we are in search of. I say if of Indian origin, for foundations 
of stone, round or flat, would indicate neither a missionary chapel 
nor a Petun lodge. The mission of the Apostles was not long 
enough in existence to admit of its having a chapel or the founda- 
tions of one in masonry. 

If I mention particularly these two parts of the country north 
and south it is because I have received very welcome letters direct- 
ing- m\ attention to them, and for which I here tender my thanks 
to Mr. P. Birch, of Wodehouse, and Mr. I'. Fogget, of Toronto. 
Both have devoted no little time to the matter, and have had 
the great kindness to commit to writing such of their impressions 
and deductions as might prove helpful to me in my researches. 



262 



THE REPORT <>[■ THE 



No. 11 



TABULATED LIST OF HURON SITES. 

rhe Arabic figures indicate the lots, and the Roman numerals the concessions 
thus : "i ahiague, in Oro Tow nship, east half of lot 20, concession X " 



Sites. 



Near. 



On. 



I . A 1 1 1 liatae 



Angnutenc 
Annendai mactia 



Tiny, southern part, mi 
a stream . 



Tinv, 11, X 



in 
II 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
IS 



Tinv, northofCon. XIII. 

and XIV. 

Anonatea Tiny, 10, XVII. 

Arendaonatia, see ■ ■ ... 

Arenta,— te,— tet " 18 or 19, XIII. 

Arethsi Tay, E. I 2, IX. 

Avontaen Tiny, 20, XVII. 

Cahingue Oro, E. I 20, X. 

Landing Oro, W. i 23, XII 

( 'a Maria Medonte, 73, 74. I . 

• larantouan, see 8 

Carhagouha, see 8 

Carmaron Tiny, 2, XX. 

. ... i is, VIII. 

( onception. I.a. Linj - ( 16 | VI| 



( !i mtarea, eia . 
Ekhiondastsaan . 
Endarahv 



Oro, W. I 7, XIII. 



]'■' . laenhouton . 



24 



Ihonatiria 

Kaontia 

Karenhassa 

Khinonaskarant. 
I.a Rochelle, see 15 

< ii'iivio 

( innentisati 



Flos, 53, I. 

Parry Sound Distr., Mc- 
Dougall or Foley tps. 

North-west of Penetang- 
uishene Bay . 

Tiny, (1, XX, XXI. 



Tay, E. J 9, III. 



Tiny. 2, XX. 
" 23,24, XVIII, XIX. 

" 5, XVII. 



Tiny, 10, XIII. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 263 

TABULATED LIST OF HURON SITES. Continued, 



28 
29. 
30. 
31 
32 
■ 
34. 
35 . 

36 

37. 

38. 

m 

tl 

4 'J. 

43. 

44. 

45. 

(6 

47. 

48. 

49. 

50. 

51. 



: 
54 



Sites 

i issossanc (two of its 

i itoiiacha 

I III. -in io 

Quieuindohian, see 27 

Quieunonasearan, sec- l'.". . . . 

sir, Anne 

St. Charles 

St. Denis 



Near. 

Tiny, A . XVI. 
•■ 5, XVII. 



i in. 



Tinv 



i 18, \ III 
16, VII. 



Ste. Elizabeth (one of its sites) . N. Orillia, \V. 1 9, 10, 

XVII. 



st. Eraneois Xavier. 

st. i iabi ii-l. see 27. . 
St. Ignace I 



St. .Iran 

St. Jean Baptiste. 



Tay, E. J 9, III. 
■• 113, I. 
\V. j 3, V 

Tiny, 93, II 



Medonte, I 

VIII. 
Tay. E. I 1, VII. 

■• W. | 6, X. 

Urn, E. \ 20, \ 



Landing 



XII. 



W. i 23, 24, 



St. Joachim Tay, E. '. 4, IV 

and VV." :■ 4. X. 
St.Joseph(of theRecollets) see 23. 



St. Joseph 1 Tiny, 6, XX, XXI. 

II 

Ill, see ">n 

St. Louis 

ste. Madeleine, see 6 

Ste. Marie I 



Medonti . W. A 7. 
IV. 



Tav, W. J 11. VI 



16, III 



II. 



i in eastern shore oi 

Christian Isld., niidw aj 
north and south . 

St. Michel Medonte, W 1 17. 

Ill 
St. Nicholas Tiny, 1, XVII. 

Scam ' nan i rat Medonti', W. .'. 17. 

III. 
Taenhatentaron Medonte, E. ' 22, 

VIII. 



264 THE REPORT OE THE No. U 

TABULATED LIST OF HURON SITES.— Continued. 



Sites. 


Near. 


(In. 


56. Tandehouaronnon 

"i7. Tangouaen 

58 . Taruentutunum 


Plateauof Randolph Hill, 

Tiny. 

N. of L. Nijiissing, per- 
haps Sturgeon Falls . . 


Tiny, 20, XVII. 






Medonte W ' 7 


lil . Tequenonquiaye, see -7 

62. Tequeunoikuave, see 27. 


Tiny, 3, XIX. 

Tiny, 1, XVII. 
" A, XVI. 
- 3, XIX. 


IV. 


65. Toanche I 




66 ■' Landing 




67. " 11 




eis. Tondakra, — ea 


Tiny, in. XX. 






" Park lot 37. 







i'.mi: 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 
PETUN VILLAGE SITES 



265 



Eh8ae, 
orS. Pierre et S. Paul. . Probably in A.rran Township, Bruce County, to the 

north-east of Mount I [ope. 
Ekarenniondi, 

or St. Mathias Very little west or south of "Standing Rock," lol 30, 

concession XII , of Nottawasaga Township, Simcoe 

Count) The village si lil ]»■ in Grey County. 

Etharita, 
or St. Jean of Petuns . About twelve miles in a southerly or southwesterly di- 

rectionfrom Ekarenniondi or St. Mathias. No certain 
traces of it have as yel been discovered . 

St. Mat 1 1 1 i>'u Probably less than six miles from St. Mathias in the 

direction of St. Jean or Etharita. 

S. Simon et S. Jude Probably on lots marked 16 in concession X. and \I.. 

Lindsay Township, Bruce County; bul certainly 
somewhere in the north-east part of this township 



St. Thomas. 



About 32 miles from Ossossanr, around Nottawasaga Bay, 
either near the meridian of Loree, Collingwood 
Township, Grey County, or that of Meaford, l>ut in 
Euphrasia Tow nship. 



SOME MODERN EQUIVALENTS. 

Ah8endoe, Ins Christian Island. 

Angnieneeronnon The Mohawks. 

Anaouites, Lacus Cranberry Lake, Tiny Township. 

Anatari Thorah Island. 

Aochra8ata or 

Hatichra8ata The Algonquins. 

ASen-atsi La Galette or Prescott 

Atsistaeeronnon The Mascoutens or Fire Nation. 

Chionkiara South shore of mouth of 1!. Severn, Tay 

and Matchedash. 

Contarea, Lacus Lake Semple, Tay Township. 

Ekaentoton Manitoulin Island. 

Ek8entond"ie Three Rivers. 

Ethaouatius, pagus Lake Simcoe shore near CFptergrove. 

Etondatrateus, pagus Extreme aorth-western part of Tinj 

Township. 

Ganna8age Sault St. Louis or Caughnawaga. 

Goiogoinronnon The Cayugas. 

Ilni i ii ii i hi ' ihiondi The Iroquois or Five Nations. 

[siaragui, Lacus Mud Lake, Tay Township. 

I Ik8ateeiiehde Lake Superior. 

Ondechiatiri Toronto. 



266 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

SOME MODERN EQUIVALENTS.— Continued. 

Ondiatana, Ins. or 

i (ndichaouan Giant's Tomb Island. 

Onnei8'tr8nnon Tin Oneidas. 

Onnou aeeronnon The Onondagas. 

Ontare \nv lake except Lake Superior. 

8endat The Hurons. 

Scliiondekiaria, Ins Prinre William Henry or Beausolei] 

Island. 

Skesk8ateeronnon The Nipissings. 

Te iatontarie Quebec. 

Teokiai Monl real . 

Ti Oskonchiae Sault Ste. Marie. 

Ti8skonchiai, 8ndgiara | 

or Etio8nda8oinendi 

Sngiara or simply 

Sndgiara ' 

Tsonnont8oinronnon or 

Tsonnont8oin The Seneens. 



Xiatiara 1'' 




X 



2 ~ 

£ I 



W X 



[266a J 



Missionaries and Mission Centres 
Year by Year, 1615-1650 



PART SECOND. 



A CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD. 

1615 

l From the end of July) 
It. F. Joseph le Cakon, Recollet, in Buronia at Carliagouha. 

The first missionary to set foot in the country of the Hurons 
was Father Joseph Le Caron, a Recollet priest. He, together with 
three others of the same Franciscan observance, Fathers Denis 
Jamay, -lean d'Olbeau and Brother Paeifique du Plessis embarked 
at Honfleur on April 24, 1615 (Le Clercq I. pp. 56, 62). They 
reached Tadousac on May 25. D'Olbeau on the 17th set out f or 
Quebec (Id. p. -57). where he arrived June 2 (Id. p. 63), his fellow 
religious following some days later. Father d'Olbeau was left alone 
at Quebec with the lay-brother {Id. pp. 63, 64), while the Superior, 
Denis Jainay, and Joseph Le Caron continued on as far as Three 
Rivera (Id. pp. 60, 63). During their absence Father d'Olbeau 
having erected a little chapel at ''the habitation" of Quebec. (Id. 
p. 59). celebrated his first mass in the colony on June 25, 1615. 
D'Olbeau in his letter dated July 20, 1615 to Father Didace David 
in France, gives the same date; "Le 25 de Iuin en 1' absence Ju 
Reverend Pere Coinmissaire [Denis Jamay] j'ay celebre la sainte 
Messe, la premiere qui ait este dite en ce pays" (Le Clercq 1 . 
p. 62). Le Clercq. relying perhaps on this authority, makes the 
same assertion: "II (le pere d'Olbeau) eut l'avantage le 25, Juin, 
il'y celebrer la premiere Messe qui se soil jamais dite en Canada" 
Id. p. 60). 

This statement is far from being correct. Not to speak of 
doubtful occurrence's, Dom Guillaume Le Breton and Dom 
Anthoine, both chaplains of Jacques Cartier's second expedition 
im Canada undoubtedly said Mass in the places Cartier himself 
mentions, namely, at the Ile-aux-Coudres about fifty-five miles 
below Quebec, September T. 1535, then throughout the winter at 
Sainte Croix Harbour in the St. Charles River, Quebec. 

If we take "Canada" to mean what is now the Dominion, 
Father Pierre Biard, of the Society of Jesus, mentions Jesse 
Flcclie, a priest, who in June, 1610 administered baptism <o 
twenty-four or twenty-five Indians ;it Port Royal, now Annapolis, 
Nova Scotia, and who as chaplain to Potrincourt's expedition 

Note See Synoptical Tables T, IT and TTT at the end of this volume, 

[ 269 
2J Ar. 



270 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

could not have failed to say Mass there more than once (Rela- 
tion de la Nouvelle France, Quebec edit, 1858, p. 26, 1 col.). But 
:is this is not expressly stated, we have it on the authority of the 
same Relation (/>. 30, 2 col.), that the Jesuit missionaries offered 
up Holy Mass early in the summer of 1611 near Port Royal. The 
passage refers to the reconciliation of Potrincourt with the younger 
Du Pont, and the latter, it is there said, received communion 
"auec fort bon exernple de tous, au bord de la mer, ou se chantoit 
le service." Again, Father Biard celebrated Mass in October 1611 
on the River St. John, New Brunswick, about six leagues up the 
stream (Id. p. 34, 1 col.). 

The date that Le Clercq assigns for Father Le Caron's first 
Mass at Three Rivers is certainly incorrect. Father Jamay hav- 
ing returned to Quebec leaves Father Le Caron alone at that post 
and the author adds : "il exit l'honneur d'y celebrer la sainte Messe 
le 26 Juillet 1615." Now Champlain set out for Huronia on July 
9, and the very day before so doing he was informed that Le Caron 
had already left for the upper country with the Hurons who were 
returning thither (Champlain IV. p. 19 n. 507 o.). I shall not 
attempt here to rectify this date as in connection with the matter in 
hand it is of very secondary importance. 

What concerns us more immediately is that a consultation 
was to be held with Champlain on the affairs of the colony and of 
the mission, so Le Caron was recalled to Quebec. As a result of 
this meeting the Recollets were assigned to their several missions 
(Le Clercq p. 67). Le Caron's wishes were consulted and he was 
appointed missionary to the Hurons (Id, p. 69). 

The precise date of his departure for the upper-country is 
given neither by Le Tac (p. 94), nor Sagard (p. 41 n. 28 o.) nor 
Le Clercq (p. 69), but as we have just noted, it certainly took place 
before July 9. Champlain's journey up the Ottawa, across Lake 
Nipissing, down the French River and through the islands along 
Parry Sound, counting from the date given, July 9, was accomp- 
lished in twenty-three or twenty-four days. He landed at Otoiiacha 
on August 1. (Champl. IV. p. 26 ??. 514 o.). 

On August 2 he visited Carmaron and returned to Otoiiacha. 
(Id. ib. p. 27 n. 515 o.). Passing through Touaguainchain on 
the 3rd he proceeded to Tequenonquiaye, otherwise La Rochelle 
or later Ossossane, thence, he says, he was conducted to Carha/jouha 
(i.e. Arontaen) where he found Father Joseph Le Caron "was 
dwelling" (Id. ib. p. 28 n. 516 o.). No date is given but evidently 
it was on August 4. Champlain's way of expressing himself seems 
to imply that Le Caron had resided there for a few days at least. 
Allowing about the same number of days that Champlain took for 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 271 

his trip up and the several days' residence at Carhagouha, we may 
safely conclude that Le Caron had set out from the Riviere des 
Prairies for the Huron country about July 7, 1615. 

First Arrival. 

Unless the opening' of August ma\ be fitly termed autumn, 
Le Clercq is not quite accurate in specifying the time of Le Caron's 
arrival in Huronia. Relating the events of 1G1G he says: "The 
Reverend Father Joseph Le. Caron had left already the preceding 
autumn in the boats of Messieurs tie la Covipagnie [of Rouen, 
1G14-20] which had gone up to Three Rivers and then had pushed 
on towards the Hurons and other Indian tribes five or six hundred 
leagues farther inland, in company with the Indians who had 
come down to barter, and with twelve Frenchmen assigned to the 
Hurons by Monsieur de Champlain to defend them against their 
enemies" (p. 72). 

Champlain, in his journal, continues: "And on August 12 
[1615] the Reverend Father celebrated Holy Mass and set about 
erectiug a cross near by a little dwelling house, apart from the 
village, [Tiny, lot 20, con. xvii.] which the Indians had built dur- 
ing my sojourn there" (77. 29 n. 517 o.). This was certainly the 
first mass said in what is now the Province of Ontario, and the 
spot lay in the present parish of La Fontaine, Simcoe County. 

According to Le Clercq, Huronia at this period comprised 
within its limits eighteen "bourgades" (towns or settlements) with 
a population of about ten thousand souls (p. 75) speaking the same 
language, and their principal stronghold was Carragouha (sic), 
which was girt about with a triple palisade thirty-six feet high 
(/;. 76). This in the main is in agreement with Champlain: "I 
was conducted to Carhagouha which is inclosed in a triple palisade 
of wood thirty-five feet in height" (77. p. 2S n. 516 o.) ; but of 
the five important villages Champlain visited, all of which were 
palisaded, he says that it was Cahiague which was the principal 
one, containing two hundred rather large sized lodges (Id. p. 30 
n. 51S o.). 

The account of what took place on Le Caron's arrival among 
the Hurons, as given in Le Clercq's "Premier Etablissement de la 
Foy," differs but little from Champlain's narrative: "It was," 
he says. " at this village [Carhagouha], that the Hurons, wishing to 
show Father Joseph the joy they felt at his coming, offered to 
receive him in their common lodges. He represented to them that 
having to confer with God on affairs of such importance concern- 
ing the welfare of all their nation, these weighty matters 
deserved to be dealt with more respectfully in solitude and retreat 



272 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

far from domestic turmoil and the bustle of every-day life. They 
heeded his remonstrances and with poles and strips of bark built 
him a cabin apart from the village. Therein he raised an altar 
that he might offer to God the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass and give 
himself over to his spiritual exercises" (pp. 76, 77). 

"It was but a short time after his arrival that the Father had 
the consolation of embracing Monsieur de Champlain who had fol- 
lowed him closely with two Frenchmen and seven Indians manning 
two canoes. His purpose was to take part in the war against the 
Iroquois. He had reached the Huron Country in time to assist 
at the first Mass that Father Joseph had the consolation of cele- 
brating there, and at the planting of the Sign of our redemption 
which was hailed with volleys of musketry and accompanied by 
acts of thanksgiving the Te Deum being solemnly chanted for the 
first time in that barbarous country" (Le Clercq I. pp. 77, 78). 

On August 14 Champla'ii sets out for Calnaciuc (Champl. IV. 
p. 29 v. -517 o.) leaving Le Caron at Carhagouha; and by Sep- 
tember 10, with his allies the Hurons, he is fairly on his way to 
the Iroquois Country (Id. p. 35 v. 523 o.). This expedition lasted 
through the remainder of September, and through the months of 
( October and November, until December 23, when Champlain was 
back at the town of Caliiarjue. This is the correct date, and not 
December 20, for though the latter is given in the edition of 1610 
(IV. p. 56 n. 544 o.) it is amended in that of 1632 (V . p. 273, v. 929 
<:.), and this in accordance with a previous clause in both editions: 
"Le quatriesme iour de Decembre nous partismes de ce lieu mar- 
chant sur la riuiere qui estoit gelee . . . 1'espace de dix-neuf 
iours" (IV. p. 55 v. 543 o. and V. p. 272 n. 92S o.). The nineteen 
days elapsed on December 23. 

During Cham/plain's absence Le Caron remained at Carha- 
gouha, 

1S16 

(Until May 20.) 

R. F. Joseph Le Caron, Eecollet, at Carhagouha and with the 

Petuns. 

After a rest of some days at Cahiague Champlain says he 
decided to rejoin Father Le Caron. He left the village January 
14 (1616) and on the morrow found the Father at his little dwell- 
ing house at Carhagouha (IV. p. 57 n. 545 o.). "I remained 
some days with him." he continues, "planning a journey to the 
Petun people as I had previously decided. And though there is 



1<J07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 273 

much discomfort in travelling during the winter uo set out together 
on February 1"' for that nation, arriving there oil tin; 17th of the 
said month" (Id. ib.). The edition of 1632 has " I journeyed to 
the Nation of the Petun where 1 arrived on the 17th of the said 
month of January" (Cham pi. V. p. 271 n. 930 o.). Here is a 
tangle of dates which Sagard (Hist, dv Canada /., p. 43 n. 29 o.) 
does not help us to unrave] as his account is most meagre, nor does 
be mention a single date. The only one, relating to the present 
events, to be foxind in Le Clercq is January 14, which he marks as 
the day of Champlain's return to Carhagouha, "oil le Pere Joseph 
le recent avec toute la joie imaginable" (/. 87.). All Le Tac has 
i i say is that Champlain "passa quelques mois avec eux (i.e. the 
llurons) a la chasse et se rangea le 14 Janvier dans le village de 
Carrhagouha (sic) ou etoit le P. Joseph," (p. 99). 

The correction I shall adopt and which makes everything clear 
is that suggested by l'abbe Laverdiere (Champl. V ., foot note to p. 
274 n. 930 o.) Having arrived at Cahiague December 23, Cham- 
plain rests for some days. He sets out again to rejoin Fr. Joseph 
on January 4. The 5th he is at Carhagouha where he spends some 
days with the Father. They start off together on January 15 to 
visit the Tionnontates (otherwise the Petun Nation) and arrive 
there on January 17, etc." 

The date of their return "vers nostredict Village," that is 
Carhagouha, seems certain enough, and is given by Champlain as 
"the fifteenth day of February (IV . j). 64 n. 552 o.). Conse- 
quently when he said that he and Father Le Caron left Carhagouha 
for the Petuns (IV. p. 57 n. 545 o.) on the fifteenth of February 
it was simply a slip for January. 

During their stay in the Country of the Petuns they had visi- 
ted, as Champlain says, ".seven other Villages, their neighbours 
and allies " (Id. ib). Without doubt these were villages of the 
"Cheveux releves" whom he mentions on the following page. 
Then, as later on when the Jesuits had missions in Huronia, the 
various Algonquin tribes from the east, west, and north, went to 
winter in large numbers among both the Hurons Proper and the 
Petuns. This in one instance at least was noted by Champlain 
(IV. p. 61 n. 5-19 ,,.). What the latter author designated as "seven 
other Villages" Le Clercq (p. 87), styles "seven other neighbouring 
nations," as does also Le Tac (p. 99). Champlain's terminology 
is correct since there were no other seven nations on or near Potun 
territory. 

Depaktuhb. 

"After his return to the Huron country he (Le Caroni 

remained there for the rest of the winter, perfecting what know- 



274 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

ledge he had acquired of their language, and compiling a toler- 
ably correct dictionary, which is still extant, and which is still 
treasured as a relic. He devoted his time to humanizing these 
barbarians. The hour had not yet come when great conversions 
were to be effected, but little by little the savages were being pre- 
pared gently to receive the light of the Gospel, whenever it should 
please God to second by the efficacy of His Grace the sincerity 
and comprehensiveness of the missionary's zeal, and that of others 
who were to come after him. Having got everything into shape, 
he set out from Carragouha (sic), and landed at Three Rivers June 
15, 1616" (Le Clercq I. V . SS, 89.). 

Champlain's dates again call for some adjusting here: "Dur- 
ing the winter, which lasted four months, I had leisure enough to 
study their country, manners, customs and other matters which 1 
fain would describe. But it is necessary before hand to say some- 
thing of the situation of the country" (IV. p. 69 n. 557 o.), And 
here follow some thirty-two pages treating on these subjects, after 
which he resumes his narrative "And now to take up the thread of 
my discourse. Our Savages gathered together purposing to accom- 
pany us and to conduct us to our habitation (i.e. Quebec). With 
this object in view we set out from their country on the twentieth 
day of the said month, and were forty days on the road." (IV. p 
102, n. 590 o.). The last mentioned month in the paragraph pre- 
ceding is April, but as ho tells us he reached "nostre habitation" 
(Quebec) on July 11, counting back forty days would barely reach 
into May. That in fact May was what he intended we can gather 
from the parallel passage in the edition of 1632 : "We left their 
country on the twentieth day of May (V. p. 307 n. 963 o.) and were 
forty days on the way ... we arrived at the French settle- 
ments towards the end of the month of June" (Id. ib.). This was 
at Sault St. Louis, for on the same page he writes, "ie me disposay 
de partir du Sault Sainct Louis, pour aller a nostre habitation 
(Quebec;)" and on the following ''We left on July 8, and reached 
our habitation the 11th of the same month (T 7 . p. 308 n. 904 o), 
which dates tally with these given in the edition of 1619 : "! '<■ fait, 
nous partismes le huietiesme iour de Iuillet, & arriuasnies a nostre 
habitation le 11 dudict mois." (IV. p. 103 n. 591 o.) 

Le Tac dismisses the subject of Le Caron's departure from the 
Huron Country in a few lines : "L'un & l'autre (i-e. Father Joseph 
and Champlain) se trouva (sic) a Quebec le 20. Juillet 1616, les 
Hurons n'ayant amene le P. Joseph qu'a regret & dans l'esperance 
de le revoir ches eux au plutot, ce que le Pere leur promit comme 
il le souhaittoit" (p. 99). 

Sagard covers the whole ground of Le Caron's short visit to 
the Petuns and his departure from Huronia in one paragraph : 



11)07 BUREAU Oh ARCHIVES. 275 

"He (Le Carmu passed over as far as the Nation (if the Petuns 
where he mot with more sufferin<, r than consolation in his dealing- 
with these barbarians, who offered him no hearty welcome nor gave 
sign that his visit was at all pleasing, acting it may be at the 
instigation of their medicine-men or magicians, who had no wish 
to be thwarted in, or condemned ' for their mummeries. So that 
after a short stay the good Father was constrained to return to his 
Hurons, where ho remained until it was time for them to go down 
[to Quebec] for the annual barter. So that all he was able to 
accomplish in this first voyage [to the Hurons] was merely to 
acquire a knowledge of the ways and doings of this people, to learn 
their language passably well, and dispose them to accept a more 
decent and civilized mode of living. For a first attempt this sup- 
posed no slight labour. To be ever finding fault and to be disput- 
ing from the very outset is not the thing, but rather to edify and 
gently captivate, waiting the proper time for the harvest, which 
must be watered by the blessings of Heaven and nurtured by holy 
and agreeable intercourse." (Hist, of Canada I. p. 42 n. 29 o.). 

1617-1622 

During the interval between 1617 and 1623 the Huron Mission 
was in abeyance. The Becollet Father Guillaume Poullain, who 
had landed in Quebec in .Tune 1619 (Le Clercq, I. p. 154), pro- 
ceeded, it is true, as far as the Nipissing country (Id. ib. p. 210) 
in 1622, but it is barely possible and not at all probable that he 
ever reached any point nearer Huronia. It is certainly nowhere 
placed on record. So also may it be said of two other Becollets, 
Father Jacques de la Foyer and his companion Brother Bona- 
venture who passed the winter of 1624 near Lake Xipissing (Id. ib. 
p. 294). 

1623 

After leaving the Hurons in 1616, Father Joseph Le Caron had 
sailed immediately for France with Champlain and Father Denis 
•lamay, the Superior of the Missions, that is on July 20 (Le Clercq 
I. pp. 100, 101.). While in France he was chosen to succeed 
Jamay, and in company with Father Paul Huet, of the same order, 
embarked at nonfleur April 11, 1617 on his return voyage to 
Canada (Id. ib. p. 105). It proved a tedious and exceedingly rough 
passage which lasted more than three months before they landed 
at Tadousac (Id. ib, p. 108; Le Tac p. 102). It was principally 
at this post that Le Caron did duty as missionary (Le Clercq I., pp. 
127, 156, 22S, 232, 237) until an opportunity favoured his resum- 
ing his former mission. This was the arrival of two new mission- 
ary labourers from France in 1623 (Le Tac, p. 118). 



276 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

One of these was a lay-brother, Gabriel Sagard Theodat, the 
future historian. To account for this selection Le Clercq explains 
as follows: "Experience had shown that as there was question of 
little else than humanizing the savages and of preparing them for 
the light of the Gospel, lay-brothers were not only not useless but 
were a great help, and could be associated with the apostolic minis- 
try" (/. p. 245). The second was Father Nicolas Yiel who for 
three years had been eagerly suing for the privilege. They left 
Paris together March 18, 1623, and set sail from Dieppe in the 
beginning of April. It was on the fifty-fifth day out that they 
landed at Quebec with no untoward incidents marking their 
voyage (Id. ib. p. 246). As Champlain was desirous of knitting 
still more closely the ties of friendship which bound the Hurons 
to the French, the sending of an embassy was proposed. Father 
Joseph Le Caron was to go back to Huronia, and with him, at 
their earnest request, both Father Nicolas and Brother Gabriel 
Sagard (Id. ib. p. 246). Champlain told off eleven Frenchmen to 
assist and protect them on the way, and two "donnes" were added 
to the party by the missionaries themselves (Id. ib. p. 24S, see 
also Le Tar, p. US). 

The day they started from Quebec is not recorded and from 
what Le Clercq says it would seem that Father Nicolas Yiel and 
Brother Sagard journeyed together to Three Rivers : "Us s'em- 
barquerent done dans la chalouppe des Messieurs de la Compagnie 
jusqu'aux trois rivieres oil nostre Missionnaire [Father Joseph Le 
Caron] les y recut avec joye" (I. p. 247). Consequently Father 
Le Caron joined them at that post, and "deux jours apres ils 
poursuivirent leur route dans les canots preparez a. cet effet" (Id. 
ib. p. 24S). 

Sagard's account differs a little: "Apres nous estre rafraichis 
deux on trois iours avec, nos Freres dans nostre petit Couuent, nous 
montasmes auee les barques par la mesme riuiere Sainct Laurent 
jusques au Cap de Victoire" (Grand Voyage 1 . p. 40 n. 59 o.), and 
on the page following we meet with the first certain date: "nous 
arriuasmes au Cap de Victoire le iour de la Saincte Magdeleine." 
This feast occurs on July 22, and in 1623 it fell on a Saturday. 
Cape Victory according to Sagard was situated twelve or fifteen 
leagues below the entrance to the Biviere des Prairies, otherwise 
below the lower point of the Island of Montreal. In fact one of 
the points near Sorel, on the west side, bore this name for a number 
of years in commemoration of the victory won in 1610 by Champ- 
lain and his Montagnais and Algonquin allies over the Iroquois. 

The Becollet historian explains how it happened that he and 
the two Fathers journeyed in different canoss on their way up : 
"Mais pour ce que les Hurons ne s'associent que cinq a cinq ou 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 277 

m'x a six pour chacuu canot, ces petits vaisseaux n'en pouuans 
pour le plus contenir qu'vn dauantage auec leurs marchandises : 
ii nous fallui necessairemeni separer, et nous accommoder a pari, 
chacun auec vne de ces societez on petit canot, qui nous coti- 
duisirent iusques dans leur pays, sans nous plus reuoir en cliemin 
<]ue les deux premiers tours que nous logeasro.es auec le Pere Ioseph, 
et puis plus, iusques a plusieurs sepmaines apres nostre arriuee an 
pays des Hurons; mais pour Le Pere Nicolas, ie le trouuay pom- 
la premiere fois, enuiron deux cens lieues de Kebac, en vne Nation 
que nous appellons Epieerinys ou Sorciers, et en Huron Squekaner- 
onons" {Grd. Voy. I. p. 42 n. 61 o.). 

The seventeen pages taken up by the good Brother's account of 
his journey up the Ottawa, across Lake Nipissing, and down the 
French River make interesting reading, but it does not come 
within the scope of the present work, and we may turn from it with 
less reluctance as his experience of hardships and privations 
differed in little or nothing from that of all the other Huron mis- 
sionaries. 

A.BEIVAL. 

"Two days bsfore our arrival among the Hurons," writes 
Brother Sagard, "we came in sight of the fresh water sea [Lake 
Huron]. On its waters we crossed from island to island and made 
land in the long yearned for country on a Sunday the feast of St. 
Bernard, near noon, with the sun's rays falling perpendicularly" 
{Grd. Voy. I. p. 56 n. 81 o.). 

These particulars, as given, settle the question as to what year 
Sagard and his party reached Huronia. On page 5 n. 6 o. in 
this same. volume of his "Grand Voyage" he is made to say: 
"Nous partismes de Paris auec la benediction de nostre II . Pere 
Prouincial le dix-huictiesme de Mars mil six cens vmgt-quatre." 
This is certainly a mistake. The feast of St. Bernard is always 
kept on August 20. Now August 20, 1G24 came on a Tuesday, while 
in 1G23 it fell on a Sunday, just as stated above. As a consequence 
Eugene Reveillaud's foot-note mi page 118 of Sixte Le Tac's "His- 
tbire Chronologique" must not lie construed so as to lead one into 
error. 

Sagard continues: "My Indians haxing stowed away their 
canoe in a thicket near by loaded me with my luggage and bundles. 
which hitherto, on the way, they had always carried. This was 
owing to the great distance from the landing place to their town, 
and because they were already sufficiently burdened witli their 
own merchandise. I carried my load with great difficulty both on 
account of its weight and on account of the heat which was exces- 



278 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

sive, not to mention my prostration and a great weakness which 
I had felt for a considerable time back in all my limbs. Add to 
this that they had made me go before, as was their wont (for to 
follow them I had all I conld do) and I wandered from the right 
trail so that for a long time I tramped on alone not knowing toward " 
what point I was heading. At last, after having walked a great 
deal and gone over much ground, I met two Huron women near 
a cross-road and asked what direction I should take to reach the 
village where I was due. But I did not know its name, and less, 
which of the two roads I ought to choose. The poor women strove 
in vain to make themselves understood, it was of no use. Finally, 
inspired by Heaven, I took the right road and after a while I found 
my Indians sitting iu the shade of a tree in a fine wide meadow, 
where they were waiting for me much worried at the thought of 
what might have become of me" (Grd. Voy. 1. p. 56 n. 82 o.). 

The village to which he was guided bore indifferently the name 
of Quieuindohian or that of Tcqiicunonkiaye (Id. ib. p. 57 n. 83 o.). 
On the side of the country it lay it was the nearest to the Iroquois 
(Id. ib. p. 61 n. 90 o.). Its second appellation serves to identify 
it with the village of Tequenonquiaye visited by Champlain 
(Champl. IV. 28 n. 516 o.). Sagard also informs us that with the 
French it went by the name of La Rochelle while the Recoiled 
spoke of it as the village of St. Gabriel (Hint, du Can. I. p. 200 
u. 208 o.) Fr. de Brebeuf's letter to the General places beyond 
doubt its identity with the Ossossane of the Relations : "We are 
at present forming a new residence in the village we call La 
TJoehelle, and the Indians Ossossane ... we intend to give 
it the title of Residence of the Immaculate Conception" (Carayon 
Prem. Miss. p. 160). 

(Until the middle of October.) 

R. F. Joseph Le Caron, Recollet, at St. Joseph, Carhagouha 
(Arontaen). 

F. Nicolas Viel, Recollet, at St. Nicolas, Toanche I . 

B. Gabriel Sagard, Recollet, at St. Gabriel, La Rochelle 
(Ossossane). 

This distribution of the missionaries did not last till the end 
of the year 1623 but merely until Father Nicolas visited Brother 
Sagard at St. Gabriel, when both repaired to St. Joseph or Car- 
hagouha to join Father Joseph Le Caron. This took place "plu- 
sieurs sepmaines" after their arrival in Huronin (Sagard, Grd. 
Voy. I. p. 42 n. 62 <?.); or as the same historian states later on: 
"A rather lengthy interval elapsed after my arrival before I found 
out where my fellow religious had arrived or before any news 



1!>07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 279 

from them reached me." (Id. ib. p. 63 n. 91 o.). If, on their jour- 
ney up, Sagard's party had reached the Cap de Victoire by July 
22, it would have been very little after the 15th of August when 
they landed in Huronia. The "plusieurs sepmaines" may be 
taken as equivalent to about seven or eight weeks, so that Father 
Viel's visit to Brother Sagard might be said to have taken place 
somewhere about the 10th or 12th of October. After the middle of 
the latter month they were all residents of St. Joseph or Carha- 
gouha. 

(After the middle of October.) 

R. F. Joseph Le Caron, Eecollet, 

F. Nicolas Viel, Eecollet, 

Br. Gabriel Sagard, Eecollet, at St. Joseph or Carhagouha. 

No news of his companions reached him, as Sagard said, 
"until a certain day when Father Nicolas, accompanied by ha 
Indian, came to me from his village which was only five leagues 
from ours. I was delighted to see him in good health and in good 
spirits in spite of all the hard work and scanty fare he had had to 
put up with since our departure from the trading post below. 
We agreed to go in quest of Father Joseph who had settled down 
in another village four or five leagues distant" (Grd. Voy. I. p. 63 
?}. 91 o.) The name of this village according to our author was 
Quieunonascaran, (p. 64 n. 93 o.) no other than the Khinonaskarant 
of the Eolations, as has been shown elsewhere, and standing very 
near Carhagouha, where Champlain said he had found Father 
Joseph dwelling in 1615 (IV. p. 28 n. 516 o.) and 1616 (IV. p. 57 
n. 545 o.). In fact, as it has already been explained at length, 
Le Caron's dwelling stood between these two centres of population. 
From what Sagard says one would be led to conclude that in 1623 
it was an entirely new structure which the three Eecollets occupied : 
''en suite nous fismes bastir vne cabane pour nous loger (Grd. Voy. 
1. p. 64 n,. 93 o.)\ but Le Clercq says very explicitly: " He (that 
is Father Joseph Le Caron) found his former cabin or habitation, 
which some Frenchmen had occupied during his absence, still 
standing on a hill-side at the foot of which flowed a charming 
brooklet. This dwelling place, which was soon restored, measured 
in length more than 25 feet and 15 feet in width" (I. p. 249). Then 
follows a full description of the building and its contents. Very 
much the same particulars are to be found in Sagard (Grd. Voy. 
I. p. 66 n. 96 o. et ss.), but in Le Tac they are entirely omitted 
(Hist. Chron. pp. 118, 119.). 



280 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

"A year having gone by and perceiving- that many little things 
nt which we stood in need were wanting, the question arose of our 
returning to our convent of Canada [that is, at Quebec], to pro- 
cure and bring back whatever was necessary. So we deliberated 
together and came to the conclusion that we should avail ourselves 
of the company and guidance of our Hurons, who, about this time 
of the year had to go down to the bartering place, and thus we 
should reach Canada and return with our little wants supplied." 
(Grd. 1 ".7. p. 231 a. 336 o.). 



1624 

(Until June) 

R. F. Joseph Le Caron, Recollet, 

F. Nicolas Yiel, Recollet, 

Br. Gabriel Sagard, Recollet, ;it St. Joseph or Carhagouha. 

Departures. 

In his "Premier Etablissement de la Foy" (I. p. 257) Le 
Clercq sums up the results of their labour: "Thus they passed the 
winter though little headway was made in the work of converting 
these barbarians. Still they won over some families, whom they 
found better disposed, more docile and more tractable, inducing 
them to move down to Quebec and settle among the French, or 
else to set up their cabins on our own grounds. They baptized but 
two adults, a father and his daughter of wiiom they felt more 
assured. It had been resolved that this mission was not to be 
abandoned, but on the contrary that it was to become a central 
establishment whence the Religious (of the Order) were to spread 
out over the neighbouring nations. They had been but preparing 
Ibis vineyard of the Lord, and now Father Joseph and Gabriel 
Sagard, after a residence there of ten months, turned it over to the 
safe keeping of Father Nicolas. They had perfected a dictionary 
of the Huron language, and as a strong flotilla of canoes afforded 
them an opportunity, they took their departure for Quebec; while 
to Father Nicolas was the task assigned of watching over the Nas- 
cent Church, together with what Frenchmen were to remain. 

The flotilla, here mentioned, consisted of sixty canoes manned 
by two hundred Hurons and freighted down with beaver skins and 
other furs. It was ready to start in the spring of 1C>24, but delayed 



1D07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. , 281 

its depart mi' until June for the convenience of Father Joseph, as 
the Indians had set their heart (m having him accompany them 
(Le Clercq. /. ]<. 258). 



< \tttr June.) 

F. Nicolas Viel, Recollet, at St. Joseph or Carhagouha. 

In the account of his return trip down the Ottawa and St. 
Lawrence to Quebec, Brother Sagard is very sparing of date, 
though his narrative enters into many details relative to the inci- 
dents of his journey. When he arrived at Quebec he found that 
Father Le Caron had outstripped him, and had reached his des- 
tination some eight days previously (Grd. Voy. II. p. 204 n. 
■370 o.). A search in Le Clercq for something more precise would 
prove equally barren (/. p. 261). Le Tac, however, fixes the date: 
"The fleet [of the Hurons] arrived at last on July 1, 1624. Brother 
Gabriel counted on returning with the Hurons, but the obeissance 
[for obedience, the word more generally us>ed, to denote a written 
order, or written instructions] of his Provincial which was placed 
in his hands had for effect his going back to France with Father 
[renee Piat." Eugene Reveillaud, Le Tac's editor, blunders once 
more here, in a foot-note, in attempting to rectify this date : ''There 
is here another error in the date. It was not in 1624, as would 
appear from this account, but in 1 G2o that Brother Gabriel Sagar-3 
went back to Franco; this is evinced by the quotation already 
given of his work entitled : Le Grand Voyage du pays des Hurons 
Paris, 1832" (Le Tac, p. 120). 

I have met and explained this difficulty when speaking of 
Brother Sagard's arrival in Iluronia (see 1623). "What is taken as 
incontrovertible by Mr. Reveillaud, and all others is that Sagard 
went back to France one year after his arrival among the Hurons. 
This arrival. Sagard says (Grd. Voy. I. p. 56 n. 81 o.) took place 
on a Sunday, //.< feast of St. Bernard. The date of this feast is 
August 20. In 1624 it fell on a Tuesday, hut in 1623 it fell on .» 
Sunday. The latter therefore is the correct year of his arrival, 
and the year following 1624 is the year he returned to France. 

Meanwhile Father Nicolas Viel continued to reside at Car- 
hagouha, and it would seem that even before his setting- sail for 
France Father Irenee Pial received letters from him which gave 
evidence of his intention to persevere, ami asked as a favour thai 
he might be allowed to live and die in his mission in Huronia 
Le Clercq, I. 292). 



2«2 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

1625 

(Until the middle of May.) 

F. Nicolas Viel, Recollet, at St. Joseph or Carhagouha. 

DErAItTCKE. 

None of the chronicles of the early missions among the Hurons 
favour us with any details of Father Viel's sojourn in the country 
after the departure of his two companions. Charlevoix, in his 
"Histoire de la Nouvelle-France" (edit. Paris, 1744, 1. p. 106), 
leaves us in no doubt as to the motive which prompted him to 
undertake the return journey to the French settlements: "Father 
Nicolas Viel, Recollet, after having dwelt nigh on to two years 
among the Hurons, conceived the desire of making his way to 
Quebec for the purpose of spending some time in retreat there." 

The fact that he never reached Quebec is known to all and that 
he met his death by drowning in the Riviere des Prairies to the 
north of the Island of Montreal (now familiarly termed the Back 
River) is equally well ascertained. Authors however are not \ti 
one in describing the manner of his death. 

Le Tac twice mentions the sad occurrence: " . . . Le P. 
Nicolas qui descendoit des Hurons ou il avoit demeure deux annees 
fut noye par les Hurons au dernier Sault appelle depuis ce malheur 
le Sault des Recollets, avec un jeune garcon qu'il eslevoit a la 
foy" (pp. 127, 128), and again: " . . . Le P. Nicolas Viel, 
Recollet, qui revenoit d'une mission de six cent lieues ou il avoit 
passe deux annees, perdit la vie en retournant, par la malice des 
Hurons" (p. 130). He enters into no further particulars, nor does 
lie mention the name of the young Indian who shared the same 
fate as the missioner. 

Chrestien Le Clercq's account is more satisfactory. Speaking 
of the expedition bound for the trading post he says : "There were 
in the band a multitude of Hurons harmless enough in a way, but 
among them were some brutal characters, enemies of Religion, who 
assumed, however, a friendly and respectful bearing to the good 
Father. Rough weather separated the canoes, and unfortunately 
it happened that in the canoe of the Religious there were three 
villainous and impious savages who threw him into the water 
together with his little disciple Ahaustic, at the last rapids on 
their way down to Montreal, where the deep and seething waters 
overwhelmed them in an instant. All that was saved was his 
chapel [i.e. his chalice, etc.] and some few manuscripts, in fascicles 
of bark, comprising a kind of missionary journal. He had left his 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 288 

dictionary and memoirs in care of some Frenchmen in the Ilur.ni 
country. The place where this good Religious was drowned even 
down to the present day is called the Sault au llecollet" (/ 321). 
He adds, a little further on (p. 323) that it was from the reports 
of the Hurons themselves, who had come together for the traffick- 
ing, that the cruel manner in which both the Father and his young 
disciple had been put to death was made known. 

Turning to Sagard's History (///. p. 794 n. 874 o.) we find 
this short reference, which however gives the name of the youug 
Huron: "... They inquired after Father Nicolas by means 
of the Huron interpreter; but, having learnt that at the last rapids 
he had been drowned with his I'ttle disciple Auhaltsique, they 
were exceedingly grieved, etc." The allusion Sagard makes to the 
same incident in his Grand Voyage (//. pp. 246, 247 n,. 350 o.) 
is somewhat perplexing. He is descanting on the dangers he him- 
self encountered on his way down from Huronia, and says : " . . . 
beaucoup de fois nous courusmes risque de nostre vie, et d'estre 
submergez dans des chutes et abysmes d'eau, comme a este du 
depuis le bon Pere Nicolas et vn ieune garcon Francois nostre 
disciple, qui le suyuoit de pres dans vn autre canot . . ." 

The reader will immediately perceive the ambiguity in the 
latter part of the quotation when an attempt is made at translation, 
which might run thus: "Time and again we ran the risk of los- 
ing our lives and of being swallowed up in the falls and whirl- 
pools as were, since then, good Father Nicolas and a young French 
boy, our disciple, who was following him closely in another 
canoe." This rendering would be quite correct, for Sagard and 
other French writers of the period used capitals for the initial 
letters of adjectives denoting nationality, while the word 
"Francois" was not yet modernized to "Francais" (French), and 
it stands in the phrase without commas as seemingly in apposition 
to "ieune garcon." 

But though literally and grammatically correct the render- 
ing is quite at variance with either the explicit or implicit state- 
ments of all other chroniclers, who give us clearly to understand 
that Viel's companion was a young Huron and not a French boy. 
Whether the youth, at the time of the disaster, w-as in the same or 
in another canoe is a question of minor importance here. More- 
over the very fact that Sagard in the same breath terms him "nostre 
disciple," which expression with the Eecollet writers seems to be 
an equivalent for "neophyte," would preclude all idea of his beinu' 
anything but an Indian. 

These considerations must in effect not only weaken our con- 
fidence in the correctness of the rendering, but lead us to conclude 
that it is absolutely faulty. And this especially when attention is 



284 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

drawn to the Pad that in those clays punctuation was neither uni- 
form nor consistent, and that the word "Francois" might -very well 
stand for the Christian name of the young Auhaitsique, "our 
disciple." "Francois," the adjective, denoting nationality, with 
the meaning "French," is now written, it is true, "Francais;" but 
"Francois," a Christian name, meaning "Francis," as well as 
"Francoise" moaning "Frances," have both retained their original 
form. And what more likely than that the Recollets should have 
given the name of the Seraphic Founder. St. Francis to the young 
and promising Huron neophyte? 

These reasons, I think, should not be slighted, they even appeal 
to me as convincing, and in consequence I submit the following 
translation as the correct one: "Time and again we ran the risk 
of losing our lives and of being swallowed up in the falls and whirl- 
pools as were, since then, good Father Nicolas and a young boy, 
Francis, our disciple, who was following him closely in another 
canoe." 

Before setting aside our Sagard let us turn to his Dictionary, 
or rather vocabulary, which follows, and is generally bound up 
with his "Grand Voyage," but which is not paginated. The sub- 
jects however come in alphabetical order and under the heading 
"Poissons" we find the meaning of the young Indian's Huron 
name: "Petits poissons, Auhaitsiq." As Sagard used phonetic 
spoiling, giving the French sound to the letters used, the word 
should be pronounced in English as if written O-het-sik. It does 
not follow from this that the Huron word, as given above, is neces- 
sarily in the plural. Huron nouns whether governed or not, or 
whether they stood for tha singular or the plural were unchange- 
able: "Nomina non inflect untur per cas\is, adeoque non patiuntur 
ab alio nomine aut verbo ullam alterationem nisi in compositionem 
cum illo intrent" (Potior, Gr. p. 65). They often took an "s" in 
the plural but not necessarily: "ad pluralem numerum exprimen- 
dum sa^pe additur V " (Id. ib.). Hence, the boy's name was "The 
Little Fish." 

From another passage in Sagard's writings we may fairly sur- 
mise what kind of little fish was meant : "As they [the Indians] are 
very observant, just as our own Frenchmen are who fish for cod, 
the;/ know to within a day or two the time of arrival of each kind 
of fish, and they do not fail when it is time to go to fish for the 
little fish which they call Auhaitsiq. They catch incredible num- 
bers (vne infinite) of these with their nets, etc." (GrdL. Voy. II. 
p. 224 n. 317 o.). And a few lines above he tells us that these fish 
resemble the herring, but only the smallest herring. 

There are three passages in the Relations in which mention 
is made of the death of Father Yiel. The first is in Relation 162(5 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 285 

(p. 2, 2 col.): "Quand nous arriuasmes icy [at Quebec] l'an passe 
i] y auoit vn Pere Recollet qui s'en venoit auec les Sauuages, au 
lieu de la traicte, 35 lieues au dessous [probably a misprint 'or 
"audessus"] de ceste habitation; mais au dernier sault qu'il passa, 
son canot se renuersa, et il se noya." 

The second is in Eolation 1634 (p. 92, 2 col.) : "Depuis la mort 
d'vn pauure miserable Francois massacre aux Hurons, on a 
decouuert que ces Barbares auoient fait noyer le R. P. Nicolas, 
Recollet, tenu pour vn grand homme de bien." 

In the third passage Brebeuf, while relating how the embassy 
from the Borgne de l'lle, which was sent to prevail upon the 
Hurons to join in a war of reprisals against the Iroquois, proved 
a failure ; and how through spite they did their utmost to blacken 
the character of the Hurons with the missionaries, proceeds to 
recapitulate their reasons: "They, posing as our friends, made us 
in fact a grand harangue, whose trend was to induce us to abandon 
completely either the Huron country or at least the Bear Clan as 
the most wicked of all, seeing that they had massacred Etienne 
Brusle and the good Father Nicolas, the Recollet, with his com- 
panion, and who some time before had, on one occasion, struck 
down eight of their men, etc." (Rel 1636, p. 91, 2 col.). 

Charlevoix's version of the affair completes all that has been 
put on record by the early authors touching the death of Father 
Nicolas: "Father Nicolas Viel, Recollet, after having dwelt nigh 
on to two years among the Hurons, conceived the desire of making 
his way to Quebec for the purpose of spending some time in retreat 
there. Some Indians who were making preparations for the same 
journey offered him a place in their canoe, which he accepted. 
Instead of holding the usual course they followed the channel 
which runs between the Island of Montreal and the Isle of Jesus, 
and which is commonly called the Riviere des Prairies. Half- 
way in this stream there is a rapid where the Indians instead of 
landing, and making what is called a portage, kept to the 
canoe and attempted to "shoot" it. Whether there was some mis- 
calculation in the measures they took or whether it was brought 
about by design, the canoe capsized. Father Viel and a young 
neophyte, who accompanied him, were drowned, and it was on 
account of this accident that the name of the Sault au Recollet 
was given to the rapid, a name which it still bears. As all the 
Hurons effected their escape, and as they had shown themselves, 
it is said, ill-affected towards the missionary, strong suspicions 
were aroused that the wreck was not the effect of hazard, the more 
so as these barbarians took possession of the best part of the mis- 
sionary's equipment. Be this as it may, there was not a soul at 
22 Ah. 



286 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Three Rivers who was not of a mind that Fathers Daillon and de 
Brebeuf should put off for a time their journey [to the Huron 
country]" (Hist, du Can. I. p. 160). 

To the best of my knowledge the precise date of this sad occur- 
rence is nowhere given, but it probably took place about the 
middle of June. Tanguay in his "Repertoire" (Quebec, 1S6S, 
p. 25) says that the body was recovered, taken to Quebec and 
interred in the chapel of St. Charles, on June 25, 1625, and he 
gives as his authority the "Mortuologue des Recollets." 

The reader has remarked, no doubt, that of the several authors 
T have quoted, two only have mentioned the Huron name of Viel's 
companion, Le Clercq, who calls him Ahautsic (I. p. 321), pro- 
nounced in English Ah-hote-sic, and Sagard Auhaitsique (Hist. 
III. p. 794 n., 874 o.), equivalent about, in English spelling, to 
O-het-sic. The latter, as we have seen, gives in an independent 
passage (Grd. Voy. II. p. 224 n., 317 o. and Diet, sub voc. Pois- 
sons) "Little Fish" as the meaning of Auhaitsiq, After a long 
and conscientious search through Potier's "Radices" I find no 
word which may be coaxed by any legitimate process into any- 
thing like either of these two Huron names. For "little fish" the 
Radices (p. 2SS, 1 col.) sets down AhScnta or Ah8enta, sounding 
in English yah-when-ta and ah-hwenta respectively. The lattei 
probably derives from the verb IS-cnton (the primitive being 
entori), to come and go in a day; thus a&cnfa he came and went in 
a day, al-Senta she came and went in a day (R. H. 1751, p. 222), 
in allusion no doubt to the sudden appearance aim disappearance 
of the schools of small fish visiting certain localities in certain 
seasons. 

Which of the two Recollet authors is the more reliable in this 
particular matter — and it must be remembered that the name is 
given by no others — is not a difficult question to decide. Sagard, 
as we have seen, was Father Viel's companion in Huronia, and 
must have known personally the youthful convert to Christianity, 
perhaps he even had a share in his instruction. The expression 
"our disciple" was presumably used with a purpose. Further- 
more, he knew the meaning attached, in his time, to the Huron 
appellation. As a consequence, preference should be given to the 
form Auhaitsic, Auhaitsique, or Auhaitsiq rather than to Le 
Clercq's Ahautsic. 

Anyone conversant with the writings of the Recollet authors 
must have come to a similar decision. And yet, but a few years 
ago, when there was question of commemorating the name of the 
young Huron, it was decided to change what was known previously 
as Lajeunesse's corners or Lepine's, a cluster of houses adjoin- 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES'. 287 

ing the village of Sault au Eecollet, to Ahuntsic, a word unknown 
to history, and impossible by its very structure to find place in a 
Huron vocabulary. 

1626 

(B. F. Charles Lalemant, S. J. Superior General of the Canada 
Missions, at Quebec, 1625, 1G29.) 

It was in 1626 that the Jesuits entered the missionary field in 
Huronia for the first time. The Eecollet Le Clercq bears witness 
to the motives which actuated the members of his Order when 
they asked the religious of the Society of Jesus to come to their 
assistance at this stage of their evangelical labours in New France. 
He states the main reason in the following terms: "Our mission- 
aries, then at Quebec, invoked for several days the light of the 
Holy Spirit so that they might adopt the most efficient means for 
the planting of the Faith and for its propagation in these countries 
entrusted to their care. Taking into account the great number 
of different tribes, and realizing that the Colony was beginning to 
take shape, they came to the conclusion that the harvest was too 
vast for such a small number of labourers. Considering also that 
the Messieurs de la Compagnie fancied that they were making a 
great effort in contributing annually to the subsistence of six 
Eecollets who needs must trust to Providence to do the rest. 
they (the Eecollet missionaries) concluded that if some religious 
community could be found willing, at its own expense, to sacri- 
fice a number of missionaries in behalf of this new world some 
hope of advancement might be entertained (I. pp. 2SS, 2S9; Cf. 
Sagard, Hist. III., p. 783 n., S62 o.). 

Thereupon "They decided unanimously to send one of their 
members to France to lay the proposition before the Jesuit Fath- 
ers, whom they deemed the most suitable for the work of estab- 
lishing and extending the Faith in Canada in co-operation with 
their own." (Id. ib., p. 290). 

The project was carried out. B. F. Coton, who was then Pro- 
vincial of the Jesuits in the Province of Paris, named Father 
Charles Lalemant, superior, giving him for companions, in the 
new undertaking Fathers Ennemond Masse and Jean de Brebeuf. 
Masse, as a missionary, had already seen service in Canada. Leav- 
ing Dieppe January 26, 1611, (Prem. Miss. p. 73), he had landed 
at Canso on May 5, and eventually at Port Royal on May 22 
(Id. p. 17). This mission, however, had been organized as early 
as 1608, (Id. p. 2), but had been beset with countless difficulties 
from the beginning, and had ended in disaster through the vio- 



288 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

lence of Captain Samuel Argall.* The Fathers had been com- 
pelled to abandon their undertaking and return to France in 1614, 
one year previous to the first landing of the Recollets on the shores 
of the St. Lawrence. 

Of the three Jesuits destined for Canada, Brebeuf alone was 
to become a missionary among the Hurons, while Father Charles 
Lalemant, stationed at Quebec, was to act as Superior. Two lay- 
brothers, Gilbert Burel and Francois Carton were to accompany 
the Fathers, and the little band of five Jesuits and the Eecollet, 
Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon embarked at Dieppe (Cf. Voy. de 
Champl. Part II., liv. I. p. 86 n. 1070 o.) on April 26t and 
arrived at Quebec June 19, 1625. 

How it came about that no missionaries went to Huronia that 
same year is explained thus by Sagard. "It is very necessary to 
have members of religious orders in Canada and among all nom- 
adic tribes, that they may be instructed in the laws of God, but 
the best results are to be looked for among those nations which are 
settled on the land and are sedentary. Father Joseph de la 
Roche (d'Aillon), mindful of what I told him, resolved to set 
out for the latter, together with R. F. Brebeuf, a Jesuit. "With 
this object in view both left our convent of Notre Dame des Anges 
about the month of July, 1525, [a misprint for 1625] for Three 
Rivers and thence for Cap de Yictoire where the bartering was 
going on with the divers nations gathered there. 

"Having got to the vessels they conferred with their com- 
manders. The latter applauded their zeal and offered to supply 
them with whatever they stood in need of for their journey. They 
provided them with strings of coloured beads, knives, kettles and 
other domestic utensils. These were accepted either to be made 
use of by themselves when they arrived in the country, or to be 
bestowed on their Indians, and whoever might supply them with 
food or render them any service. 

"While they were thus getting together their little store, by 
means of the Huron interpreter they made inquiries about 
Father Nicolas (Viel). They were informed that the Hurons had 
drowned him at the last rapids and our little disciple Auhaitsique 
with him. They were sorely grieved at this, and were obliged to 
return to Quebec without having accomplished anything. There 
was no going to the Hurons this trip, they had not had courage 
enough, though they did so the year following [i.e., in 1626]. 

*For more copious details on this mission see Rel. 1611. Quebec edit.; Pre- 
miere Mission, pp. 1-116; Relations, Cleveland, edit. vols. I., II., III., and IV. 
to p. 167. 

t" Dieppae conscenderunt omnes [i.e. the six mentioned] 6 Cal. Maias, secun- 
doque nauigationis cursu, Kebeccumaltero post mense tenuerunt" (Dacren.r, p. 6). 
The sixth of the Calends of May was April 26. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 2S9 

"It was then that Father Joseph [de la Roche d'Aillon] 
came to terms with some Hurons of our acquaintance who received 
liim graciously into their company. As for poor Father Brebeuf ,. 
it was not such an easy matter. He was not only unknown to 
them, and as badly equipped as ourselves, but they moreover put 
it forward as a pretext that he was rather heavy for their canoe. 
This was a civil refusal and not devoid of reason; for if a stout 
person leans ever so little on one side more than the other, or if 
in getting in he does not set his foot down gently and in the very 
middle of the canoe, over it goes, and everything is spilled into 
the river. Then comes the question, are you able to swim in your 
heavy clothes? It is a difficult feat, for the accident may happen 
in places where the Indians themselves cannot escape drowning. 

"But as Father Brebeuf, accompanied on that occasion by 
Father de Noue, offered the Hurons presents of no small value, 
he at last found place in a canoe, and started out after the oth rs 
under the protection of Our Lord and of his good Angel." (Hist. 
III., pp. 793-795 n. 873-875 o.; Cf. Le Clercq I., pp. 343-344). 

The Father Anne de Noue, mentioned in the above extract 
landed at Quebec with Father Philibert Noyrot and Brother Jean 
Caufestre, July 14, 1626. Their names are also given by Le Tac, 
who, however, omits the date of their arrival in Canada (p. 132). 
Le Clercq likewise makes a bare mention of their names. (/. p. 
340; Cf. Voyages de Champl. Liv. 2. p. 95 n., 1079 o.). 

The approximate date of the departure of the Recollet and the 
two Jesuit missionaries for the Hurons may be inferred from 
Father Charles Lalemant's letters. In the one published in the 
"Premiere Mission" (p. 120) he writes: "Nous devors sous peu 
leur envoyer (i.e., to the sedentary Hurons) un des Notres, ou 
plutot deux, le P. Jean de Brebeuf et le P. Anne de Noue. Si 
leur mission reussit, elle ouvrira un vaste champ a l'Evangile. 
lis voyageront dans les canots des sauvages; car on ne peut pas 
employer d'autres marins." In the second, that of the Relation, 
1626, after stating that he is sending back to France Father 
Noyrot, on affairs of the mission, he continues, "I'enuoye son 
compagnon [fr. de Noue] auec le Pere Brebeuf a 300 lieues d'icy 
a vne de ces nations qui sont stables en leur demeure. lis y 
seront bien tost . . . i'attends tous les iours de leurs nou- 
uelles. Ie viens d'apprendre tout maintenant qu'ils sont partis." 
(Rel., 1626, p. 8, 1 col.). This last phrase seems to have been 
added after the letter was written. Both letters are dated from 
Quebec, August 1, 1626. In any case it is safe to say that the 
expedition got under way in the very last days of July or the 
beginning of August. Father Felix Martin, S. J., in his Life of 
de Brebeuf, printed in Paris in 1S77, docs not specify the day of 



290 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

their departure, (See p. 43), but in a MS. Life of the same 
(p. 48) he states very precisely that it was July 25. I have not 
been able so far to verify this date. 

Arrivals. 

From what has been said above it becomes evident that the 
three missionaries reached their destination in the month of 
August, 1626 ; but in all likelihood not on the same day, as they 
travelled in different canoes. One inexperienced hand was quite 
enough to put the patience of the Indians to the severest test 
when the crew numbered, as was generally the case, but five or 
six. 

(Until October IS.) 

E. F. Joseph de la Eoche d'Aillon, Eecollet, 

E. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Jesuit, 

F. Anne de Noue, Jesuit, at Toanche I. 

That they established their residence in the same village is 
what is attested by Le Tac (p. 133) "These three missionaiies 
dwelt for a time together until Father Joseph de la Eoche 
d'Aillon, on the receipt of a letter from Father Joseph [Le] Caron, 
advising him to betake himself to the Neutral Nation, hitherto 
unknown, and where no other priest had yet been, separated him- 
self from the Jesuit Fathers and went there, bringing with him 
two Frenchmen and some Indians to lead the way." 

That the village where the missionary residence stood was 
Toanche I., may be gleaned from what Brebeuf says in Eelation, 
1635, (p. 28, 1 col.), and furthermore, that this village had a 
"port" or landing place: "le pris terre au port [Otouacha] de 
Toanche ... oil autrefois nous estions habituez," and 
further, (2 col) : "ie m'en allay chercher le village [of Toanche 
II., otherwise Teandeouiata], que ie rencontray heureusement 
enuiron a trois quarts de lieue, ayant en passant veu auec attend- 
rissement et ressentiment le lieu ou nous auions habite et celebre 
le S. sacrifice de la Messe trois ans durant, conuerty en vn beau 
champ, comme aussi la place du v ; eux village [Toanche I.], oil 
excepte vue cabane rien ne restoit que les mines des autres." 

That the date of Father de la Eoche d'Aillon's departure 
was October 18, 1626, is not less certain is evinced by the Father's 
own words in his letter dated from Toanchain, (sic), July 18, 
1627: "ie . . . partis des Hurons a ce dessein (i.e., to go to 
the Neutrals) le 18 Octobre, 1626, auec un nomme Grenolle, and 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 291 

la Vallee, Francois de Nation" (Sagard, Hist. HI., p. 800, n., 
SSI o.); and in the next line, lie tells us that in journeying to 
the Neutrals he passed through the Petun country, (Cf. Le Clercq, 
I., pp. 347, 348). It almost necessarily follows that his route lay 
through Grey and Wellington counties southward, following the 
course of the Grand River. The record of de la Roche d'Aillon's 
excursion to the Neutrals is also to he found in Bel., 1641, 
(p. 74,2 col.). 

(From October IS, 1626, till about March 14, 1627.) 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Jesuit, 

F. Anne de Noue, Jesuit, at Toancki I. 

R. F. Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, at Ounontisaston, Neutral 
Nation. 

The Neutral Nation occupied approximately all that portion 
of the present Province of Ontario lying southwest of an imagin- 
ary line drawn from Oakville on Lake Ontario, to Goderich on 
Lake Huron. Down to about 1640 their territory extended even 
beyond what is now the Canadian frontier, for on the American 
side of the Niagara River they still occupied three or four towns 
stretching in a line east and west towards the Erieehronons or 
nation of the "Chat." Father Jerome Lalemant, Superior of the 
Huron Mission at that date, makes this sufficiently clear: "Du 
premier bourg de la Nation Neutre, que 1'on rencontre y arriuant 
d'icy, continuant de cheminer au Midy ou Sudest, il y a enuiron 
quatre iournees de chemin iusques a l'emboucheure de la Riuiere 
si celebre de cette Nation, dans l'Ontario ou lac de S. Louys. Au 
deca de cette Riuiere, et non ou dela, comme le marque quelque 
Charte, sont la phis part des bourgs de la Nation Neutre. II y 
en a trois ou quatre au dela, rangez d'Orient a l'Occident, vers !a 
Nation du Chat ou Erieehronons. 

"Cette Riuiere ou Fleuue est celuy par lequel se descharge 
nostre grand lac des Hurons ou Mer douce, qui se rend preniiere- 
ment dans le lac d'Erie, ou de la Nation du Chat, et iusques la 
elle entre dans les terres de la Nation Neutre, et prend le nom 
Hi'Onguiaahra, iusques a ce qu'elle se soit deschargee dans l'On- 
tario ou lac de Sainct Louys d'ou en fin sort le fleuue qui passe 
deuant Quebek, dit de S. Laurens." {lid., 1641, p. 71, 2 col.). 

How long did Father Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon remain in 
the Neutral Country? Le Clercq says three months: "Le Pere 
Joseph laissa les deux Peres Jesuites dans nostre habitation, and 
poussa jusques a la nation des Neutres, ou il fit quelque progres 
pendant trois mois de sejour, apres quoy il revint aux Hurons se 
rejoindre aux Peres Jesuites" (7 pp. 345, 346). Counting from 



292 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

th3 very day of his departure, October 18, the three months would 
be up on January 18. But as there is question, not of the length 
of his absence, but of his sojourn among the Neutrals, allowance 
must be made for his stay among the Petuns and the time he was 
on the way. The Father, himself, in his letter already referred 
to, corroborates Le Clercq as to the length of his visit: "Trois 
mois durant j'eus toutes les occasions du monde de me contenter 
de mes gens" (Le Clercq I., p. 353); but, always in the same 
letter; he mentions the melting of the snows in that milder climate 
of the Neutrals, and states that "they began to melt as early as 
January 26, [1627], and by March 8 there was no longer any 
in the exposed places, but a little remained in the flats." (Id. 
p. 360). 

This means that he was still in the Neutral Country at the 
latter date, or at least on his return tramp, wben he could the 
better observe the breaking up of winter. Now, counting back 
three months .from March 8, we may fix his arrival among the 
Neutrals somewhere about December 8, 1626. And as Father 
Jerome Lalemant, in the passage of Relation 1641, already 
quoted, allots about a four days' journey on foot to cover the dis- 
tance from Huronia to the mouth of Niagara River, generously 
conceding him six, we should expect to see the good Father back 
among the Hurons somewhere about Latare Sunday, that is to 
say March 14, 1627. 

1627 

(From the Middle of March till May or June.) 

R. F. Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, Recollet, 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Jesuit, 

F. Anne de Noue, Jesuit, at Toanche I. 

There is no doubt that Brebeuf and de Noue continued to 
reside at Toanche I., for we have seen that the former stated 
explicitly that he recognized on his way to Toanche II., otherwise^ 
Teandeouiata, the ruins of the old Toanche, where, he says, we 
had dwelt for three years. But it is also certain that the Recollet, 
Father Joseph, resided there with them and not at Carhagouha. 
His letter bears out this statement: "Ainsi je m'en revins au 
pais de nos Hurons, ou je suis a present", (Le Clercq I., p. 359), 
while the letter itself is written "a Tonachin Village des Hurons, 
ce 18 Juillet, 1627," (Id. p. 362). Needless to add here that 
Tonachin is a misprint, the form occurs nowhere else, while in 
Sagard's History, (///. p. 809 n., S92 o.), the same letter is repro- 
duced with the colophon, "Fait a Toanchain, village des Hurons, 
ce 18 Iuillet, 1627." 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 293 

Devahture 

Father de None was a most devoted man, and eager for the 
conversation of the heathen Indian, but an insurmountable obstacle 
baffled all his praiseworthy attempts in that direction. A year's 
experience made it plain that it was a sheer impossibility for him, 
at the age of forty, to acquire even a smattering of the Huron 
language. Neither Sagard, nor Le Clercq make mention of his 
leaving Huronia before the others; but Champlain and Ducreux 
leave very little doubt about the matter, and from their way of 
expressing themselves it may be safely inferred that it was in 
1G27 he returned to Quebec. 

Champlain, recording what took place at Quebec during the 
autumn of 1627, and explaining how Father Charles Lalemant, 
disappointed in not receiving any tidings of Father Noyrot's 
vessel, which was to bring the necessary supplies for the winter, 
was forced to return to France, says: "Le dit Pere l'AUemand 
fut contrainct de faire passer tous ses ouuriers et autres, horsmis 
les Peres Masse, Denoiie (sic), vn frere, et cinq autres personnes 
pour n'abandonner leur maison, lesquels il accommoda an mieu 
qu'il peut, etc." (Seconde Partie, Voyages, Liv. 2, p. 145 n. 
1129 o.). This supposes that Father de Noue was present at 
Quebec, while no mention is made of Father de Brebeuf, who 
was in Huronia. 

In the beginning of the paragraph, from which the extract 
is taken (see preceding page), October 2 is given as the date of 
the departure of Lalemant's vessel from Quebec for Tadousac, but 
the paragraph closes (see page following the extract) with these 
words : 'Dans la mesme barque [and there is no other mentioned] 
s'en alia le dit Destouches, qui fut le 2. de Septembre." From what 
is stated in the paragraph which follows, I am inclined to think 
that September 2 is the date meant, but the thing is not at all 
clear. 

Ducreux probably with Champlain's account in view, has thi.i 
to say : "Ergo re in deliberationem vocata, rogatus Lalemantius, 
cum Kaldseo sub ineuntem Septembrem reuertente transmisit in 
Galliam, abducta secum maxima operarum parte, quando vnde 
aleret non suppetebat. Quinque tantum ex toto numero reliquit 
[at Quebec] cum Massseo, No»)S, ex Huronibus reduce, alteroque 
laicorum, etc." (Hist. Can. Lib. 1, p. 13). Here it is positively 
asserted that Father de Noue was back from the Hurons and that 
he was left with Father Masse, who was at Quebec. Moreover 
the time of Lalemant's departure is stated as having taken place 
in the first days of September. 



294 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

To come now to the date of Father de Noue's leaving Huronia, 
all that may be positively affirmed is that it took place about a 
month previous to Lalemant's sailing. Still, as it was the well 
ascertained custom of the Hurons to still yearly for the lower 
country as soon as the waterways were free of ice, we may con- 
jecture, without fear of being much astray, that he left the Huron 
Country, with the Indian traffickers not later than June. 

(From May or June, 1627, till about the same time in 162S.) 

R. F. Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, Recollet, 
R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Jesuit, at Toanche 1. 



1628 

Departure. 

The next change was to be the departure of the Recollet 
missionary, Father de la Roche d'Aillon. TVe have no inkling 
from the records as to why he left Huronia, but the general 
dearth, from which the colony was then suffering, must have 
made itself felt more acutely in the poverty-stricken cabin of the 
missionaries. They could count upon little or no assistance from 
the Indians, who usually acted upon the principle of nothing for 
nothing, unless indeed they were to be the beneficiaries. After 
dilating on the precautionary measures taken by the Recollet 
Fathers at Quebec, at the approach, in 1628 of David and Louis 
Kirk (a surname with many variants), Le Clercq adds: "Sur ces 
entrefaites on vit arriver 20. Canots Hurons qui amenoient le 
Pere Joseph de la Roche Daillon." (/. p. 393). That there is 
question of their arrival at Three Rivers is made patent by what 
is said on the preceding page. 

"La nouuelle," says Sagard, referring to the departure of the 
hostile expedition, "n'en fut que tres-bonne, mais ce qui en 
augmenta la ioye fut l'arriuee de 20. canots Hurons, dans l'un 
lesquels estoit le V. P. Joseph de la Roche, hasle, maigre & 
deffait comme un homme a qui la necessite auoit enioint forces 
ieuenes, etc." (Hist. IV., p. S47 n., 933 o.). 

Le Tac, recording the events of 1628 briefly states: "Les 
Francois qui avoient reste ches les Hurons descendirent avec le 
P. Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon." (p. 146), but evidently not all 
the Frenchmen for he speaks further on of others who came 
down with Brebeuf the year following. No date is given, nor 
is any other accompanying incident mentioned upon which to 



1907 BUREAU OE ARCHIVES'. 295 

base theories. We may at best fall back on the general usage of 
the natives and say that probably it was late in the spring, or 
in the early summer of 1627. 

1629 

(From May or June, 162S, till about Midsummer, 1629.) 

B. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Jesuit, at Toanche I. 
Departure. 

Father de Brebeuf was now left alone among the Hurons. 
But rumors of famine and disaster in the lower country must have 
reached him on the return of the Huron flotilla after the annual 
trafficking with the French at Quebec and Three Bivers. He 
needed no other Summons. What with gaunt famine on 
the one hand, paralizing the resistance of the French, and on 
the other the unrelenting efforts of the Fnglish to become masters 
of Quebec, he realized fully that a serious crisis was impending, 
or rather that the very existence of the colony was at stake. 

But it would seem, from what Champlain says, that a formal 
order to repair to Quebec was sent him: "Beverend Father 
Brebeuf in compliance with a mandate sent by Beverend Father 
Masse, Superior, came down from the Hurons." (Part II., Liv. 
.1. Voyages, p. 234 n., 1218 o.). Father Masse here mentioned as 
Superior acted as such only as a locum tenens during the absence 
of Father Charles Lalemant who had sailed for France in quest 
of supplies in 1627. 

Moreover, as we shall see just now, Brebeuf s answer to the 
expostulations of the Hurons, when they became aware that he 
was to leave them, shows very clearly that he was not at liberty 
to remain longer. 

Here is what the other authors have to say on the same sub- 
ject : "At last our Hurons arrived with our Beligious and all 
their Frenchmen. They were received with all honours and all 
possible consideration. They were made sharers in the goods and 
supplies of our home as well as in its wretched penury. The 
interpreter Olivier, bargained with the Hurons for a few sacks 
of Indian corn for the fort and "habitation". p We received two 
for our share, and the Beverend Jesuit Fathers what they stood 
in need of for themselves and their people. After that there was 
no need of worrying over the traffic [with the Indians] for the 
English soon made their appearance. This put an end to the 
miseries then existing, but only to open up the way to fresh ones." 



296 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

(Sagard Dist. IV., p. 895 n., 986 o.). The same author inci- 
dentally mentions Father de Brebeuf's presence at Quebec on July 
19, 1629, the day the city was summoned to surrender. (Id. pp. 
S95 n., 986 o. and 896 n., 987 o.). 

Le Clercq is even more chary of dates: "Meanwhile the 
Hurons arrived at Quebec with 20 canoes. A bargain was made 
with them for their Indian corn, part of which was served out to 
the Jesuit Fathers and to ourselves until the arrival of the Eng- 
lish, which was not long delayed." (/. p. 399.) 

Le Tac is either more considerate or better informed, for he 
says: "The Frenchmen who had wintered in Huronia brought 
down Father Brebeuf. They arrived on July 17th, to add to the 
number of the famished, everyone being then busy burrowing for 
himself for roots to escape death" (p. 147). 

But the different authors, extracts from whose writings I 
have given above, doubtless derived most of their information, if 
not all, from Champlain, part of whose version is as follows: 
"On July 17, [1629] our people who had been living among the 
Hurons arrived in twelve canoes. Most of them brought down 
no meal ; some of them had a little, but kept it out of sight on 
being apprised of the dearth prevailing among us. The new- 
comers, like ourselves, had to go in search of roots to sustain life. 
I decided to send them to the Abenakis settlements that they 
might live there on the Indian corn of that nation until spring, 
for I counted no longer on seeing either friends or enemies. 
According to all human foresight the season [for the arrival of 
vessels from over the seas] had gone by. 

"Reverend Father Brebeuf, in compliance with a mandate of 
Eeverend Father Masse, Superior, came down from the Hurons, 
leaving them in the deepest sorrow at his departure. 'But what,' 
said they to him, 'are you going to forsake us! For three years 
you have lived here learning our language and teaching us to 
know your God, to adore and to serve Him. This is why you came, 
as you told us. And now that you know our language more per- 
fectly than any one who ever set foot here before, you are desert- 
ing us ! If we know at all the God you adore, we here call upon 
Him to witness that should you abandon us like this the fault 
is not ours, but yours." 

"The Father explained to them how the obedience he owed 
to his superiors would not allow of his remaining for the present, 
neither would the affairs he had on hand, which were most import- 
ant. He would, however, with God's grace, return and bring with 
him whatever was necessary to teach them to know God and serve 
Him. Thereupon he took leave of them." (Voyages, Part II., 
Liv. 3, p. 233 n. 1217 o. et ss.) 



1907 BUREAU OF AROHIVES. 297 

But Champlain goes on to say that: "This good Father had 
a special aptitude for languages. It took him but two or three 
years to understand and acquire as much of them as others could 
in twenty" (Id. ib.). What follows relates to the famine at 
Quebec and to the doling out of what little grain they had left, 
which account does not tally in every particular given by the 
authors previously quoted. 

Father de Brebeuf, having taken leave of his Indians, bade 
farewell to the land, field of his apostolic labours, which, all 
unknown to him then, he was one day to bedew with his blood. 
With his French associates he joined the Huron traders on their 
annual migratory expedition and descended to Quebec. Having 
reached that town on July 17, he must have left Huronia about 
the middle of June. 

The summons to surrender Quebec was received by Champlain 
on Thursday, July 19, 1629, (Part II. Voy. de Champl. Liv. 3, 
p. 239 n., 1223 o.). Quebec capitulated on July 20 (Id. p. 243 n., 
1227 o., et. ss.; Sagard, Hist. IV., p. 904 n., 996 o.; Le Tac, 
p. 149). The Jesuits were sent down to Tadousac on Sunday, 
July 22 (Sagard, op. cit. p. 905 n., 998 o.), and finally were 
embarked for England. And thus closed the first period of the 
Mission of Huronia. 

1630-1633 

From 1629 to 1634 there were no missionaries in Huronia. 
After the taking of Quehec in 1629, Canada remained in posses- 
sion of the English until it was ceded back to France by the 
treaty of St. Germain-en-Lay, March 29, 1632. Emeric de Caen 
was appointed to govern the country for one year in compensation 
for the losses he had sustained when the colony passed into the 
hands of the English. But, on March 1, 1633, Champlain was 
named by Richelieu as his lieutenant with jurisdiction "throughout 
all the extent of the St. Lawrence and other rivers." He sailed 
from Dieppe, March 23, 1633, his flotilla consisting of three ves- 
sels, carrying about two hundred persons, among whom were 
Fathers Ennemond Masse and Jean de Brebeuf. Champlain cast 
anchor before Quebec, May 23, 1633, (Mercure Francois, Vol. 
XIX.). The Relation, 1633, (p. 25, 2 col.) says it was on May 
22. Fathers Paul Le Jeune and Anne de Noue were already there. 
When Brebeuf proceeded with Champlain to Quebec, Masse had 
remained for a time at Tadousac. Fathers Antoine Daniel and 
Ambroise Davost (or Daout) were then on the way to Quebec from 
Grand Cibou (Id. p. 26, 1). As for Paul Le Jeune, Anne de 



298 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Noue and Brother Gilbert Burel, they had sailed from Honfleur, 
April 18, 1632 (Eel., 1632, p. 1), landing at Tadousac, June 18, 
(Id. p. 3, 2 col.), finally reaching Quebec, July 5, (Id. p. 7, 2 col). 

1634 

(R. F. Paul Le Jeune, S. J., Superior General of the Canada 
Missions, at Quebec, 1632-1639.) 

(From August till September 19.) 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Sup., 

F. Antoine Daniel, 

F. Ambroise JJavost, at Teandeouiata or Toanche II. 

Francois Petit-Pre, hired man (Rel. 1635, p. 39, 1 col.) 

Dominique — hired man (Rel. 1635, p. 28, 1 col.) 

Simon Baron, hired man (Rel. 1635, p. 27, 1 col.) 

Robert Le Coq, hired man (Rel. 1635, p. 28, 1 col.) 

Arrivals. 

Fathers Jean de Brebeuf and Antoine Daniel set out from 
Three Rivers (Rel., 1635, p. 23, 2 col.) for the Huron Country on 
July 7, 1634, and Father Antoine Davost on the 15th (Id p. 25, 
1 col.; Cf. Rel. 1634, p. 89, 2 col.). Brebeuf reached Huronia 
August 5, 1634, and landed at Wtoilacha] once the "port" of 
Toanche I. (at this date abandoned) and now the port of 
Teandeouiata or Toanche II. The villagers of Old Toanche had, 
during Brebeuf's absence set up their cabins on a new site, three- 
quarters of a league farther inland, (Rel., 1635, p. 28, 1 and 2 
col.). As the missionaries travelled in different canoes they 
arrived in Huronia at different dates. Daniel and Davost took 
much more than thirty days to cover the distance, (Id. ib.). But 
Davost fared the worst, reaching his destination on August 23 or 
24, having spent forty days in making his way up, (Rel., 1635, 
p. 30, 1 col.). These three Fathers were certainly present in Hur- 
onia in 1634, (Rel., 1635, p. 37, 2 col.; Rel., 1634, p. 90, 1 
col.; P.M. p. 126). Brebeuf was Superior of the Huron Mission, 
(C. G.-LL., p. 38) and he remained in office until August, 1638. 

The Fathers were not alone among the Indians, they were to 
have taken with them five whites : "Father Brebeuf, Father 
Daniel and Father Davost, together with three hardy young men 
and two boys will be with the Hurons" (Paul Le Jeune G. J. from 
Quebec to the Provincial ; 1634, Prem. Miss. p. 126). This is what 
was proposed, but I find no allusion to the two boys in the Relat- 
ion 1635, while the presence of the four hired mentioned is attested. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 299 

(From September 19 till October 20) 

R. V. •lean de Brebeuf, Sup. 

F. Antoine Daniel, 

F. Ambroise Davost, at Ihonatiria, or St. Joseph I. 

Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. was established September 19, 
1634 (Rel. 1635, p. 29, 2; Id. p. 28, 1 col.; p. 30, 1 and 2 col. con- 

junrl I in i. 

At first the missionary parly had accepted the hospitality of 
Aouandoie, who dwelt at Teandeouiata, otherwise Toanche II., hut 
on September 19, at which date everything being in readiness, 
they established themselves permanently in their own little village 
of Ihonatiria (R. 1635, p. 29, 2 col.; p. 30, 2 col.). 

(After October 20) 

F. Antoine Daniel, 

F. Ambroise Davost, at Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf in the Petun country. 

The superior of the Huron Mission, 11. F. de Brebeuf, leaving 
his two companions in charge of Ihonatiria, on October 20 starts 
off for the Petun Nation (Rel. 1635, p. 37, 2 col.). His stay among 
the Petuns was not a long one, for he was back at his post before 
December 15 (Id. p. 38, 2 col). 

1635 

(From August 17, 1635 till July 22, 1636) 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, 

F. Ambroise Davost, 

F. Antoine Daniel, 

F. Francois Le Mercier, 

F. Pierre Pijart, at Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. 

Francois Petit-Pie, hired man (Rel. 1635, p. 39, 1 col.) 

Dominique , " " (Rel. 1635, p. 28, 1 col.) 

Simon Baron " " (Rel. 1635, p. 27, 1 col.) 

Robert Le "Coq " " (ltd. 1635, p. 28, 1 col.) 

ARRIVALS. 

On July 23, 1635 (Rel. 1635, p. 20, 2 col.) Fathers Francois 
Le Mercier and Pierre Pijart started from Quel>ec (Id. p. 19, 1, 2 
col.) for Huronia (Cf. Rel. 1636, p. 64, 2 col.). The former arrived 
at his destination on August 13, 1635 and Father Pijart on the 
17th (Rel. 1636, p. 87, 1 col.). 



300 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Ihonatiria was still the only missionary centre {Rel. 1635, p. 
3, 1 col.). 

"Last year we were but three priests of the Society here, this 
year we are five. . . . Two of our Fathers, who are here, 
Fathers Antoine Daniel and Ambroise Davost, will return shortly 
to Quebec, I think, and will bring with them some youths from 
this region, so as to get the Huron Seminary under way "(Letter 
written by Brebeuf from Ihonatiria — See Premiere Mission, 
Carayon, p. 163. But there is an error in the date given as 1638. 
This is to be inferred from the fact that he mentions Daniel and 
Davost as about to return to Quebec. But they arrived in 
Huronia in 1635 and left in 1636 and Davost never returned to 
the mission. The letter was written after the arrival of the two 
Fathers consequently in 1635. In the latin MS. copy at St. Mary'3 
College, Montreal, no date is ascribed to it — LL ad G. p. 18). 

1636 

Departures. 

Father Antoine Daniel went down to Quebec in 1636 {Rel. 
1637, p. 55, 2 col). The exact date of his leaving Ihonatiria was 
July 22 (Id. ib. p. 103, 2 col.). 

Father Ambroise Davost took canoe for Quebec on July 27, 
1636 {Rel. 1637, p. 104, 1 col.). Owing to age and infirmities he 
never returned to the mission. He died during his passage to 
France {Rel. 1643, p. 72, 1 col.) on September 27, 1643. Both 
he and Father Antoine Daniel had reached Quebec, after leaving 
Huronia, on August 19 {Rel. 1636, p. 71, 1 cot.; Cf. Rel. 1637', 
p. 73, 1 col.). 

The "Engage," Francois Petit-Pre, was with the party go- 
ing down to Quebec, for we find him with Father Pijart at Three 
Rivers assisting the missionary when be was there on his return 
trip to the Hurons {Rel. 1637, p. 97, 2 col.). Simon Baron also 
went down, for he was absent in September {Rel. 1637, p. 121, 
1 col.), but returned on October 11 with the Hurons {Rel. 1637, p. 
127, 2 col.). 

Arrivals. 

Father Pierre Chastelain and Father Charles Gamier started 
from Quebec on their way to the Huron country on July 1, 1636 
{Rel. 1636, p. 60, 1 col.); and both took canoe with the Hurons 
at Three Eivers on July 21 {Id. p. 64, 1 col.). Father Chastelain 
arrived at the Mission on August 12 {Rel. 1637, p. 106, 1 col.). 
Gamier arrived on the 13th {Id. ib. 2 col.). Father Isaac Jogues 




Kcv. Paul Le Jeune, S.J., Missionary to the Hurons. 




Rev. Paul Kagueneau, S.J., Missionary to the Hurons. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. HOI 

set out for Three Rivera from Quebec after the arrival there of 
Daniel and Davost. In the copy of a letter to his mother, dated 
June 5, Ki-'iT. which is reproduced in a MS. Life* of him by 
1' Abbe Forest (Orl&ans, 1792, pp. 22, 24), he says: "Je partis des 

Trois Rivieres le '24 Aout [1636], jour de la St. Barthelemy 

(/'. 23) on fit enfin si grande diligence qu 'au lieu de 25 ou 

30 jours que dure or dinairement ce voyage il ne fallut que 19 pour 
me rendre ou etaient 5 de nos Peres, dont quelques uns comptent 
deja. 5 ou ans de residence dans le pays. Les deux derniers 
[Gamier and Chastelain] n'y etaient arrive qu'un mois devant 
moi" (p. 24). According to Relation 1687 (p. 120, 1 col) he landed 
in Huronia September 11, 1636. (Cf. Rel. 1636, p. 74, 1 col.; p. 
75, 1 col.). A young Frenchman, Frangois Marguerie, coming 
from the Algonquins tie l'lle, paid an unexpected visit to Brebeuf 
on March 28, 1636, how long he remained is not stated (Rel. 1636, 
p. 90, 2 col.). 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Sup. 

F. Francois Le Mercier 

F. Pierre Pijart 

F. Pierre Chastelain 

F. Isaac Jogues. 

F. Charles Gamier, at Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. 

Simon Baron, hired man (absent with expedition to Quebec 
from July until October 11, 1636, Rel. 1637, p. 127, 2 col.; p. 
155, 2 col.; p. 175, 2 col.). 

Dominique , hired man (Rel. 1637, p. 121, 1 col.) 

Francois Petit-Pie, hired man (Rel. 163] . p. 121 , 1 col . ; p. 
132, 2 col. ; 159, 1 col.) 

Mathurin , hired man (Rel. 1637, p. 120, 2 col.; />. 151, 

2 col.) 

A Boy (LI. ib. 1 col.) 

From the following passage in Rel. 1637 (p. 121, 1 col.) it 
appears certain that in 1636 until October 11, there were but three 
hired men with the Fathers at Ihonatiria: "Le 23 [September, 

1636], Dominique tombu malade Nous fusmes des lors 

quasi >ans domestiqucs ; oar Francois Petit-pre, qui restoit seul, 
estoit d'ordinaire occupe nuict et iour a hi chasse, e'estoit de la 
que nous attendions tout notre secours, apres Dieu." And again 
[]>. 124, 2 col.)-. Nous n'auions que Francois Petit-pre qui nous 
pust assister en ce poinct (i.e. pot hunting), et Dieu nous le 
conserua tousiours en bonne sante, etc." As for .Mathurin who 
had arrived September 17 (Rel. 1637. />. 120, 2 col.), he was 

"St. Mary's College Archives, Montreal. 
23 Ar. 



302 THE REPORT OE THE No. 41 

already down with the prevailing sickness which seized him five 
days after he had reached Huronia (Id. ib.); while Simon Baron 
did not return from Quebec until October 11 (Id. p. 127, 2 col.). 
Le Coq's movements, for he also was absent, are not easy to follow. 
He was the "negotiator" (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 6; Extr-Mart. p. 6) 
or business man of the mission, and was almost every year on the 
go between Huronia and Quebec. 

1637 

On May 20, 1637, there were six priests and four hired men 
at Ihonatiria (Bribeufs letter of that date from Ihonatiria, P.M. 
pp. 157, 161). He states further on: "My companions in this 
Residence are Fathers Francois Le Mercier, Pierre Pijart, Pierre 
Chastelain. Charles Gamier and Isaac Jogues" (Id. ib. p. 161; 
J.L, ad Gen. pp. 13, 14). 

(On May 20— P.M. p. 161) 

It. F. Jean de Brebeuf, Slip. 

F. Francois Le Mercier, 

F. Pierre Pijart, 

F. Pierre Chastelain, 

F. Charles Gamier, 

F. Isaac Jogues, at Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I. 

Hired Men as at close of 1636. 

On April 13, some of the hired men had occasion to under- 
take a journey to the Petuns and asked Father de Brebeuf, the 
Superior to accompany them. His trip though of short duration 
was not without consoling results. He was back about April IS 
(Rel. 1637, 2 col). 

Ossossane, A New Mission C'kktke. 

On May 17, Father Brebeuf submitted to the chief of Ossoss- 
ane his project of opening a new T mission centre in that village. 

The latter not only consented but agreed to build the mission- 
ary cabin. In consequence Father Pierre Pijart was sent there 
without delay with two hired men to superintend the work 
(Pel. 1637, p. 16S, 1 col.), and from what he says (Id. ib. 2 col.) 
no other missionary was with him. 

Father Le Mercier at Ihonatiria received a letter from him 
on June 4, reporting progress, and Le Mercier incidentally lets 
us know that the departure of the Huron flotilla for Quebec was 
again postponed for some days (Id. p. 167, 2 col .). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 303 

Un June 7, the same Father received a second letter from 
Pijart informing him that he, Father Pijart, had on the 5th of 
that month offered up the first .Mass in the new Residence of 
•"La Conception de Notre Dame" (Id. p. 171, 1 eol.), and adds 
"as 1 am writing this (the letter' is dated June 7. L637) there are 
only ten strips of hark (dix ecorces) to put in place to finish the 
cabin: they have gone to .yet them, and this evening the work will 
be over" < Id. ib. 2 col. ). 

There is a postscript to- bather Brebeuf's letter of -May 20, 
which was quoted above, it bears the supplementary date of June 
16, and runs thus: "Since writing my letter the new Residence 
of the Immaculate Conception [Ossossane has been established, 
and we began to occupy it on the feast of the SS. Prime and 
Felician, Martyrs, June It" i /'. M. p. 161). of course in the body 
of the letter be bad already referred to the new domicile: "At 
present (May 20) we are establishing a new residence in tie- 
village which we called La Rochelle and the Indians Ossossane" 
(P. M. p. 160). 

"The 9th (June) our cabin at Ossossane being completely 
finished, •forty or fifty Indians, men and women, came here to 
Ihonatiria to fetch our grain and our few little pieces of furniture. 
The Captains were of the party (Rel. 1637, p. 177, :J col. p. 178, 
I col.) 

On June 16, Father Gamier was already at Ossossane, Pierre 
Chastelain remaining at Ihonatiria (Rel. 1637, p. 17$, 1 col.), 
while Francois Joseph Le Mercier was on the point of relieving 
Pierre Pijart at Ossossane so as to enable him to return to Ihonat- 
iria and prepare for his journey to Quebec, whither Father Bre- 
beuf was sending him to confer orally with Father Paul Le Jeune, 
superior of the Canada Missions (Id. ib. 2 col.). 

Departure. 

Father Pierre Pijart took his departure towards the latter part 
of June (Rel. 1637, p. 178, 2 col. and p. 179, 2 col. conjunctim) 
and reached Three Rivers August 2 (Id. p. 87, 2 col.). It would 
appear from the Relation | 1637, />. 22, 1 col.) that he was at Quebec 
on August 0. Tie is again mentioned in conjunction with Father 
Raymbault on the same page (2 col.) as is also the departure of 
the Hurons from Three Jiivers under the date of August 16. Turn- 
ing to page 92 (/ col.) (if the same Relation wo find this date corro- 
borated : "The Kith of this same month of August, Father Pierre 
Pijart, who had come down from the country of the Hurons to sec 
us re-embarked in an Indian canoe to return to those regions." 



304 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

He took with him the little Huron Christian Aiandace (Id. p. 69, 
2 col.) 

Arrivals. 

Father Paul Ragueneau left Quebec for Three Rivers on his 
way up to the Huron Country on July 19, 1637 (liel. 1637, p. 87, 
1 col.; Cf. Id. p. 67, 1 col.). On August 8, a few lines from him 
were received at Three Rivers; he was then well on his way (Id. 
p. 90, 2 col.). September 1 was the date of his reaching the mis- 
sion, for on that day the arrival of a missionary is recorded, and 
four lines below mention is made, of another who had come up 
again (remonte) (Rcl. 163S, p. 57, 2 col.). Father Ragueneau 
was the only new arrival in 1637, and Pierre Pijart was the only 
Father who could have returned, so that though they are not 
named in the passage there can be question of them only. 

There is a dateless letter of Father Charles Gamier to his 
father written evidently from Ossossane (since in it he states that 
he was then in La Rochelle) which must find its place here. To 
determine approximately its date it must be remembered that Le 
Mercier speaks of Gamier as being at Ossossane Jane 16 (Rel. 
1637, p. 178, 1 col.). He himself, in a letter to his brother Henry, 
April 28, 1638, writes as follows: "I must tell you how the time 
was spent since I wrote to you last. year. I was at that time still 
at the little Village of llwiiatiria. I came here [i.e. to Ossossane] 
some few days (quclqucs jours) after the feast of Corpus Christi. 
This town where I am stationed was named by the French La 
Rochelle, for formerly it [i.e. one of its former sites] was perched 
on a bluff (Montague) encircled by a moat of natural formation, 
lhere are forty Indian lodges, and ours bears the name of the 
Immaculate Conception of Our Lady" (C.G.-LL, Contemp. cop;/ 
p. 46; Recent c. p. 38). 

There can be no question, judging by its contents, as to the 
year in which the letter was written, it was 1637. Now, the feast 
of Corpus Christi, which is always kept on the Thursday following 
Trinity Sunday, in 1637 fell on June 11, so that Gamier took up 
his abode at Ossossane "quelques jours" after June 11; or to be 
a little more precise, between June 13 and June 16, at which latter 
date Le Mercier says he was there. 

The letter, however, was indited some months later, for in it 
we are told that Ragueneau was an inmate of the same Residence, 
but the latter Father, as we have seen, set foot in Huronia as late 
as September 1, 1637. Consequently the information contained 
in the missive relates to a season when all the annual changes had 
taken place, I mean the comings and goings to and from the Huron 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 305 

Mission. Hence also it may be used with advantage in determin- 
ing the missionary staff of the two Residences. As Garnier men- 
tions only the missionaries stationed at Ossossane we may freely 
conclude that those not mentioned were at Ihonatiria. Here are 
his own words : "Since the date of my letter of last year [which is 
wanting] or thereabouts, I am living in this town styled by tin- 
French. La Rochelle. It counts fifty lodges and the Indians show 
us much affection. I am here with three others of Ours, namely 
Reverend Father Brebeuf, our superior, Father Alercier (sic) and 
Father Ragueneau, who had the satisfaction of seeing you [Father 
Garnier's father] before his departure, and was the bearer of reli- 
able news from you, which was very comforting'' (C.G.-LL, Con- 
tent p. Cop. />. 26; Recent, e. p. 25). The Father gives us no 
information as to the whereabouts of the hired men. 

(After the beginning of fiepti mber) 

Ossossane, ok La Conception. 

R. F. Jean de Brebeuf, superior. 
F. Francois Le Mercier, 
F. Charles Gamier, 
F. Paul Ragueneau. 

Iuoxatieia, or St. Joseph I. Abamlont J i„ June, 163S. 

F. Pierre Chastelain, 

F. Pierre Pijart, 

F. Isaac Jogues, was for a short time at Ossossanii (C.G.-LL. 

contemp. tup. p. 46; Ree. cop. p. 33.) 
Simon Baron, hired man, 

Dominique , hired man, 

Francois Petit-Pre, hired man, 
Mathurin , hired man. 

One of these four hired men returned to Quebec June 18 or 
19, but which one it was is not easily ascertained for no name is 
given. Le Mercier's Relation of 1637 bears the date of that year. 
and that of June 21. Towards the close he says (p. 178, 2 col.) : 

" l'embarquement presse, il y a deux iours qu'vn de nos dom- 

estiques est parti." He may, however, have come up again in 
the autumn on the return of the Hurons, or perhaps he was the 
same man inn tie nos limn mes) who came up with Father Le 
Moyne in 1638 (P.M. p. 169). 



306 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



Though somewhat of a digression, I cannot here resist the 
temptation of again quoting from Garnier's letter (1637) to his 
father what concerns Ossossane, the seat of the new llesidence : 
''You must know that we are here living in a fortress which has 
not its like in France. We are encircled by a wall quite different 
from that of the Bastille. Yesterday they completed one of its 
towers. We stand less in dread of Spanish Cannons than you do 
in Paris. But I am afraid some sharp fellow will be ready to tell 
you that it is because cannon can scarcely be brought nearer here 
than some three hundred leagues, and that our ramparts consist 
of an enclosure of posts ten or twelve feet high and half a foot 



occo-vcVivtu [o 




thick, and that our tower is made up of some thirty odd posts 
planted at one angle* of the ramparts so as to command two of 
the sides of the enclosure, and that another will be built to defend 
the other two. It will be enough to put you on your guard against 
such spies if I tell you that our Hurons are in admiration over our 
fortifications, and imagine that those in France are modelled on 
about the same pattern. You see there how different their ideas 
and opinions are from ours. This is why I have gained much by 
leaving France where you were always twitting me for not having 
any beard, for the Indians, on that very account, think me hand- 
some." tC.G.-LL. C'ontcmp. Cop. p. 29; Rec. Cap. p. 26). 

*See also R. 1636, p. 86, 1 Col. 



I«»07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 307 

1638 

For ilic status of the firsl six mouths of 1638 we must again 
have recourse to Father Charles Garnier's Letter. By the one dated 
from the "Residence of the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady 
of La Rochelle "April 28, 1638 we are put in possession of a II the 
information we had concerning the missionaries themselves: "We 
are here [at Ossossane] four members of the Society, to wit: 
Reverend Father Breheuf, superior in this country of the Unions, 
F. Mercier (sic), F. Ragueneau and myself. Father Pijart has 
been staying at the Residence of St. Joseph [l.J at Ihonatiria with 
F. Chastelain and F. Jogues. We are on the point of removing, 
with the help of God, the said Residence of St. Joseph to the 
largest town of the Hurons named Teanaustayae, the village of 
Ihonatiria being uow completely ruined. As for me, since I came 
here last year my occupation has been to visit all day long the 
cabins of this town, to find out who are sick, and to instruct and 
baptize them. Father Mercier (sic) also devoted a good part of 
his day to this work as well as Father Jogues while he w-as still 
with us, but he left us [i.e. at Ossossane] when the canoes returned 
from Quebec, etc." (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 46; lice. cop. p 
38.) 

(From April 28.) 

Ossossane, ok La Conception. 

11. F. Jean de Brelieuf, Sup.. 
F. Francois Le Mercier, 
F. Paul Ragueneau, 
F. Charles Gamier. 

I noNAi h.'ia. on St. Joseph I. 

F. Pierre Pijart, 

F. Pierre Chastelain, 

F. Isaac Jogues. 

Hired Men, see close of 1637. 

I lEPAETUHE. 

Father Pierre Pijart, purveyor of the Eluron Mission, leaves 
again for the lower country early in June. 1638 (Rel. 1638, p. 59, 
1, 2 col.). He was absent all winter and the following summer. 



30S THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Aiuuval. 

Father Antoiiie Daniel, absent from the Mission since July 
22, 1636, returned sometime between April 28, 1638 (date of F. 
Charles Gamier's letter already quoted, wherein the writer gives 
the names of all the Fathers then present, but omits that of F. 
Daniel) and August 26 (date of Father Jerome Lalemant's arrival, 
who mentions F. Daniel in the list of Fathers then in Huronia). 
Had Daniel started from below at the very opening of navigation 
he could scarcely have reached the Mission before the middle of 
June. 

New Residence at Teanaostaiae, St. Joseph II. 

"At last we are about to transfer the Residence of St. Joseph, 
which is still at Ihonatiria [St. Joseph I.] to another finer and 
larger town [i.e. Teanaostaiae, or St. Joseph II.]. It is, as it 
were, the capital of a clan (nation) closely allied to that of the 
Bear, our best friends." This is from Father F'rangois Lemer- 
cier (lid. 1638, p. 59, 1 col.), the date of the writing is June 9, 
1638 (Id. ib. 2 eol.), and we have just cited above what Garnier 
says on the same subject. 

A retrospect in Relation 1639 (p. 66, 1 col.) puts the whole 
question of the change clearly and in small compass: "once we 
had made up our minds to abandon the dwelling of Ihonatirii 
because it was depopulated, the bulk of its inhabitants having 

been carried off by the contagion or dispersed we were not 

long in deciding where it was most advisable to go. The town of 
Teanaostaiae was the most considerable throughout the country, 
consequently, if once it was won over to God the result would be 
that all the rest would receive a vehement impulse towards con- 
version Relying therefore on God only, Father Jean de 

Brebeuf betook himself to that town, conferred with the individual 
inhabitants, then with the Council, and managed so well that he 
captivated both. Thus, it took them but a little while to come to 
the determination of receiving us into their town, and of making 
over to us a lodge. This purpose was carried out. The first Mass 
was said there June 25 to the great satisfaction of our Fathers, 
who could scarcely credit what they saw so much did this town 
but so short a time before hold us in abomination." (h'el. 16.39, 
p. GO, 7, 2 en}.; See also P.M. p. 160). 

Mohe Arrivals. 

Father Jerome Lalemant left Ihree Rivers for Huronia about 
the end of July (Eel. 1638, p. 30, 1 col). This part of the Relation 
is dated from Three Rivers, August 25 (Id. p. 32, 2 eol.) and 



1907 BUREAU OE ARCHIVES. 309 

speaks of him as having gone, ;uu ' as having written a letter while 
on the way from which citations are given. He arrived at his 
destination on August 20, 1638. "I found," he says, "seven 
Fathers occupying two Residences in the two most important 
towns [Ossossane and Tc<u\aost<iiuc\\ I made the eighth, and about 
u month later Father Simon Le Moyne and Father Francois Du 
Peron arrived and swelled the number to ten." (Rcl. 1639, p. 52, 
.'.' col.). He then proceeds to give the names of the missionaries as 
recorded below. (Id. p. 53, 1 col.). 

Father Francois Du Peron set out for the Hurons from Three 
Rivers September 4, 1638 (P.M. p. 168). He picked up on the 
way Father Simon Le Moyne, whose Huron escort had fallen Bhorl 
of provisions, and with Father Le Moyne was one of the hired 
nun (Id. p. 169). The latter Father had started before Father 
Du Peron (Id. p. 16S). Du Peron landed in Huronia at midnight 
on the feast of St. Michael (September 29] (Id. ib.) ; elsewhere he 
says at one in the morning of September 29 (Id. p. 175), the "mid- 
night," consequently must refer to the eye of the feast. 

The exact date of Father Simon Le Moyne's leaving the lower 
country is not given (Rcl. 163S, p. 30, 2 col.), but as stated above 
it was previous to Du Peron's. Left behind by his party of 
Indians, with one of the hired men they lived for a fortnight on 
what game the latter could bag, until relieved by Father Du 
Peron's band (P.M. p. 169). He landed about the same time as 
his rescuer (Rel. 1639, p. 53, 1 col.), but to all appearances not 
with him. (P.M. pp. 174, 175.) 

Father Jerome Lalemant, after remarking that "six (mission- 
aries) remained for the greater part of the time at UssossanS and 
four at Teaiiaostaiae" (I'd. 1639, p. 53. 1 col.), furnishes us witli 
the list and gives the Huron name of each Father. 

i A fter September) 

Ossossane, on Immaculate Conception. Established June 9, 
1637. 

R. F. Jerome Lalemant. sup.* Achiendasse", 

F. Francois Le Mercier ChauosS, 

F. Antoine Daniel AnScuncn, 

F. Pierre Chastelain Arioo, 

F. Charles Gamier 8aracha, 

F. Francois Du Peron innonchiara. 

(F. Simon Le Moyne)** 



* Lalemant Superior of the Huron Mission, see Extr-Lar. 1638, 1639, etc., pp. 
5, 6 ; ami Extr-Mar. p. 6 ; cf. also P.M. p. 168. 
** His autograph letter, May 25, 1639. 



Ill one or the other 

of the 
Two Residences. 



310 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Teanaostaiae, ok St. Joseph II. Established in June, 1638. 

F. Jean de Brebeuf Eckon. 

F. Isaac Jogues Ondessone 

F. Paul Ragueneau Aondechete 

F. Simon Le Moyne Sane 

Simon Baron, hired man 

Dominique , hired man 

Francois Petit-Pre, hired man 

Mathurin , hired man. 

Robert Le Coq*, hired man 
A Boyt 

The chapel built at Ossossane this year was the first edifice of 
any architectural pretensions attempted so far in Huronia. It 
was not quite completed when a number of the 8enrohronons, a 
tribe previously amalgamated with the Neutrals but who in 1638 
were incorporated with the Hurons Proper (Rel. 1639, pp. 59-01), 
were solemnly baptized therein (Id. ib. p. 61, 2 cot.). This event 
took place at the titular feast of the Chapel, December 8 (/</. ib. 
fi. 61, 1 <r>L). On the Sunday following, December 12, Francois 
Du Peron offered up the first Mass said in the new edifice. "The 
chapel," he writes, April 27, 1G39, "is a very handsome frame 
building, almost identical in style and size with our chapel of St. 
Julian" (P.M. p. 1S.3). From a passage in Relation 1639 (p. 62, 
I col.) it would appear that it stood at a little distance from the 
town, or at least on the outskirts. 

The domestic servants and other seculars, present this year in 
Huronia, are credited with having contributed much by their ex- 
emplary life to the good impression produced on the Indians, re- 
sulting in the conversion of not a few. (Rel. 1639, p. 63, 2 col., 
p. 64, 1 col.). 

1639 

(R. F. Barthelemy Vimont, Superior General of Canada Mission, 
at Quebec, 1639-1645) 

Father Francois Du Peron, writing from Ossossane under date 
of April 27, 1639, says: "We number here ten members of the 
Society in two Residences, one La Conception de notre Dame 
[Ossossane], the other that of St. Joseph (II.) Teanaostaiae. 
which lie five or six leagues apart" (P.M. p. 172). This letter 

*See further on, in 1689, his trips to and fro discussed. 

t Possibly Jean Amyot or Amiot, who with young Francois Marguerie was 
drowned in 1648 near Three Rivers [Rel. 1648, p. S, .' col). He had spent his 
boyhood at Ste. Marie I. the Relation tells us ( Id. ib. p. 4, 1 ctil. ). He was buried 
at St. Joseph of Sillery (Journ. ilex Jes. p. l<><) and Jul. 1648, ]>■ i, 2 col. conjunction] . 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 311 

being dated in April, and being written before any now mission- 
aries could even start from Quebec on their way up, gives the 
number of the Fathers who were present in Huronia the previous 
autumn and throughout the winter months. It is in agreement 
with the status as it appeared at the close of 1638. 

It will not be out of place to say a word here about the hired 
men and the donnes. Those of my readers who would understand 
in what relation they stood to the missionaries could not do better 

than consult the "Mimoire touchant les Domestiques 

qui se donnent a nostre compagnii aux Hurons," published, -I 
think, for the first time and with a translation, in Volume 21 of 
Thwaites' Cleveland edition of the Relations (pp. 292-307). But 
to what I now wish to draw attention is the utter impossibility of 
following their different movements, or of determining to what 
particular mission they were individually attached while among 
the Hurons. H may. however, be taken as certain that, as a body, 
their ordinary domicile was at Ste. Maiie from its very inception 
in IU-'j'J until the final dispersion of the Hurons. But in emergen- 
cies, no doubt, they lent a helping hand in this or that missionary 
centre, for a longer or shorter time, according to the need. 

Those supposed to be present early in 1639 were all hired men 
or boys, there were as yet no donnes; and, as well as I have been 
able to ascertain, the 4 r names and avocations are as subjoined. 
Still it must be borne in mind that they were expected to turn their 
hand to anything outside their usual employment when necessity 
required it. 

Simon Baron, chirurgus (liel. 1637, p. 125, 2 col.; p. 139, 2 

col . ; p. 146. 1 col.) 
Dominique, ad omnia (Ext-Lar. p. €.) 
Francois Petit-I're, venator (Rel. 1637, p. 121, 1 col.; />. 124 

'2 col) 
Mathurin, ad domestica, 
Robert Le Coq, negotiator (Ext-Lar. p. 6) 

Le Coq was present in Huronia in 1639. The Relation of 
Kill) tells us, as if incidentally without precise indication of the 
date, that on his way up from Quebec he was stricken with the 
small-pox, and in that wretched plight abandoned by all his Huron 
companions save two(/>. 56, 1,2 col.); that later, despoiled of all 
his belongings,, he was left alone to die on a barren rock on the 
shores of Lake Huron (p. 37, 1, 2 col.); that even an Indian, for 
whom Le Coq had proved a good samaiitan in a similar juncture, 
treated him at first with but little more consideration than the 
others (p. 58, 2 col.): but that eventually the Indian, with the help 



312 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

of a companion, after many perilous adventures, but not without 
having first filched from the sick man a small parcel-consigned to 
the Fathers, landed him all but dead before the door of the mis- 
sionaries. Now the expression used here in the narrative, if trans- 
lated literally, does not make idiomatic English: "ils aborderent 
au pied de nostre maison" (Id. ib. p. 59, 1 col.), "they landed at 
the foot of our house." We should say "they landed at the very 
threshold of our house,"' though we do say "at the foot of a tree," 
"at the foot of the wall." 

This house could have been no other than Ste. Marie I., for to 
it alone is the expression applicable. Built near Tsirargi Lake, 
on the eastern bank of the River Wye, a little canal or slip whicli 
is quite visible to the present day, had been dug out bringing the 
waters of the stream to the very threshold, and enabling the canoes 
to enter the enclosure, and to set down their passengers or freight 
at the very door. But Ste. Marie I. was just reaching completion 
in 1639 : a few Fathers began to occupy Ste. Marie that summer 
( I'd. 1640, p. 63, 2 col.), therefore Robert Le Coq's arrival, under 
the circumstances as rehearsed above, took place at the earliest in 
1639. 

To corroborate what precedes, and at the same time to show 
that Le Coq, stricken with the small-pox, did not arrive later, 
allow me to quote another passage from the same Relation con- 
taining the self-same expression: "Ce fut au retour du voyage 
que les Hurons auoient fait a Kebec, qu'elle [i.e. the small-pox, 

see Id. ib. p. 52, 1 col.'] se mit dans le pays Le premier 

Huron qui l'apporta vint aborder ail pied de nostre maison 
nouuellement bastie" (p. 54, 2 col.). 

Ste. Marie I. was the only Residence of the Fathers "newly 
erected" at whose threshold it was possible "to land" (aborder). 
It follows that the year in question was 1639, the year the terrible 
contagion began its ravages in Huronia. 

Now that this point is settled, reverting to the same account 
of Le Coq's trials and sufferings, we can determine what year is 
meant in the following phrase: "II y auoit vn an que retournant 
du mesme voyage il auoit rencontre a cinq ou six iournees au 
deca des Trois Riuieres vn pauure barbare Huron, delaisse par ses 
compagnons pour vn mesme suiet de maladie, etc." (Rel. 1640, p. 
58, 2 col.). This occurred a year before Le Coq's sickness, con- 
sequently in 1638. And as it is said "retournant du mesme voy- 
age" it follows, of course, that he was present in 1638 after this 
return, and that earlier in the same or in a previous year he had 
gone down to Quebec, and when he tended the sick Indian he was 
on his way back in 1638. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 313 

So that from his first journey up from Quebec, in 16-34 witli 
Father Jean de Brebeuf (Rel. 1635, p. 28, I col.) he was nearly 
always on the move, and for that matter will continue flitting to 
ami fro between the outposts of civilization and the home of the 
Huron until the final disaster. Nor could it be expected to be 
otherwise, for he was the negotiator or business man of the Mis- 
sion, carrying messages to headquarters in the years when no one 
of the Fathers could be spared from his post, and overseeing the 
despatch of supplies and their transportation to the heart of the 
wilderness on the shores of the inland seas. 

This year of 1639 was one of special note for Robert Le Coq. 
On December 23 he made his self-donation to the Society, pledg- 
ing himself to serve the interests of the Huron Mission in particu- 
lar (Eel. Clcv. edit. Vol. 21, p. 304), becoming thus the first 
donne, the leader, as it were, of that devoted band of secular 
assistants, who, l>esides rendering the ordinary services of a lay- 
brother in religion, could bear arms and engage in the hunt for 
the sustenance of those otherwise employed. All they asked in 
return was food and raiment, care in sickness and a sheltering 
home in their declining years. 

Le Coq remained ever faithful to the end, and it was only tin' 
year after the total overthrow of the Hurons and their final dis- 
persion that, after having run many risks year after year, he was 
slain by the Iroqois in one of their raids near Three Rivers on 
August 20, 1G50. This same spirit of self-sacrifice and devoted- 
ness which animated Le Coq was the characteristic of the other 
servants who, by their exemplary conduct and persevering efforts 
to forward the interests of the Mission, had been from time to 
time admitted as donnes. 

Ste. Marie I. 

New Permanent Central Residence. 

The new Superior, F« J (''ionic Lalemant, concluded to adopt 
a system of concentration, and establish a permanent central 
Residence, quite independent of, and remote from any existing 
village; and thence to send the Fathers out on flying missions to 
the several Indian towns. Later on, Residences might be allotted 
to the more distant Christian centres. The whole country was 
divided into five Missions : — 

I. Ste. Marie I., with general Residence and Church (later 
on it was endowed with a hospice and hospital) for the whole of 
Huronia. Moreover it was to be the local cent re of the mission 



314 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

for the Atoronchrons,' (or Nation beyond the morass, or silted 
lake). 

II. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae, tor the Attinguenong- 
nahae (or Nation of the Cord).t 

III. La Conception, at Ossossane, for the Attignaouentan, (or 
Nation of the Bear).t 

IV. St. Jean-Baptiste [at Cahiague, Cf. Champl. 518, for 
the Ahrendaronons (or Nation of The Rock).f 

These four belonuin^ to Huronia Proper, and a fifth named 
that of 

V. The Apostles, among- the l'etun or Tobacco Tribe, for the 
Khionontaterons. (See derivation given in Part I.) (Rel. 1640, 
p. 61, 2 col.) 

The Fathers began to occupy Ste. Marie I. in the summer of 
1639 (Rel. 1640, p. 63, 2 col.); but even when F. Chaumonot 
arrived, Sept. 10, 1639, the two Residences of Ossossane and St. 
Joseph II. were not yet closed (P.M. p. 19S), though the new 
Residence of Ste. Marie was opened, since he says the Fathers 
were assigned to three Residences. 

Arrivals. 

F. Pierre Pijart, on his return from the lower country, after 
having been absent since June, 1638 (Rel. 1638, p. 59, 1, 2 col.) 
was the first to arrive this year. That lie arrived before F. Chau- 
monot is certain, for the latter states that, on Sept. 10, he found 
eleven Fathers on the mission, distributed in three Residences 
i/'. I/, pp. 195, 19S). Now, at the closing of navigaton in 1638, 
there were but ten Fathers in Huronia. F. Pierre Pijart, who is 
mentioned later on as being in Huronia in 1639 (Rel. 1640, p. 72, 
2 col.) would make eleven, and with FF. Chaumonot and Poncet. 
coming after, and being the only other arrivals would form the 
complement for the year. 

* As far as my investigations go, no meaning has ever been suggested, either in 
the Relations or elsewhere, tor this appellation. It is compounded of Atara, mud. 
slime, silt, ooze, mire (Radices Huronicse, Poller, 1751, />. ,'•''■", /col.); Aran, in the 
way, lying across simply, or as an obstacle (Id. /> iss, No. 46); Chi, beyond 
(Element*: Gramrwai&cx Huroniae, Poiier, 1745, />• 91); and Ronon, the termination of 
" Nomina Nationalia." Atarciraron-chi-ronon, which in strict accordance with the 
rules for compounding words ( Elem. Grain. Hur. 1745, /•■ 66) becomes Ataronchrononi 
the nation beyond the intervening fen, or mud-bottom-lake. 

Directions for the use of -ronon, which is to be found only in composition, are 
given by Potier (Elem. (,'ium. Hue., 1745, /'■ '''•', No. 7): "nationalia formantur a 
nomine propria addendo ronnon. V.G.: Etiorhenchronon, the English, i.e. Dwellers 
in the East, etc." 

t (See Rel. in;:. /». ?0, ? col.) 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 315 

!•'. Joseph Marie Chaumonot, who landed from France on 

August .1, 1639, started for the Hurons e i y h t Jays after, on 
August 9, (P.M. p. 197) in company with F. Joseph Antoine 
Poncel (de la Riviere) ( Id. />. 198), though four days after they 
were forced to separate and trave] in different cauoes (Id. ib.). He 
took thirty days for the upward trip (/</. p. 198), and reached his 
destination, Ste. Mario, on Sept. 10, 1639 (Id. p. 195). Tsirargt, 
he lets us know, was the name of the lake near the Residence. 
(Autob. pp. 46, 47.) 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncei de La Riviere, better known as 
Joseph Poncet, set out for the Huron Mission with F. Chaumonot 
(P.M. p. 198) ou Aug. 9 (Id. p. 197), and arrived Sept. 12, 1639 
(Id. p. 198). 

Residence Withdrawn from Ossossane. 

In the middle of autumn (1639), the Residence of La Con- 
ception, or Ossossane was transferred to Ste. Marie I. (Rel. 1640, 
p. 63, 2 col.). The chapel was left in care of a zealous Christian 
Joseph Chihouatenhoua (Id. p. 88, 1 col.; Cf. Rel. 1641, p. 65, - 
col). 

"At the beginning of October, 1639, we numbered here among 
these savages twenty-seven Frenchmen, including our thirteen 
Fathers." (Rel. 1640, p. 52, 1 col.). 

A i this date Huronia was sparsely peopled. There were but 
:i'„' towns or villages, and they were changed about from site to 
site every seven years." (Autob. p. 54). In the five missions 
there were 32 "tant bourgs que bourgader," or 700 lodges, with 
2,000 hies or about 12,000 souls; Huronia was much less densely 
settled than formerly. (Rel. 1640, p. 62, 1 col.) 

The Five Missions of Hukoxia i.n 1639; 
Four for the Huron* Proper— One for the Petun Nation. 

I. STE. MARIE I. 

General Residence Ste. Marie, Titt/lah of Chi r< h, St. Joseph. 
(Rel 1640, p. 63, 1 col.; p. 64, 2 col.) 

Mission (local) Ste. Marie (Id. />. 70, 1 col.) 

1. Ste. Anne. 2. St. Louis. 3. St. Denis, 4. St. Jean (Rel. 
1640, p. 70. 1 col.) 



316 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 



R. F. Jerome Lalemant, Sup. of Huron Mission — 

Went down to Quebec and returned 
in the same season, 1639. (Rel. 
1640, p. 87, 1 col.; p. 56', 2 col.; p. 
So, 2 col.) 



F. Francois Le Mercier, 



F. Pierre Pijart, 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet. 

II. ST. JOSEPH II., AT TEANAOSTAIAE. 
(Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col.) 

(The Residence was not withrawn till the spring of 1640. 

Rel. 1640, p. 63, 2 col.) 
(1. St. Michel, 2. St. Ignace I., Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col.; 

p. 78, 1 col.) 
F. Jean de Brebeuf, Sup. of the Resid. (Rel. 1640, p. 75, 1 

col. ; Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col A) 
F. Pierre Chastelain Rel. 1640, p. 73, 1 col.f 

III. LA CONCEPTION AT OSSOSSANE. 
(Rel. 1640, p. 78, 1 col.) 

(1. St. Navicr, 2. St. Charles, 3. Stj. Agnes, 4. Ste. Madeleine 

[arenta], 5. Ste. Genevieve, 6. St. Martin, T. St. Antoine, S. Ste. 

Cecile, 9. Ste. Catherine, 10. Ste. Terese, 11. Ste. Barhe, 12. St. 

Etienne. 

F. Paul Ragueneau, ) ,, , 1 n „„ , , . 

_ „ . ° ' \ (Rel. 1640, p. (8, 1 col.) 

1. l!ran50is Hu Peron, J 

F. loseph Marie Chaumonot, (Till the end of winter, 1639. 

Autob. p. 66.) 
An autograph letter to his cous- 
in, May 25, 1639, from Ussos- 
F. Simon Le Moyne, sane shows he was stationed at 

La Conception until that date at 
least. 
Two Fathers only had charge of this mission (Rel. 1640, p. 
84, 2 col.). F. Ragueneau was in command, while Fathers Du 
Peron and Chaumonot were his assistants, not simultaneously but 
in turn (Id. p. 78, 1 col.). The Residence had been suppressed, 
but the town continued to be cared for as a mission (Id. ib.). F. 
Chaumonot almost from his first arrival iu Huronia was stationed 
at Ossossane where during the winter of 1639, he was engaged 



t These two Fathers during this year . . . " ont le plus ordinairement 
cultiur rette vigne " ( Td. I.e.). 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 



3J7 



with F. Ragueneau in visiting, throughout the country, those 
stricken down by the contagion (Autob. p. 64; Rel. 1640, p. 78, 2 
col. and pp. ss.). In the opening months of 1640 (probably in 
March), he was assigned as assistant to V . Daniel in the new mis- 
sion of St. -lean Baptiste {Autob. p. 66; Rel. 1640, p. 90, :.' col.). 
where hitherto be (Father Daniel) and Father Simon Le Moyne 
were labouring (Rel. 1640, ib.). 

IV. ST. JEAN-BAPTISTE (Rel. 1640, p. 90, 1 col.) 

at CAHIAGUE (( hm pi. p. 518.) 

.Mission of the Arendaronons, undertaken in the autumn of this 

year 1639. 

(I. St. Joachim, 2. Ste. Elizabeth (Rel. 1640, p. 90, 2 col.; p. 

94, 2 col.). 



F. Antoine Daniel 



F. Simon Le Moyne 



At the date of his death, July 4. Hi IS, 
he had passed more than nine years in 
the frontier towns [i.e. St. Joseph II., 
and St. Jean-Baptiste, /,'. 1649, p. I. 2 

col.]. 
(Rel. 1640, 90, 2.) 
F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot. From the beginning of early 
spring 1G40, Autob. p. 66, to November 2, IMQ—Rcl. 1641. p. 74, 
2 col. 

Father Simon Le Moyne, however, was still actively engaged 
in the ministry at La Conception, on May 25, 16-39, as his auto- 
graph letter to his cousin at that date attests. 



V. THE APOSTLES, IN THE PETUN OR TOBACCO 
COUNTRY. 



(Rel. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.). 

(1. SS. Pierre ct Paul, 2. St. Andre, 3. St. Jacques, I. St. 
Thomas, 5. St. Jean, (i. St. Jacques, 7. St. Philippe. 8. St. Barthe- 
lemy, 9. St. Matthieu, 10. SS. Simon et Jude, Id. ib.) 

F. Charles Garnier),„ , ,,,.„ n - r / n /•• i i v? ^ 

_. T \(l'el U>40, p. 9o, 1 col.; < J'.-I.L. p. 83.) 

F. Isaac Jogues J ' 

On All Saints (November 1, 1639), the Fathers dispersed to go 
to their several Missions. (Rel. 1640, p. 61, 2 col.) 

•it Ab 



318 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Residence Withdrawn from -St. Joseph II. 

Having' resolved to merge the two Residences of Ussossane 
and Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1640, p. 63, 1 col.) into one, so that the 
Fathers should not be obliged to move from place to place in after 
years, as did the Hurons - with their villages, the first change they 
made began in the summer of this year 1639, with the transfer to 
Ste. Marie I. of some of the Missionaries. In the autumn follow- 
ing, the Residence was withdrawn from Ossossarie. And then, in 
the spring of 1640, that of Teanaostaiae or St. Joseph II. was 
closed. After 1639 there existed but one house or permanent 
Residence in all Huronia, that of Ste. Marie I. It was from this 
their base that the Fathers sallied forth on their flying missions 
to the various Indian villages. Their stay might be longer or 
shorter, as circumstances demanded, but their permanent abode 
was Ste. Marie I. (Id. 63, 2). 

1640 

"Of the number of Fathers who were with us among the Hur- 
ons at the date of the last Relation [that from the Hurons was 
dated May 27, 1640, see Rel. 1640, p. 53, 1 col.] two, Father Paul 
Ragueneau and Father Joseph Poncet, went down to Quebec last 
summer to spend the winter there ; and towards the beginning of 
autumn [1640] Father Claude Pijart and Father Charles Raym- 
bault came here for the Algonquin speaking [Indians], which 
made up the same number of thirteen Fathers we were last year" 
(Rel. 1641, p. 62, 1 col.). The date of this part of the Relation is 
"From the permanent Residence of Ste. Marie [I.] among the 
Hurons, this May 19, 1641." (Id. 60, 1). 

Father Jerome Lalemant wrote to the General at Rome, under 
date of April 25, 1641 : "Versati stimus in hac barbarie Galli trig- 
inta in unum collecti, patres tredecim, coadjutor (a lay-brother) 
unus, et domestici qui se nobis ad vitam dederuat (the donnes) 

septem, reliqui famuli communes. Pax inter omnes summa 

Septem habuimus missiones; duas novas ad gents novas, harum 
una ad meridiem versus est animarum 12,000, quibus tamen 
omnibus hoc anno Evangelium pragdicari non potuit. Yerum 
omnium in his septem missionibus, ad quorum aures Evangelium 
pervenerit, numerus est animarum plus 15,000. etc." (MS. LL. 
ad Gen. p. 23). 

At the date May 1, 1640, F. Ragueneau writes from the Hur- 
on Mission to the General that while on mission in the five princi- 
pal towns, the Fathers go two by two; they have no white attend- 
ant either man or boy; they live under the same roof with the 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 319 

savages, use the same fire, partake of the common food, not meat 
hut polenta usually, etc. He states also that a mission had been 
set on foot for the Algonquins, who lead a wandering life; and 
that the lathers gather three or four times a year at Ste. Marie I. 
(LL. ad Gen. p. 33.) 

F. Gamier writes to his hi other Henri, from Ste. Marie 1., 
June 25, 1G41, that there were then in the Huron Mission thirteen 
Fathers, with F. Jerome Lalemant their Superior, and he gives a 
list of their names. Fathers Raymbault and Claude Pijart had 
come up from Quebec the preceding year [1640] to take charge of 
the Algonquins. Seven Fathers, whom he names, were through 
the winter distributed in six missions. Fathers Brebeuf and 
Chaumonot had been sent to the Neutrals, as a first attempt to 
evangelize them. There were forty Neutral villages, the nearest 
six days' journey from Huronia, etc. (C.G.-L.L p. 45). 

Departures. 

F. Paul Ragueneau, left after August 2, 1640 (Rel. 1641, 
p. 62, 1 col.; Rel. 1640, p. 103, 2 col.), to spend the winter at 
Quebec. Towards the end of April, 1641, he was at Three Rivers 
negotiating with certain Iroquois envoys. (Rel. 1641, p. 41, 1 col.). 

Father Joseph Antoine Poncet de La Eiviere left also after 
August 2, 1640 (Rel. 1641, p. 62, 1 col. ; Rel. 1640, p. 103, 2 col.). 
Several years passed before bis return to Huronia. He was sta- 
tioned in Montreal in 1643 (Extr-Lar. p. 11) and was probably 
there also in 1644. 

Arrivals. 

F. Claude Pijart, set out for the country of the Nipisiriniens 
from Three Rivers (Rel. 1641, p. 58, 1 col.). During the winter 
[1640-1641] the missionaries to this tribe remained among the 
Hurons [at Ste. Marie I.], leaving on May 8, 1641, for the haunts 
of those nomadic Indians, the Nipissings (Id. p. 58, 2 col.). 
Father Garnier's letter, June 25, 1641, makes it clear that F. 
Claude Pijart and his companion joined the Fathers in the Huron 
Mission in 1640, as be says they arrived last year (C.G.-LL. Con- 
temp, cop. p. 55; Rec. cop. p. 45). Moreover, F. Jerome Lale- 
mant adds that they came towards the beginning of autumn (Rel. 
1641, p. 62, 1 col. ; cf. also C.G.-LL. Id. ib.). 

F. Charles Raymbault, as much as the Indian mode of ti 
would allow, journeyed with F. Claude Pijart. What is said 
above of the latter applies equally to him. Leaving Three Rivers 



320 THE REPORT OE THE No. U 

together they should have reached their destination about the 
same time. 

In the abstract of a letter of Father Jean de Quen to the Gen- 
eral, written from St. Joseph de Sillery, near Quebec, under date, 
according to the Extr-Larch (p. (J-'i) of Sept. 1, 1640, and accord- 
ing to LL. ad Gen. (p. 21), of Aug. 1, 1640, it is stated that in the 
Huron Mission there were twelve bathers and one Brother in one 
Residence. This is the first mention of a lay-brother in the mis- 
sion. Though Father de Quen is not quite accurate, as to the 
number of Fathers, he in this particular (of a coadjutor Brother 
being present) agrees with what is stated in Father Jerome Laie- 
mant's letter of April 25, 1041. Brother Dominique Scot, whose 
name appears later on in 1642 is not mentioned among those 
present in 1640. While Father Jerome Lalemant, at the date of 
April 1, 1640, states that the full number of Europeans in Hur- 
onia was twenty-seven, which number is complete without the 
Brother's names being added. (LL. ad Gen. p. 21). So that the 
lay-brother spoken of must have arrived in Huronia either late in 
the autumn of 1640 or in the summer of 1641. He could have been 
no other than Brother Dominique Scot, as he was the first among 
the coadjutor or lay-brothers to be sent to the Huron Mission. 



RESIDENCE OF STE. MARIE I. 

Catalogus Per sonar I'm et Offh iorum. 

R. Pater Hieronyinus Lalemant, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, min. proc. 

Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 

Pater Carolus Gamier, oper. 

Pater Franciscus Du Peron, oper. 

Pater Isaac Jogues, oper. 

Pater Joannes de Brebeuf, adm., pr?ef. spir. et eccl., conf. 

N.N. 
Pater Josephus Antonius Poncet, a?dit. (until his departure in 

August.) 

Pater Josephus Maria C'haunionot, oper. 

Pater Paulus Ragueneau, oper. (until Bis departure in August.) 

Pater Petrus Chastelain, conf. doruest. et N.X. 

Pater Petrus Pijart, oper. 

Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 

Pater Claude Pijart, oper. 

• the autumn. 



Pater Charles Raymbault. 



| In 

oper. J 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 321 

Frater Dominicus Scot, sartor. 

Donatus Carolus Boivin, fab. lign. (Extr-Lar. 1640, />. 0) 

Donatus Cliristophorus Regnant, adomuia, (Extr-Lar. 1640 

P- 6) 
Donatus Gulielmus Couture, ad multa (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 6) 
Donatus Jacobus Levrier, ad omnia (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 6) 
Donatus Josephus Molere, pharmac (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 6) 
Donatus Robertus Le Coq, negot (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 6) 

Admissi, Adolesoentes : 

Carolus Panic, ad omnia (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 
Petrus Boucher, ad omnia, (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 
MS. Authent. 1652, orig. p. 234, copy p. 81) 
Admissi Pueri : 

Joannes Amiot (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 
Marinus Lefevre (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 
Domestici non Donati : 

Gulielmus Loisier, 

Franciscus Dornais, 

Nicolaus Montreuil (Extr-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 

Claudius Boucher (Extr.-Lar. 1640, p. 7) 

.Missions. 

On Nov. 2, 1640, all tlie Fathers left the Residence of Ste. 
Marie I., dispersing throughout the country on the way to their 
respective missions. Father Chastelain alone remaining in charge 
of the Residence to receive the Christian Indians who might land 
there and to see that peace and good order were observed (Rot. 
1641, p. 62, 2 col.). No doubt that the two allotted to the Mission 
of Ste. Marie, made it also most of the time their headquarters. 

By comparing dates it is evident that the dispersion took place 
after the departure of Fathers Ragueneau and Poncet, and the 
arrival of Fathers Claude Pijart and Charles Raymbault. 

I. Ste. Makie I. (Rel. 1641, p. 63, 1 col.) 

1. Ste. Marie, 2. Ste. Anne, 3. St. Louis, 4. St. Jean, 5. St. 
Denis (Rel. 1641, p. 63, 1 col.), (Rel. 1640, p. 70, 1 col. C. (i.-LL. 
eontemp. cup. p. 67; Rcc. cop. p. 46.) 

F. Isaac Jogues, | (Rel. 1641, p. 63, 1 col.; C.G.-LL. 

F. Francois Du Peron, jConti mp. cop. p. 57; Rec. cop. p. 46). 

II. La Conception, at Ossossank. (I'd. 1641, p. 63, 1 col.) 
(Rel. 1641, p. 65, 2 col.; C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 56; Rcc. 

< up. p. 45.) 
Previously the Fathers had their own wigwam there; this year 
hut a little chapel. 



322 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

1. St. Xavier, 2. St. Charles, 3. Ste. Agnes, 4. Ste. Madeleine, 
5. Ste. Genevieve, G. St. Martin, 7. St. Antoine, 8. Ste. Cecile, 
9. Ste. Catherine, 10. Ste. Terese, 11. Ste. Barbe, 12. St. Etienne 
(Rel. 1641, p. 67, 1 col. ; cfr. Rel. 1640, p. 78, 1 col.) 

\ (Rel. 1641, p. 63, 1 
B. F. Jerome Lalemant, Sup. Miss Hur. col. • C.G.-LL. Con- 
F. Francois Le Mercier, i temp. cop. p. 56; 

) Rec. cop. p. 45.) 

III. St. Jean-Baptiste, at Caiiiague. (Rel. 1641, p. 07, 2 col. 

Champ. 518; cfr. Rel. 1640, p. 90, 1 col.) and 

St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1641, p. 67, 2 col.; 

C.G.-LL. p. 45.) 

1. St. Joachim, 2. Ste. Elizabeth (Rel. 1640, p. 90, 2 col.) 
4. St. Michel, 5. St. Ignace I. (Rel. 1640, p. 78, 1 col.) 

These villages were very far apart (Rel. 1641, p. 67, 2 col.) 

„ . , . _. . . | (Rel. 1641, p. 67, 2 col.; C.G.-LL. 
F. Antome Daniel, ,, ' * ' ., ' 

-n c- T ,. I Contemn, cop. p. 56 ; Lice. con. p. 4>\ 

F. Simon Le Moyne, | ,„,,'' , N 
J ' | cf. Rd. 1649, p. 4, 2 col.) 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot, (from the end of March, 1G41) 
(R. 1641, p. 81, col. 1; cfr. Id. p. 74, col. 2; Autob. p. 66, 79; ct 
P.M. p. 217). 

F. Jean de Brebeuf (He mentions his presence in the Eesi- 
dence of St. Joseph on March 21, April 11 and May 9, 1640, MS. 
Authent. 1652, orig. pp.' 233, 234; copy. pp. 80, 81.) 

IV. The Apostles, in t the Petun Country (Rel. 1641, p. 69, 

1 col.). 
1. EhSae (Bel. 1G41, p. 69, 2 col.) SS. Pierre et Paul, 2. St. 
Andre, 3. St. Jacques, 4. St. Thomas, 5. St. Jean, 6. St. Jacques, 
7. St. Philippe, 8. St. Barthelemy, 9. St. Matthieu, 10. SS. Simon 
et Jude (Rel. 1640, p. 95, 1 col.) 

(Rel. 1641, p. 69, 1 col.; C.G.-LL. Con- 
temp, cop. p. 57; Rec. cop. p. 46, and 
Contcmp. cop. p. 97; Rec. cop. p. 83; 
Rel. 1641, p. 59, 1 col.) 
The Fathers, this year, spent four or five months with the 
Petuns (Rel. 1641, p. 70, 1 col.) 

V. The Angels, in the Neutral Country (Rel. 1641, p. 71, 1 col.) 

Eighteen of their towns or villages were visited, to each of 
which a Christian name was given (Rel. 1641, p. 78, 2 col. ) 



F. Charles Garnier, 
F. Pierre Pi j art, 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 323 

The only names mentioned in Relations are: Kandoucho , or All 
Saint's, the nearest to the Hurons (Id. /;. 75, 1 col.; p. 78, 2 col.) 
Onguiaahra, on the .Niagara River, which then bore the same 
name as the village; this was (he farthest to the east of all the- 
Neutral towns which they visited, and but one day's journey from 
the Senecas (Id. p. 75, 2 col.) there were at this date, however, 
three or four villages, stretching in a line from east to west beyond 
Niagara lliver and Lake Erie, the last, contiguous to the Chat or 
Erie Nation (Id. p. 71, 2 col.); Teotongniaton or St. Guillauniee, 
situated about in the centre of the country (Id. p. 78, 2 col.; and 
Khioetoa or St. Michel, which according U> Ducreux's map, must 
have stood near the shore of Lake St. Clair, and but a short 
distance east of Windsor. 

Besides this last village of St. Michel and Onguiaahra or 
Ongiara, mentioned above, Ducreux's Map gives five others: Ste. 
Francisci [in Lambton Co., east of Sarnia], Nostra; Dominse 
Angelorum [west of the Grand River, anywhere between Cayuga, 
Haldimand Co., and Paris in Brant], Sti. Josephi [in Essex or 
Kent], Sti. Alexii [in Elgin] and Pagus Otontarouius [a little in- 
land from the shore line in Halton Co.]. 

East of Niagara River, the Ondieronii are set down as extend- 
ing as far as the Genesee, with two village sites, both south-east 
of Buffalo, one only of which bears a name. Pagus Ondieronius, 
rendered in the Relations as Aondironons (Rel. 1640, p. 36, 1 col. ; 
1648, p. 49, 1 and 2 col.) or Ahondihronnons (Rel. 1656, p. 34, 
'.' col.). But as they are said also to have been the nearest of the 
Neutrals to Huronia (Rel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col.), no doubt the tribe 
stretched west across the Niagara River, and even north of Burl- 
ington Bay, comprising probably Kandoucho. 

The Recollet Father Joseph de La Roche d'Aillon supplies 
us with two more names of Neutral towns, though it is quite pos- 
sible that they have already been enumerated under a somewhat 
different appellation. They are Oiiaroronon and Oiinontisaston. 
The former, he informs i s, was the last Neutral village to the cast , 
and but one day's journey from the Iroquois (Le Clercq 1 . p. 356, 
Sagard Hist. III., p. 804). The latter was the village where he 
had taken up his abode (Le Clercq I., p. 358; Sagard lb. p. S( 
and was the sixth, journeying from the Petuns (Le Clercq. lb. p. 
350; Sagard lb. p. 801). It was there that Souharisser (Le Clercq. 
I. p. 351; or Souharissen, Sagard lb. p. 802), the most influential 
chief resided (Id. ib). 

Dropping ronon, which is a mere termination meaning 
people, nation, etc. (I'otier, Elem. Gramm. Ilur., p. 65); and 
bearing in mind that the Euros u is invariably pronounced on; 



324 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



the O-ou-a-ro of the Recollet, is not so very different from the On- 
gi-a-ra of Ducreux, or the On-guia-ah-ra of the Relations; and 
both were said to be one day's journey from the Iroquois. 

So also, eliminating the prefix T (or T a particle of many 
meanings) the E-o-ton-gni-a-ton of the Relations and the O-ou- 
non-tis-as-ton of Father Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon may very 
well be corruptions of the same name, especially as Potier remarks 
(El. Gr. Hur. p. 1) '*o et mi aliquando promiscue adhibentur." 
The name of the great resident chief as given in Sagard was Sou- 
ha-ris-sen; while according to Relation 1641 (p. 77, 1 col.) it was 
Tso-ha-his-sen* The above mentioned village was also said in 
the Relations to be situated about in the middle of the Neutral 
Country (U. p. 78, 2 col.). 

Though the number of names in our possession is so scant, 
there were about forty towns and villages dotted over the country 
(Jul. 1641. p. 71, 2 col.; C.G.-LL. Contcmp. cop. p>. 55; Rec. cop. 
I'- 15). 

The two missionaries left the Residence of Ste. Marie I., for 
the Neutral Nation, Nov. 2, 1640 (Bel. 1641, p. 74, 2 col.), and 
were back there by Manh l!i. 1641. t (Id. p. 80, 1 col.). 



F. Jean de Brebeuf, 

F. Joseph Marie C'haumonot,t 



(Rel. 1641, p. 71, 1, 2 col.; 
C.G.-LL. p. 45; Autob. p. 79; 
P.M. pp. 217, 211; LL. ad 

Gen. p. 24). 



A short time after ¥ . C'haumonot's return from the Neutrals, 
he was once more assigned as assistant to F. Daniel, who was to 
begin his summer mission at St. Jean-Baptiste and St. Joseph II. 
(Rel. 1641, p. 81, 1 col.; cfr. Autob. pp. 79, SO). 

F. de Brebeuf, having broken his left clavicle in a fall on the 
ice in crossing Lake Simcoe on his return trip from the Neutral 
country, was incapacitated for active service; though it was only 
two years after the accident that he disclosed the real nature of 
the trouble to the surgeon at Quebec (MS. Authcn. 1652, Grig. p. 
216; copy, p. 7-1). He, in consequence, remained most of the time 
at St. Joseph II. then at Ste. Marie I., until his departure for 
Quebec in the summer of 1641. 

* In M.S. Authen. 165S, the name of the town is Andachhhroeh, and that of the 
chief, Tsokahissen. Brebeuf was there December 13, 1640. (Orig.p.SS9,copyp.84). 

t An ovoidal stone, now in the Provincial Museum, Toronto, was picked up on 
the farm of Mr. Murray, lot 24, con. V., Vaughan Tp., York County, Ontario, 
with " 1041 " inscribed upon it. See Mr. David Bovle's Ontario Archaeological 
Report for 1897-ttS, p. 32. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES". 225 

VI. St. Esprit, Algonquin Mission of the Nipissirind 
(Termed Askikouanehronons by the Burons, Rel. /'>!/. p. 81, 
2 ol.). 

The two missionaries on their way up not finding the Nipis- 
sings at their usual summer haunt, proceeded immediately to Ste. 
Marie I. About two hundred Indian- arrived there soon after 
They camped for the winter about two gunshots from the Resi- 
dence, and on the Name side of the liver [Wye] (Rel. Hill, /i. 
1 col.). On May the 8, Hill, they departed for their summer fish- 
ing grounds accompanied by the Fathers (Id. p. 82, 2 col.; 
also C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 57; Rec. cop. p. 46, the distance 
there given is "100 paces"; Rel. Kill, />. 58, 2 col.). 

F. Charles Raymbault, ((Rel. Kill, p. 82, 1 nil.; Id. P . 58, 
F. Claude Pijart, { /, 2 col.). 

During the winter F. Claude Pijart visited occasionally 

other stray bands, and in particular fifteen wigwams of Tonuh- 
rataronons, an Algonquin tribe, who had camped on the lnis-i 
ary territory of St. Jean-Baptiste (Rel. 1041 , p. .S3, 1 ml.). 



1641 



Departures. 



F. Jean de Brebeuf, in company with F. Francois Du Peron, 
went to Quebec in the early summer of 1641 (Rel. 1041, p. 20, i> 
col. ; Rel. 1042, p. 60, 2 col. ; date of one of his letters dated from 
Quebec, Aug. 20, 1641, P.M. p. 216; if. A'-/. 1641, p. 47, 1 ml.: 
rf. Rel. 1042, p. 69, 2 col.; p. 89, 1 col.). He was absent until 
the summer of 1614. 

F. Francois Du Peron, having gone down to Quebec with 
Father de Brebeuf remained there but a short time (Rel. 1641, p. 
20, 2 col.); he returned either in the autumn of this same year, 
1641, or very early in the summer of 1642 (Rel. 1642 p. 57, 1 col. ; 
date of Huron Relation, June 10, 1642, Id. p. 55, 1 col.). 

Arrivals. 

F. Paul Eagueneau, absent in the lower country since August, 
1640, returned to the Hurons August 14, 1611, bringing with him 
Father Rene Menard (Rel. 1041, p. 58, 2 col.; cf. Id. p. 47, 1 col., 
o. 1\, 2 col.) 

F. Rene Menard (as above). 

In the Relation from the Hurons, sent June 10, 1642, R. 1 

Jerome Lalemant, Superior of the mis-inn, says: "'lhis [p 



326 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

year we numbered, here with the Hurons, fourteen priests of the 
Society, but scarcely do we see each other all gathered together 
for one whole month. We live dispersed for the most part, especi- 
ally durng the winter, when the heaviest work is done for the con- 
version of these peoples. Eight of our number are engaged in the 
four principal Huron Missions under culture this year [1641-1642]. 
The Algonquins, who live near our Hurons engrossed the labours 
of three others. I have been obliged, in consequence of the Fathers 
being thus scattered, each attending to his allotted mission, to seek 
them out in turn, a month here and a month there as the occasion 
offered; so that I have had no fixed abode, and the care of this 
Residence [Ste. Marie I.] has fallen to the lot of F. Isaac Jogues 
and F. Francois Du Peron (Rel. 1642, p. 57, 1 cot.) 

RESIDENCE DE STE. MARIE I. 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum. 

R. Pater Hieronynius Lalemant, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, min., proc, cons., oper. 

Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 

Pater Carolus Garnier, cons. oper. 

Pater Carolus Raymbault, oper. 

Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 

Pater Franciscus Du Peron, prsef. eccl. 

Pater Isaac Jogues, praef. agror., oper. 

Pater Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 

Pater Paulus Ragueneau, oper. 

Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm., conf. NN. cons., prsef. spir. 

donat. 
Pater Petrus Pijart, oper. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper 
Frater Dominicus Scot, sartor (Extr-Larch, 1641, p. 7; 

C.G.-LL. p. 56). 
Donati : 

Jacobus Levrier, sutor (fuit capucinus) (Extr-Lar. p. 8; 

Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Carolus Boivin, prasf. sedif. (Extr-Lar. p. 8; Extr-Mart. 

P. T). 
Christophorus Regnaut, sutor (Extr-Lar. p. 8) 
Gulielmus Couture, faber lign (Extr-Lar. p. 8; Exti- 

Mart. p. 7). 
Joannes Guerin, ad omnia, (Extr-Lar. p. 8; Extr-Mart. 
p. 7). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. S27 

Josephus Molere, pharm., lotor pannor, (Extr-Lar. p. 

8; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Itobertus Le Coq, negot. (Extr-Lar. p. 8). 

Sunt prseterea novem alii domestici, ordinarii famuli, inter 
quos adolescent' s duo, pueri tres {Extr-Lar. p. 8; Extr-Mart. p. '• >. 

Adolescentes : 

Carolus Panic, ad omnia, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. 

p. 7). 

Petrus Boucher, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Pueri : 

Joannes Amiot, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

Marinus Lefevre, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

Nicolaus Giffar, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Domestici : 

Claudius Boucher, (Journ. des Jes. p. 10). 

Franciscus Dornais, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

Gulielmus Loisier, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

Nicolaus Montreuil, (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

(Mathurin ) went to Quebec in 1641 (cf. Rch 164:), p. 69, 

1 col.). 

Missions. 

It is all but certain that "Mathuriu," one of the hired meu 
of the Mission, left the Huron country for good this or the previ- 
ous year. This conclusion is based on the following passage of the 
Relation 1643 (p. 69, 1 col.) : "A band of Iroquois set out under the 
guidance of Mathurin's man, that is to say, of a Huron captured 
by the Iroquois, and who had lost all lcve of country and of his 
countrymen, against whom he is now bearing arms. As he knows 
the places where they must pass, he goes and lies in wait to sur- 
prise them. It was the wretched renegade who defeated the Hur- 
ons with whom the Father (Jogues) happened to be. He goes by 
the name of 'Mathurin's Man,' because he brought Mathurin 
back from the Hurons before he himself was taken by the Iroquois. 
The worthy young man who bore the name of Mathurin, after 
comporting himself cominendably while with our Fathers in this 
remote corner of the earth, has gone back to France to offer him- 
self to God in the holy order of the Capuchin Fathers, where lie 
lias made his profession." 

Father Jogues' capture, wherein "Mathurin's Man" figured 
so ignomineously, took place on August 3, 1642. The bringing of 
Mathurin down safely, the capture of the renegade on, I suppose, 
his return trip, his journey as a prisoner to the [roquois country, 



328 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

then Lis incorporation as an adopted member, into the Iroquois 
tribe, and his return to the St. Lawrence to ambuscade the Hu ir- 
ons, form a series of events difficult to compress within the space 
of a twelve month. But what is more, when the Relation 1643 
was written, Mathurin had already made his profession as a Capu- 
chin Brother. So it is reasonable to suppose tbat he left Huronia 
either in 1641 or 1640. 

"Last year [1640-1641] we bad undertaken a mission to the 
Kionontatehronon or Petun Nation, and we had even pushed on 
as far as the Attioiiendaronlc, named the Neutral Nation. But 
we have deemed it more expedient for the nonce to con- 
centrate our energies and not continue extending our labours to 
these more distant peoples, until the nearer tribes are won over, 
more especially when we take into account the small number of 
workers We made, however, a few excursions to the mis- 
sions of the Apostles Father Charles Gamier and Father 

Pierre Pijart went on these trips (Rel. 1642, p. SS, 1 and 2 col.)... 

during one of which some chiefs of the Neutral Nation, or 

the Mission of the Angels, invited us to return and visit them. 
But even without considering the absence at Quebec of the Father 
to whom this mission had been allotted, that is F. Jean de Brebeuf , 

it seemed likely that by concentrating our endeavours on 

the conversion of the Hurons we would be hastening at the same 
time the conversion of the others, etc. (Id. p. 89, 1 col.). 

"In preceding years we had passed the winter in the mission 
of the Apostles, or Petun Nation; others had gone to the Neutral 
Nation or Mission of the Angels, as we had undertaken the evan- 
gelization of these tribes as well as that of the Hurons. The most 
we did this year was to make a few visits to the Mission of the 
Apostles, without making any stay to speak of; while we have 
withdrawn from the Neutral Nation, seeing that F. Jean de Bre- 
beuf, who had gone there the preceding year, remained in Quebec 
this last winter, etc. (C.G.-LL. Contcmp. cop. p. 65; lice. cop. 
P. 52.). 

I. Ste. Marie I. (Rel. 1642, p. 57, 1 cat.; p. 61, 1 col.) 

(Residence) 

F. Isaac Jogues* ) .„ 7 .. c . a ,-~ , , v 

. s \ (Rel. 1642, p. 5i, 1 col.). 

F. Francois Du Peron | 

1. St. Louis, 2. St. Denis. 

* Until his departure with F. Charles Kaymbault for Sault Ste. Marie, toward 
the end of September (Rel. 1U4-, />• 97, -3 cnl'). As they took seventeen days to 
go, their return must have required about the same time; and allowing a few days' 
stay at the Sault, they could hardly have got back before the first week in Novem- 
ber. Father Jogues then resumed his post at Ste. Marie I. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 329 

K. Pierre Chastelain, (Id. p. 61, / col.; C.G.-LL. Contemp. 

cop. pp. 66, 67, Rec. cop. pp. 52, 53.) 
1. Ste. Anne, 'J. St. Xavier. 
F. Pierre Pijart, (Id. ib.; C.G.-LL. ib.) 

Their domicile was the Residence <>!' Ste. Mark I. (Rel. 1642, 
p. 61, 2 col.). 

F. Claude Pijart, though retained at Ste. Marie I. (liel. 
16-12, p. 98, 1 col.), was exclusively engaged with the Algonquin 
bands wintering in Huronia. 

II. La Conception, at Ossossane (Rel. 1642, p. 61, 2 col.) 

The villages visited from this mission are not mentioned in 
the Relation of this year. 

St. Xavier, however, one forrnerlj- belonging to it, was visited 

from Ste. Marie I. (Rel. 1642, p. 61, 1 col.) 

t, v • t at 1 {R«l. 1642, ,>. 61, 2 ml.-. C.G.- 

F. Francois Le Hercier, . , ,, ' . 

■n t> -i -n • •■'-■ ' oiitcmp. cop. p. 65; tie* . 

F. Paul Ragueneau, I . , ' 

j cop. p. 52.) 

III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1642, p. 76, 1 col.). 

F. Charles Gamier, ) (Rel. 1642, p. 76, 1 col.; C.G.-LL. 
F. Simon Le Moyne, J Contemp. cop. p. 66; lice. cap. p. 53) 

From the expression "They made the town of St. Joseph their 
most usual abode" [i.e. during the winter] it is certain that other 
villages depended on this mission, though none is mentioned (liel. 
1642, p. 76, 1 col). 

A Christian Huron, Etienne Totihri gave up a part of his 
lodge which the French workmen converted into a little chapel 
(C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 67; Rec. cop. p. 53; Rel. 1642, p. 79, 
2 col; p. 80, 1 col.). 

IV. St. Jean-Baptiste, a Cahiagtje Rel. 164:1. p. 32, 2 col. 

F. Antoine Daniel (Rel. 1642, p. 82, 2 col.) 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot (Id. ib.) (C.G.-LL. Contemp. 

cop. p. GG; Rec. cop. p. 52.) 
R. F. Jerome Lalemant (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 66; Rec. 
cop. p. 52.) 

St. Michel belonged to this mission (C.G.-LL. ib.; Rel. 1642, 
p. 86, 2 col.) 

"Among the other villages of this Mission, at the outset that 
of St. Michel seemed full of hope" (Rel. 1642, p. 86, 2 col.), from 
this statement it is evident that there were other dependent mis- 



330 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

sionary villages besides the one named. The Christians were 
much scattered in this Mission (Id. p. 82, 2 col.). 

V. St. Espbit, Algonquin Mission of the Nipissirinians. 
(Rel. 1612, p. 93, 2 col.). 

F. Claude Pijart (Rel. 1642, p. 03, 2 col.; Id. p. 00, 2 col.; 

lid. 1644, p. 102, 2 col. ; Extr-Larch., p. 64.) 
F. Charles Raymbault (Rel. 1642, p. 93, 2 col.; id. p. 97, 2 

col.; p. 98, 1 col.) 
F. Rene Menard (Ret. 1642, p. 99, 2 col.; p. 98, 1 col.; Rel. 

1644, p. 102, 2 col.) 
F. Isaac Jogues (Rel. 1642, p. 97, 2 col.) 

F. Claude Pijart, among the Nipissings at the Mission of St. 
Esprit, under date of May 29, 1642, writes to Rome: "I have 
passed two winters at Ste. Marie [I.], for the Algonquins had 
wintered with us." s 

F. Jogues' post was at Ste. Marie I., but toward the end of 
September, 1641, he, together with F. Raymbault set out for 
Sault Ste. Marie. The party was made up of Hurons and Algon- 
quins. F. Jogues acted as chaplain for the former (Rel. 1642, p. 
97, 1 and 2 col.). The length of their stay at the place is not given, 
but seventeen days were spent on the journey thither (Id. p. 97, 
2 col.), and probably about as many on the return trip. So, in all 
likelihood they were not back b fore the first week in November. 

After this expedition F. Jogues returned to Ste. Marie I. FF. 
Raymbault and Menard embarked immediately for the winter 
quarters of the Nipissirinians, otherwise the Nipissings, leaving 
F. Claude Pijart at Ste Marie I. to receive those of the Algon- 
quins who usually camped for the winter in Huronia. Owing to 
furious gales on the lake, followed by the formation of ice floes, 
FF. Raymbault and Menard were forced to put back to Ste. 
Marie I., and abandoned their project for that season. It was 
through exposure during this attempt that F. Raymbault con- 
tracted his fatal malady (Id. p. 9S, 1 col.). 

F. Claude Pijart, however, made several excursions, during 
the winter, to detached bands of Algonquins eleven or twelve 
leagues from Huronia (Id. p. 98, 2 col.); and both he and Father 
Menard, at the end of April, 1642, left with the Nipissirinians, 
who were returning to their summer haunts (Id. p. 99, 2 col.). 

R. F. Jerome Lalemant dates the Huron Relation for this 
year (June, 1641 to June, 1642) from Ste. Marie of the Hurons, 
June 10, 1642 (Id. p. 55, 1 col.). 



1907 BUREAU Oh ARCHIVES'. 331 

For the Neutral and Petun Nations, see what has been said 
above. Fathers Gamier and Pierre Pijart made a few trips, dur- 
ing the year, to the latter mission, that of the Apostles. 

1642 

Destruction of Contakea, Juno, 1642 {Rel. 1644, p. 69, 1 col), 

Kontarea, Contarrea, or Contareia, was a large village where 
the Fathers had never succeeded in establishing a mission, nor 
were their instructions, when attempted, even listened to. It was 
noted for its impiety {Rel. 1644, p. 69, I and 2 col.; Rel. 165( 
10, 1 col.). It was destroyed immediately after the despatch of 
the last Huron Relation {Rel. 1644, p. 69, 1 col.). The Huron 
Relation, comprised in the general Relation of 1644, recorded what 
occurred in Huronia from June, 1042, to June, 1643 {Id. />. 68, 
title), while the preceding Huron Relation, from June, 1641, to 
June, 1642, was despatched from Huronia on June 10, 1042 {Rel. 
16 12, p. 55, 1 col.); so that the destruction of this town must have 
taken place in June, 1042. No name is given in the Relation ot 
1644, still there is no room for doubt but that there was question 
of Contarea; this is evinced by what is stated in Relation 1042 
{p. 74, 1 col.): "This winter [1641-1642] the Hurons were really 
filled with dread by a false alarm, for the rumour had reached 
them that an army of Iroquois was on the point of carrying by 
assault the town of Kontarea, the main bulwark of the country." 
This latter term also suggests that it was a frontier town, a fact 
plainly stated in Relation 1644: "having surprised one of our 
frontier towns, etc." {p. 69, 1 col.). The Relation 1636 supplies 
the information that the village of Contarea "was but one day's 
journey from us" {Rel. 1636, p. 94, 2 col.), that is from Ihona- 
1 1 rin, where the Fathers then dwelt. Moreover, as it was a vii 
of the Arendorrhonons it lay to the east. Finally, the word Kon- 
tarea, meaning where there is a lake, or Contareia, where there is 
;i little lake, shows conclusively that it lay contiguous to a small 
sheet of water. 

Lot 7, concession XIII., Oro township, where once a large 
fortified village stood, was doubtless the site of Contarea. 

Arrival ? 

If, as was most probably the case, Father Du Peron returned 
to Huronia in the autumn of 1641, there was no arrival this year. 
That he spent the winter 1641-1642, at Ste. Marie I., would seem 
certain from what F. Jerome Lalemant says concerning the several 



332 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

posts occupied by the Fathers that winter (I'd. 1G42, p. 57, 1 cot. ; 
date of Hur. Eel. June 10, 16-12, Id. p. 55, 1 col.). 

Departures. 

F. Charles Eaymbault, after being frustrated iu his attempt 
to reach the winter quarters of the Nipissirinians, iu the begin- 
ning of the winter of 1641-11142, fell dangerously ill (Rel. 1642, 
p. OS, 1 col.; Rel. 1643, p. 31, 1 col.) and as there was no hope of 
his recovery he was sent with F. Isaac Jogues {Rel. 1644, p. 14, 2 
col.) to Quebec, where he could be better cared for during his ling- 
ering malady (Rel. 1643, p. 3, 1 col.). He died at Quebec, Oct. 
22, 1642, and was interred alongside the remains of Samuel de 
Champlain (Id. ib.). 

F. Isaac Jogues, on June 13, 1642, set out for Quebec from 
Ste. Marie I. The party numbered forty-five, in four canoes. 
There were five Frenchmen (Jogues' Letter. MS. Auth. 1652, copy 
p. 40; orig. pp. 81, 82; Alegambe, Mortes Illus. p. 619) F.F. 
Jogues and Eaymbault, the domic Guillaume Couture (MS. Auth- 
en. 1652, Orig. p. 86, cup;/ p. 52; B essani, p. 192) and two others. 
They reached Three Eivers the thirty-fifth day of their journey 
( MS. 1652, Orig. p. S3, copy p. 50). F. Jogues spent about fifteen 
days at that town and Quebec. The start, on his return trip, was 
made from Three Eivers (Rel. 1647, p. IS, 1 col.), the Relation 
says on August 1 (Id. ib., F. Jogues in his letter says August 2, 
MS. Authen. 1652, copy p. 50, orig. p. 81, 82; Bressani, Transl. 
p. 100). On their second day's journey they were waylaid and 
attacked by a much stronger party of Iroquois. The enemy made 
twenty-five prisoners, three of whom were killed on the spot. F. 
Jogues and three other Frenchmen (Rel. 1643, p. 72,1 col.) Henry, 
who had been taken at Montreal (Id -p. 76, 2 col.), Guillaume Cou- 
ture and Bene Goupil were among the captives (Rel. 1647, pp. IS, 
10 ct ss.; MS. Authen, 1652, Orig. p. 82 et ss.; Bressani, p. 101 
et ss.). 

In a letter to the General, in 1642 (no day or month given), 
F. Pierre Pijart states that in the Huron Mission there were then 
thirteen Fathers and two coadjutor Brothers (Extr-Larch, p. 64, 
No % 13). 

E. F. Jerome Lalemant also writing to the General says "We 
number thirty-four Frenchmen here" among the Hurons. This 
at the date June 5, 1642, consequently before the departures for 
Quebec (LL. ad Gen. p. 30). 

Last year, 1641-1642, there were fourteen Fathers on the 
Huron Mission, this year, 1642-164-3, their number was reduced 
to twelve, ten of whom were employed actively among the Hurons 




Rev. Isaac Jogues, S.J., Missionary to the Humus. 




Statue i>f Rev. Father Isaac Jogues, S.J., at Seminary 

Hall, Dunw lie, New York. 

(By Joseph Sibbel, Sculptor, | 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 333 

and Algonquins, while the house or Residence of Ste. Marie I. 
was left to the care of Fathers Francois Le Mercier and Pierre 
Chastelain (Rel. 1644, p. 74, 2 col.). 

The Fathers thought it more advantageous to concent rat.- 
their efforts on the Indians occupying Huronia, consequently no 
missions properly so called were attempted among the Neutrals 
and the Petuns {Rel. 1644, p. 97, 2 col .• Jer. Lalcmant's Idler, 
June 5, 1642, LL. ad Hen. p. 30; C.G.-LL. Contemp. cup. p. 65; 

Rec. co j). p. 52). 

SCANONAENEAT 01! St. MlCIIEL MADE A MISSION CENTRE. 

At the urgent solicitation of several resident Christians, the 
village of St. Michel was added to the number of the more contin- 
uous missionary centres and a chapel was opened there. The 
change took place towards the end of autumn 1642 (Rel. 1644, p. 
94, 2 col.). 

Residence of Ste. Marie I. 

At this date 1642, this residence had become a shelter not only 
for the missionaries who gathered there from time to time, but 
what might be called a caravansary for the travelling Indian, and 
for pilgrims who repaired thither in increasing- numbers. It was 
more: a hospital had been built, quite separate from the Fathers' 
quarters, but within the enclosure, and a church had been erected. 
A graveyard was laid out for the Indians who had died there, or 
for the Christians who before dying at remote villages had ex- 
pressed the wish to be buried in consecrated ground. Even the 
heathen Hurons were welcomed for a limited time during which 
they were urged to give a thought to the life to come (Rel. 10 ' I ! . 
p. 74, 2 col.). 

F. Paul Le Jeune, writing from Dieppe, France, April 23, 
1642, to R. F. A'itelleschi, General of the Society of Jesus, at 
Rome, informs him that the Cardinal do Richelieu grants -30. Oi 10 
from the Treasury for the construction of a strong Fort in the 
Huron country, and this at the request of his niece [the Duchess of 
Aiguillon] and of Mons. Des Xoiers (Des noyers). (LL. ad. den. 
p. 26.) 

Catalogus Persoxarum et Officiori m. 

R. Pater Hieronymus Lalemant, Sup. 
Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, min., proc, cons., oper. 
Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 
Pater Carolus Gamier, cons., oper. 
Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 
25 Ar. 



334 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Pater Franciscus Du Peron, prsef . eccl. 

Pater Josephus Maria Chaunionot, oper. 

Pater Paulus Ragueneau, oper. 

Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm., conf. NN., cons., praef. spir. 

donat. 
Pater Petrus Pijart, oper. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 
Frater Dominicus Scot, Sartor (Extr-Larch p. 10) (Extr-Larch 

p. 64, No. 13.) 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, sedit., fab-ferr. (Extr-Lar. p. 12) 

{Extr-Larch p. 64, No. 13.) 
Donati : 

Carolus Boivin, praef. redif. (Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr- 

Mart. p. 8) 
Ckristophorus Regnant, Sutor {Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr- 

Mart. p. 8) 
Gulielmus Couturet {Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr-Mart. p. 8) 
Jacobus Levrier, Sutor {Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr-Mart. 

p. 8) 
Joannes Guerin,* ad omnia {Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr- 
Mart. p. 8) 
Joseplius Molere, pliarmac. lotor vest. {Extr-Lar. p. 10; 

Extr-Mart. p. 8) 
Robertus Le Coq, negot. (Extr-Lar. p. 10; Extr-Mart. 
p. 8) 
Atlolescentes : 

Carolus Panic, ad omnia, 
Petrus Boucber, 
Pueri : 

Carolus Le Moyne (Journ. des Jes., pp. 9, 10) 
Jacobus Douard (?), 
Joannes Amiot, 
Marinus Lefevre, 

Nicolaus Giffar (Journ. des Jes., p. 10) 
Domestici : 

Claudius Boucher, 

Franciscus Dornais, 

Gulielmus Loisier, 

Nicolaus Montreuil, 

Petrus Caucbon (Journ. des Jes., p. 63). 

t Left June 13 with Father Jogues. 

* For Jean Guerin's act of donation, signed at Ste. Marie I., March 19, 1642, 
see Cleveland edition of the Relations, Vol. 21, pp. 302, 303. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 335 

To complete the number of 34 Frenchmen (LL. ad Gen. p. 30) 
one more name is wanting. — The general Eolation 1G44 contains 
the Huron Relation of 1G42-1643, see that Relation page 68. 

Missions : 

"As for our missions in the Huron villages, we have continued 
them as usual" (Rel. 1649, p. 71, 1 col.) 

I. Ste. Marie I. {Rel. 1644, p. 74, 1 col.) 

(Residence.) 

F. Francois Le Mercier ) .„ , ,„.. „, „ . . 
-^ tv fa . i • > (Rel. 1644, p. t4, 2 col.) 

F. Pierre Chastelain j v ' * 

Mission of Ste. Marie, with adjacent villages (Rel. 1644, p. 
77, 2 col.), including St. Xavier, beyond Mud Lake (Id. ibid.) 

F. Pierre Pijart (Rel. 1644, p. 77, 2 col.) 

There was no chapel in the villages near Ste. Marie; the 
Christian Indians attended at the chapel of the Residence (Rel. 
1644, p. 77, 2 col.). Those of La Conception and St. Joseph II. 
asked as a favour to be buried in the graveyard of Ste. Marie I. 
(Id. p. 76, 2 col.). The first burial (Id. p. 76, 1 col.). Second 
burial (Id. p. 92, 2 col.). 

II. La Conception, at Ossossane (Rel. 1644, p. 77, 2 col.). 
R. F. Jerome Lalemant, Sup 



t (Rel. 1644, p. 78, 2 col.). 
F. Paul Ragueneau 



III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1644, p. 86, 1 col.). 

v _ . _ ) (Rel. 1644, p. 87,2 col.; C.G-LL. 

F. Charles Gamier, [ X . ' „ 

_. „. T „, > Lontemp. cop. p. (6; Kec. cop. p. 

F. Simon Le Moyne, „ c e 

The chapel of this mission was fitted up in the lodge of a 
Christian Huron by name Etienne Totiri (Rdl. 1644, p. 86, 2 col. ; 
C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 74; Rec. cop. p. 59). 

IV. St. Michel, at Scanonaeneat (Rel. 1644, p. 93, 1 col.) 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot, ) .„ , ,„,. n . , . 

m -ci • -n t> i ( ReI - 1G44 > P- 94 ' 2 coZ> )- 

F. Francois Du Peron, j v 

R. F. Jerome Lalemant, in 1642-1G43, spent two months here 

(Id. ib.). 

V. SS. Anges, among the Neutrals (Rel. 1644, p. 97, 2 col.) 

Owing to the diminished number of missionaries, no Fathers 
were employed on this mission; but some Christian Hurons went 



336 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

in their stead (Id. ibid.). Moreover, toward the end of winter a 
band of one hundred Neutrals visited the Fathers in Huronia (Id. 
p. 98, 1 and 2 col.). 

VI. St. Jean-Baptiste, at Caiiiague (Rel. 1G44, p. 99, 1 col.) 

1. St. Jean-Baptiste, 2. St. Joachim, 3. St. Ignace I. (ib.). 
F. Antoine Daniel (Rel. 1644, p. 99, 1 col.) 

VII. Ste. Elizabeth among the Atonteatabonnon Algoxquixs. 

Driven from their country, along the banks of the upper St. 
Lawrence, these Indians had taken refuge among the Hurons, 
(Eel. 1644, p. 100, 2 col); and this winter, 1642-1643, the princi- 
pal centre of the nomadic mission of Ste. Elizabeth was established 
in their village, but one quarter of a league from St. Jean-Baptiste. 

F. Rene Menard (Rel. 1644, p. 100, 2 col. From September 
1642, Rel. 1644, p. 102, 2 col). 

F. Menard lodged with Father Daniel at St. Jean-Baptiste, 
and when not occupied with the Algonquins, assisted him with 
the Hurons (Id. ibid.). 

VIII. St. Esprit, among the Nipissieinian Algonquins. 

They dwelt about TO leagues from Huronia (Rel. 1644, p. 102, 

2 col.). 
F. Claude Pijart (Rel. 1644, p. 104, 1 col.). 

Fathers Claude Pijart and Rene Menard left Huronia with 
the Nipissirinians for their country at the end of April 1642 (Rel. 
1642, p. 99, 2 col.) and returned in September 1642 (Rel. 1644, p. 
102, 2 col.). F. Menard then joined F. Daniel at St. Jean Bap- 
tiste (Rel. 1644, p. 100, 2 col). Toward the end of December, 
1642, the Nipissirinians and several other Algonquin tribes, who 
led a nomadic life along the shores of Lake Huron, settled for the 
winter in the immediate neighborhood of Ste. Marie I. They 
were allotted to the care of F. Claude Pijart (Rel. 1644, p. 104, 
1 col.). 

1643 

» 

In a letter from Ste. Marie I. in 1643 (the contemporaneous 
copy, by a singular oversight, omits the month but gives the day 
as the 23rd). Father Gamier thus alludes in a general way to the 
system adopted at this period by the Fathers as to residence and 
missionary visitations. "As for Ours, they are on mission [i.e. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 337 

each one at his post] six months on the stretch, I mean during the 
autumn and winter, while even during the summer they make 
frequent excursions to the towns allotted to them" (C.G.-LL. Con- 
temporaneous copy />■ 74; Recent copy p. 08.) 

The Superior of the Huron Mission, F. Jerome Lalemant, at 
the date of March 31, 1644, intimates that during the year 1643- 
1644 the Fathers passed most of the time at their respective vil- 
lages. "Contrary to what obtained in previous years, our Fathers 
are as steadily employed during the summer as in the winter. 
Our [village] missions have become Residences; the chapels have 
everywhere been enlarged. For want of bells, at the earnest en- 
treaty of our Christians we have used discarded kettles; the cemet- 
eries have been blessed ; processions held in the villages ; burials 
take place according to the rites of the Church; and crosses have 
been erected and solemnly venerated in full view of the savages" 
(Rel. 1G44, p. 106, 1 col.). 

The same Father on the 22nd of the same month in the same 
year, writes to the General that since 1641 their number had 
diminished and this had prevented distant excursions. One mis- 
sionary had died, another was held captive by the Iroquois, a third 
was incapacitated by sickness for active work, and a fourth was 
sent on business relating to the mission. So that but six or seven 
remained. Two of these must stay at home to take care of the 
Residence, leaving four or five for the \ illage missions other than 
Sir. Marie I. (LL. ad. Gen. p. 32). 

There is evidently some miscalculation here, for the number 
of Fathers in Huronia was the same in 1643 as in 1642, that is to 
say twelve. In 1641, after taking into account Father Brebeuf's 
absence on business of the mission, there were fourteen present. 
Fathers Jogues and Raymbault left in June 1642, the former was 
taken by the Iroquois on his return trip, the latter died in Quebec 
of the sickness he contracted while on the mission. This reduced 
the number to twelve. Deducting the one, helpless through sick- 
ness, there yet remained eleven available for work. Two more 
must be kept at home to take care of the Church and Residence, 
with the result that there are nine left instead of F., Jerome Lale- 
mant's "six or seven." The only explanation I can suggest is 
that being Superior, busied on the work of administration, quite 
sufficient to occupy the time of one man, he took no account of his 
own personal missionary labours, which, however, were anything 
but insignificant; then, through inadvertence, he must have de- 
ducted F. de Brebeuf from the sum total of workers in 1641, in 
which case the final remainder would be "seven." 

As for Arrivals or Departure* in 1643-1644, no Father reached 
Huronia this year and none left. The only account of the twelve- 



338 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

month, 1643-1644, contained in the Relations, is the short letter 
of about four columns of F. Jerome Lalemant, dated March 31, 
1644, with the title "Lettre de M.DC.XLIV" (Bel. 1644, p. 
105, 1 col., Cleveland edit. Vol. 27, p. 63). What immediately 
precedes this letter in the Relation concerns the previous twelve- 
month, 1642-1643. 

Catalogus Persoxarum et Officiorum. 

R. Pater Hieronymus Lalemant, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, ruin., proc, cons., oper. 

Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 

Pater Carolus Gamier, cons., oper. 

Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 

Pater Franciscus Du Peron, prsef. eccl. 

Pater Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 

Pater Paulus Ragueneau, oper. 

Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm., conf. NN., cons., prajf. spir., 

donat. 
Pater Petrus Pijart, oper. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 

Frater Dominicus Scot, sartor (Extr-Larch., p. 10, 11.) 
Frater Ludovicus Gauher, sedit., fab. ferr. (Extr-Lar., p. 11. 

12.) 



Donati : 



Carolus Boivin, prsef. a?dif. 
Christophorus Regnaut, sutor, 
Jacobus Levrier, sutor, 
Joannes Guerin, ad omnia, 
Josephus Molere, pharmac, lotor vest. 
Robertus Le Coq, negot. 



Adolescentes ; 



Carolus Panic, ad omnia. 
Petrus Boucher, 



Pueri : 



Carolus Le Moyne, 
Jacobus Douard (?), 
Joannes Amiot, 
Marinus Lefevre, 
Nicolaus Giffar, 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES'. 339 

Domestic] : 

Claudius Boucher, 
Franciscus Dornais, 
Gulielmus Loisier, 
Nicolaus Montreuil, 
Petrus Cauchon. 

Missions (Rel. 1644, p. 105, 1 col.) 

I. Ste. Marie I. 

h'csidence and Hospital (Rel. 1644, p. 106, 1 col.). 

R. F. Jerome Lalemant, Sup. (?), 
F. Francois Le Mercier, 
F. Pierre Chastelain. 

(The Mission.) 

F. Pierre Pijart (Rel. 1644, p. 77, 2 col. date Sept. 21, 1643, 
see p. 69, 1 col.). 

II. La Conception at Ossossane. 

F. Paul Ragueneau (C.G.-LL. p. 71.) 

III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae. 

_.„,,-,. 1 (C.G.-LL Contempor. copy p. 73,; 

F. Charles Gamier V, ,„ ,, f 00 

_, „. T ,, V liec. p. 08; Lontemp. cop. p. 88; 

F. Simon Le Moyne J Rec / p ^ 

IV. St. Michel, at Scanonaeneat. 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot, 
F. Francois Du Peron. 

For a "long time," owing to the sickness this year of many 
of the Fathers, St. Michel was left without a pastor, the mission- 
aries being sent elsewhere to fill vacant posts or were themselves 
invalided. (Rel. 1646, p. 77, 2 col. ; p. 78, 1 col.) 

V. St. Jean-Baptiste at Cahiague. 

F. Antoine Daniel (Rel. 1649, p. 4, 2 col.) 

VI. Ste. Elizabeth among Atonteataronnons (Algonquins) 
F. Rene Menard (Rel. 1644, p. 100, 2 col.) 



340 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

VII. St. Estiut among Nipisiriniens, etc. (Algonqtjins) 
F. Claude Pijart 

Both Reno Menard and Claude Pijart left with the Nipissings 
and remained with them from April to September, 16-13, at a 
camp about seventy leagues distant (Eel. 1644, p. 102, 2 col. • Cf. 
Eel. 1642, P . 99, 2 col.). 

There were no missionaries among the Neutrals, or Petuns. 

Father Jerome Lalemant was still Superior of the Huron 
Mission when Father Charles Gamier wrote his letter of April 8, 
16-14, to the General at Rome (C.G.-LL. Eee. cop. p. 63; LL. ad 
Gen. p. 59); but towards the end of the summer 1644, an unofficial 
communication reached Father Lalemant to the effect that he wa^ 
to return to Quebec. The letters of the Provincial of France had 
been intercepted by the Iroquois. Thereupon Lalemant placed 
everything relating to his office in the hands of Father Ragueneau, 
and made preparations for his departure for Quebec (Eel. 1645, p. 
38, 2 col.). But no convoy left Huronia until the following year, 
so that his journey down was unavoidably put off until the open 
season of 1645. The object of the removal was to place him at the 
head of the whole Canadian Mission. 

Arrivals. 

Four flotillas of canoes left Huronia for the lower country in 
1644. Three were intercepted by the Iroquois. One only managed 
to return in safety (Eel. 1615, p. 39, 2 col.; p. 40, 1 col.) bringing 
back Father Jean de Brebeuf, and with him two new missionaries, 
Fathers Leonard Garreau and Noel Chabanel (Id. ib.). The two 
latter were intended for the Algonquin Missions in the neighbor- 
hood of Huronia (Eel. 1644, p. 49, 2 col.). The exact date of their 
arrival may be gathered from the following extract: "Twenty-two 
soldiers sent out from France by the Queen, together with a num- 
ber of others for welfare of the colony, having gone up to 

the Huron country in 1644, were lodged in our own house in Hur- 
onia, and ate at our own table. They returned one year after, day 
for day. For, having arrived at the Hurons September 7 [1644] 
they were back at Montreal, with sixty Huron canoes, September 
7 of the following year [1645], etc." (Journ. des Jcs., p. 9). The 
entry is made in October. 1645. As Brebeuf, Garreau and Cha- 
banel were with this escort (Eel. 1614, p. 49, 2 col.; Rcl. 1645, p. 
40, 1 col.) they necessarily arrived at the same time. 

Father Francois Joseph Bressani had set out from Three Riv- 
ers April 27, 1644, for the Huron Country, but on the third day 
after his departure was taken prisoner by the Iroquois at a point 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES'. 341 

i u-t above the mouth of the River Marguerie (I'd. 1644, p. 41, 1,2 
col.; Rel. 1645, p. 40, 1 col.), now Riviere aux Glaiser* He suf- 
fered cruelly at their hands, but quite unexpectedly his life was 
spared. Alter a captivity of about four months his escape was 
effected with the help of the Dutch at what is now Albany. Be 
arrived at La Rochelle November 15, 1644 (Rel. 1644, p. 45, 2 col.) 
His return to Canada was not long delayed, and we shall find him 
again setting out for the Huron Mission and landing safely in Hur- 
onia in the autumn of 1645 (Rel. 1646, p. 73, 1 col.). 

Dei'akti im . 

Father Pierre Pijart left for the lower country during the 
summer of 1G44 (C.G.LL. Contemp. cop. p. 85; Kcc. cup. p. 73). 
In 1643, he had the care of the mission of Ste. Marie I. and of the 
adjacent villages included in that jurisdiction (Rel. 1644, p. 77, 2 

i. It is said he went on business of the mission (Id. ib.). In 
I G 1-3 he was stationed at Three Rivers acting as purveyor for the 
Huron Mission (Journ. des ./<'.?., p. 5). He never returned to Hur- 
onia (Id. pp. 5, 42, 43, 87, 93; C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 107; 
Rec. cop. p. 91). 

F. Jerome Lalemant, the outgoing Superior of the Huron 
Missions, writes under date of May 15, 1645 (Rel. 1645, p. 52, 2 
col.) : "Of the seven churches we have here, there are six with 

:>ral residences (a demcure). The first at our House of Ste. 
Marie [I.], the five others at the five principal towns of the Hur- 
ons : La Conception, St. Joseph [II.], St. Michel, St. Ignace [I.j 
and St. Jean-Baptiste. The seventh church that of the St. Esprit, 
is made up of Algonquins, who this year [1644-1645], together 
with a number of other nations, wintered about 25 leagues from us 
on the great Lake of our Hurons. This obliged Father Claude 
Pijart and Father Leonard Garreau, their appointed instructors, 
to winter with them " (AW. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

Catalogus Peksoxartjji ex Officiorcm. 

R. Pater Paulus Ragueneau, Sup. (Took office in September.) 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, ruin., proc, cons., oper. 

Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 

Pater Carolus Gamier, cons., oper. 

Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 

Pater Franciscus Du Peron, prsef. eccl. oper. 

Pater Hieronymus Lalemant, oper. (Superior until September, 

1644.) 
Pater Joannes De Brebeuf, conf. NN., cons., oper. 



342 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Pater Josephus Maria Cliaumonot, oper. 

Pater Leonardus Garreau, oper. 

Pater Natalis Chabanel, oper. 

Pater Petrus Chastelain, adra., conf. NN., cons., pref. sp. 

donat. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 
Frater Doruinicus Scot, sartor 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, a?dit., fab. ferr. 

Donati : 

Carolus Boivin, prsef. sedif. 

Christophorus Regnaut, sutor, 

Jacobus Levrier, sutor, 

Joannes Guerin, 

Josephus Molere, pbarm., lotor vest., 

Robertus Le Coq, negot., 

Carolus Panic, ad omnia, 

Petrus Boueber, 

Joannes Amiot, 

Gulielmus Loisier, 

Nicolaus Montreuil. 

Adolescentes et Pueri : 

Jacobus Douard (or Douarf), 
Marinus Lefevre, 
Claude Boucher, 
Franciscus Dornais, 
Daniel Cartron (or Carteron), 
Nicolaus Giffa (or Giffard). 

Domestici : 

Petrinus ("Pierrot"), 
Cauchon (or Cocbon), 
Carolus Be Moyne, 

Milites, 22. 

Missions : 

HURON. 

I. Ste. Marie I. (Ed. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.). 

(Residence). 

R. F. Jerome Lalemant, Sup. until September (Bel. 1645, 
p. 38, 2 col). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 343 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. after September (Rel. 1645, 

p. 38, 2 col). 
F. Francois Le Mercier, min. proc. 
F. Pierre Cliastellain, pncf. spirit. 

(Mission). 

F. Jean de Brebeuf (For the Hurons) (MS. Authen. 1652, orig. 

p. 240; cop. p. 85.). 
Noel Chabanel (For the Algonquins) (Rel. 1644. p. 49, 2 col.) 

II. La Conception, at Ossossane (ltd. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

F. Paul Ragueneau (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 80 ; 1'cc. cop. 

p. 71). 

The passage referred to in Garnier's Letters is very explicit: 
"Le P. Ragueneau est toujours aussi au bourg de la Conception, 
oil il y a bon nombre de Chretiens, et nos autres Peres sont aussi 
disperses ailleurs, etc." The first "aussi" is explained by the fact 
that he had just stated that others also had remained at their old 
posts. The "toujours" is significant inasmuch as it supposes that 
in a previous letter he had spoken of Ragueneau's being at Ossos- 
sane. The date of the letter quoted, which is to his brother Henri, 
is June 7, 1645, while in the collection there is only one letter of 
1644, and that to the General on April 8. That this little scrap of 
information may have its weight, it must not be lost sight of that 
Father Garnier was very particular about writing every year to 
his brother. The inference is that Father Ragueneau was at 
Ossossane or La Conception not only in June, 1645, after he had 
become Superior, but also in 1644. 

III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

F. Charles Garnier (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 80; liec. cop. 

p. 70.) 
F. Rene Menard (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 80; lice. cop. 

p. 70.) 

In this instance also the inference is valid. There is question 
of the same letter of June 7, 1645, wherein Garnier says : "Je suis 
1<nijours en ce bourg de St. Joseph avec le P. Menard," meaning 
that his position had not been changed since he wrote last in the 
preceding year 1644. 

IV. St. Michel, at S< axonaeneat (Rel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot (Cf. Rel. 1644, p. 94, 2 col.) 
F. Francois Du Peron (Cf. Rel. 1644, p. 94, 2 col.) 



344 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

V. St. Ignace I., at Taeniiatentaron (Rel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

F (no data available) 

VI. St. Jeax-Baptiste, at Cahiague (Eel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col.) 

F. Autoiue Daniel (Rel. 1644, p. 99, 1 col; Cf. Rel. 1649, 
p. 4, 2 col.) 

VII. St. Esprit, Nipissing, and other Algonquins. (Rel. 1645, 

p. 51, 1 col. ; Rd. 1646, p. SO, 2 col.). 

F. Claude Pijart (Cfr. Rel. 1644, p. 104, 1 col.- Rel. 1645, p 

51, 1 col. ; Rel. 1646, p. SO, 2 col. ; p. SI, 2 col.) 
F. Leonard Garreau (Cfr. Rel. 1644, p. 104, 1 col.; Rel. 1615, 
p. 51, 1 col. ; Rel. 1646, p. SO, 2 col. ; p. SI, 2 col.) 

They wintered together (1644-J645) at Endarahy (Rel. 1656, 
/>. 43, 1 col.), and left their encampment to return to Huronia May 
7, 1645 (Rel. 1646, p. SI, 2 col.). 

Unaccounted for. 
F. Simon Le Moyne 

There are no data concerning him in the Relations until 1654, 
nor in the "Journ. des Jesuites" until 1653. It is not improbable 
that this year, 1644-1645, he was assisting Daniel in his extensive 
mission, and attending especially to the spiritual wants of the 
mission of St. Ignace I. 

It must not be lost sight of that what is related in Chapter 
VII. of Relation 1646 (pp. SO, SI) is to be referred to what occur- 
red in 1644-1645. On page 81 (2 col.), "May 7" is given as the date 
when the winter sojourn of the missionaries in question anions tli" 
Algonquins came to an end. If we turn to page 54 (1 col.) of this 
same Relation we find that it is dated May 1, 1646. It follows that 
■.May 7" cannot refer to 1646 but to 1645, consequently the winter- 
ing described in this part of the Relation 1646, is that of 1644- 
1645. 

A very serious and inexcusable mistranslation must here be 
pointed out in La Premiere Mission by Carayon. On page 241 
this passage occurs: "Le P. Antoine Daniel etait depuis quatre 
nns dans cette Mission de Saint Joseph. II y avait produit le plus 
grand bien; il semblait fait pour convertir ces peuples, etc." It 
is hard to believe that this was intended for a faithful rendering 
of the following, which is taken from a manuscript copy of Rague- 
neau's original Latin letter: "Jam quartum decimum annum 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 345 

posuerat in liac Missione Hurouensi Antonius, ubique frugifer, 
vereque natus in salutem istarum gentium, etc" (Archives, St. 
Mary's College, A. 11, 1649, p. 4) (Cf. Relations, Clev. Edit. Vol. 
33, pp. 246, 271). That Daniel "had spent fourteen years in the 
Huron Mission" and that "he had been for the last four years at 
this Mission of St. Joseph" (that is, dating back from July 4, 
1648, when he was killed) are two widely separate propositions, 
compatible in themselves, but in this case incorrect; the latter 
being at variance with the positive statements of one who had 
lieen at St. Joseph's at least a part of the time indicated, I mean 
Father Charles Garnier. The attention of the unwary is drawn to 
this misleading historical indication. It concerns the present 
year and the ones following. 

1645 

(It. F. Jerome Lalemant, Superior General of Canada Mission, at 

Quebec, 1645-1650.) 

Father Ragueneau, the new superior of the Huron Missions, 
writes : "We have transformed into residences the missions we 
were attending in the towns of La Conception, St. Joseph [II. J, 
St. Ignace [I.], St. Michel and St. Jcan-Baptiste, which this year 
[1645-1646] have given occupation to ten of ours. The mission of 
St. Esprit can have no fixed abode; for it would be impossible to 
settle in one spot five or sis wandering tribes of Algonquins, 
scattered as they are along the shores of our Great Lake for more 
than one hundred and fifty leagues from here, and for whose con- 
quest to the Faith we have been able to send but two of our 
Fathers. Two others remained at home, at our house at Ste. Marie 
[I.], which is the central point of the country and the heart of all 
our missions. From this centre we endeavour to supply the wants 
of all our churches, and it is here that we have the consolaton of 

meeting three times within a year, etc As for me, the last 

of the fifteen of our Fathers who are here, I have no regular cure 
allotted to me, so being unattached I am left more free to m 
the round of all the missions, remain ; n each place as long as the 
necessity for the time being requires " 

"In each of these church centres we have built chapels suit- 
able enough, and have hung bells which are heard pretty far " 

(Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1, 2 col.). 

With the Relations written by Father Ragueneau, from this 
out, begin the perplexities of the ^ould-be chronologist. He seems 
to have entered upon office with the preconceived notion that he 
was bound to follow not only the injunction of "nit de mortvis 



346 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

nisi bonum" but, what is to be much regretted, that of "nihil 
boni nisi de mortuis." For, whatever good is effected or hardship 
endured is simply attributed in his Relations to ''one of our 
Fathers," or "two of our Fathers," or else to the "Father or 
Fathers in charge of this mission." As for names, except in the 
extreme case of actual martyrdom, scarcely one is vouchsafed. 
So that, when indications ; n other documents of the time are not 
forthcoming, I shall henceforth be reduced to mere surmise; and 
I beg the reader to be lenient if, in this inextricable tangle, I 
should more than once be brought to a complete stand-still. 

Departures. 

F. Jerome Lalemant left Huronia (C.G.-LL. date of letter 
June 7, 1645, Contemp. cop. p. 85; Rec. cop. p. 73) in the month 
of August, 1645, for he reached Montreal on Sept. 7, Three Rivei'3 
on the 10th (Rel. 1645, p. 29, 2 col.; p. 30, 1 col.; p. 23, 2 col.) 
and Quebec on Oct. 2 (Journ. des Jen. p. 3). The lay-brother 
Dominique Scot probably journeyed with him. An entry, under 
date of October 24, 1645, runs thus: "Father Quentin, the ordi i- 
ary procurator, and our Brother Scot, back from the Huron Mis- 
sion on account of his disease of the lungs, took passage [for 
France] on the "Admiral" (Journ.. des. Jcs., p. S). 

Nicolas Giffard, a young boy, and Charles Lemoyne, a hired 
man, left for Quebec tlrs summer (Journ. des Jes., pp. 0, 10). 

Arrivals. 

F. Francois Joseph Bressani, after his capture and excruci- 
ating though only preliminary tortures inflicted by the Iroquois, 
was ransomed by the Dutch and sent back to France. He landed 
at La Rochelle Nov. 15, 1644 (Rel. 1641, p. 45, 1, 2 cot.). He, 
however, returned to Canada (Rel, 1645, p. 2, 1 col.) and again set 
out for Huronia, where he arrived in the early autumn of 164-3 
(Rel. 1645, p. 73, 1 col.). 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet, absent since the summer of 1640, 
returned, if not in company with F. Bressani, about the same 
time, though there is no explicit mention of his arrival. His name 
which appeared regularly on the parish register of Montreal in 
1642, 1643 and 1644 (Jacq. Viger, Petit Regist. in 40th, MS., p. 4), 
is not to be found there after the last mentioned year, while it 
occurs, under the heading "Apud Hurones," in manuscript lists, 
excerpts from the scant fragments of Catalogues which exist, viz. 
in 1645, 1648, 1649; 1646 and 1647 are lacking (E.rtr-Lar. pp. 12, 
13, 14; Extr-Mart., pp. 9, 10, 11). Moreover, F. Ragueneau gives 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 347 

as fifteen the number of Fathers in Huronia in 1645-1646 (Rel. 
1646, p. 56, 2 col.); there would have been but fourteen had F. 
Poncet not been present. 

The lay brother, Ambroise Brouet left also for Huronia in the 
autumn of 1645 (MS. Authent. 1652, Orig. p. 145; Copy p. 119, 
where it says "last autumn," the date of the document being Feb. 
IT, 1646). 

Catalogus Personartjm ET Ol'FICIOEUM. 

It. Pater Paulus Bagueneau, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, min, proc., cons., prsef. eccl. 

et sanit. (Extr-Lar. p. 12.) 
Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 
Pater Carolus Garnier, cons., oper. 
Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 
Pater Franciscus Du Peron 
Pater Franciscus Josephus Bressani 
Pater Joannes De Brebeuf, conf. NN., cons., oper. (Extr-Lar. 

p. 12; Extr-Mart. p. 9.) 
Pater Josephus Antonius Poncet 
Pater Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 
Pater Leonardus Garreau, oper. 
Pater Natalis Chabanel, oper. 
Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm. praef. spir. conf. NN., cons., 

et domest. (Extr-Lar. p. 12; Extr-Mart., p. 9.) 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 
Prater Ambrosius Brouet 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, redit., fab. ferr. 

Donati : 

Carolus Boivin, prsef. sedif. 
Carolus Panic, 
Eustachius Lambert, 
Christophorus Regnaut, sutor, 
Gulielmus Loisier, 
Jacobus Levrier, sutor, 
Joannes Amiot (or Amyot), 
Joannes Guerin, 

Josephus Molere, pharm., lotor vest. 
Xicolaus Montreuil (Extr.-Lar. p. 7; Extr.-Mart. p. 7.) 
Eobertus Le Coq, negot. (Extr-L,ar. pp. 7, 8, 10; Extr- 
Mart. pp. 7, 8.) 
Petrus Boucher (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7; 
Journ. dcs Jcs., p. 35.) 



348 THE REPORT OF THE No. il 

Adolescentes et Pueri : 

Claudius Boucher (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Daniel Cartron (or Carteron) (Journ. des Jes. p. 64; 

Extr-Mart. p. 9)-. 
Franciscus Dornais (Extr-Lar. p>. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 
Jacobus Douard (or Douart) (Rel. 164S, p. 77, 2 col. ; 

Rel. 1640, p. 28, 2 col.) 
Marinus Lefevre (Extr-Lar. p. 7; Extr-Mart. p. 7). 

Domestici et alii : 

Petrinus ("Pierrot") Cocliou (or Cauchon) (Jour, des 

Jes. p. 64; Extr-Mart. p. 9) 
JEgidius (Gilles) Bacon (Jour, des Jes. p. 64; Extr- 
Mart. p. 9) 
Joannes Le Mercier (Jour, des Jes. p. 64; Extr-Mart. 

P. 9) 
Medardus Chouart Groselieis (Jour, des Jes. p. 64; 

Extr-Mart. p. 9) 
Racine (Jour, des Jes. p. 64; Extr-Mart. p. 9) 

Missions : 

HURON. 

I. Ste. Maiue I. (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1, 2 col.; p. 78, 1 col.) 

(Residence) 

(Two Fathers resided in our house at Ste. Marie. Rel. 1646, 

p. 56, 1 col.) 
R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. no fixed domicile (Id. ib. 2 col.) 
F. Francois Le Mercier, inin. proc. prcef. eccl. et sanit. cons. 

(Extr-Lar. p. 12) 
F. Pierre Chastelain, praef. spirit, conf. NN. (Extr-Lar. 

p. 12) 

(Mission) 

F. Jean de Brebeuf, cons. conf. NN. (Extr-Lar. p- 12; Exlr- 
Mart. p. 9), miss, excurrens. 

Father de Brebeuf, as the autumn [of lb'45] was drawing to an 
end (Rel. 1646, p. 76, 2 col.) set out with a young Frenchman for 
Tangouaen, where there was an encampment of Algonquins and 
Hurons (Id. ib.). This place was five or six days' journey from 
Huronia. He remained there but a few days, for winter was set- 
ting in and threatened to prevent his return to Huronia (Id. p. 77, 
1 col.) where his services were needed. 

There is no doubt that during the year 1645-1646 there were 
several other Fathers who were obliged by sickness to return from 



11)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 349 

their missions to Ste. Marie I., for Ragueneau says "plusieurs de 
nos Peres estans tonibez en mesme temps malades, etc." (Rel. 
1646, p. 77, 2 col, p. 78, 1 col.). 

II. La Conception, at Ossossane (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; p. 60, 

1 col. ; p. 62, 1 col.) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. {Rel. 1646, p. 72, 2 col.; C.G.- 
LL. Contemp. cop. p. 80; Rec. cop. p. 71). 

F (no data available). 

F (no data available). 

That Father Ragueneau was at Ossossane is certain. Speak- 
ing of an eclipse of the moon which took place on January 30, 1645, 
he says: "I'estois alors dans le Bourg de la Conception" (Rel. 
1646, p. 72, 2 col.). Gamier (loc. cit. superius) in his letter of 
June 7, 1645, writes "Le P. Ragueneau est toujours aussi au 
bourg de la Conception." This citation helped us already to place 
him last year, 1644, but as the date shows, it refers primarily to 
the present one. Still, it is not to be supposed that he was there 
alone, as the neophytes were more numerous there than elsewhere. 
But, so far, I have discovered no helpful data to determine how 
many and who his assistants were. 

III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; 

p. 59, 2 col.; p .79, I col.) 

F. Charles Garnier (C.G.-LL., June 7, 1645, Contemp. cop. 

p. 80; Rec. cop. p. 70) 
F. Francois Du Peron (C.G.-LL., June 7, 1645, Contemp. cop. 

p. 80; Rec. cop. p. 70) 

There was more than one missionary on the station : "Nos 
Peres de la- mission de S. Ioseph, voyans croistre le nomine de 
leurs morts, etc." (Rel. 1646, p. 59, 2 col.); but there is not even 
a hint as to who they were. Father Garnier's Letter (loc. cit.) 
happily supplies the deficiency. Under date of June 7, 1645, the 
Father says: "Je suis toujours en ce bourg de St. Joseph avec le 
P. Menard." The presence of Father Garnier at St. Joseph II. 
this year is confirmed by Father Garreau's letter contained in 
Relation 1650 (p. 14, 1 col.). 

IV. St. Ignace I., at Taenhatentaron (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; 

p. 58, 2 col.; p. 63, 2 col.; p. 80, 1 col.). 

F (no data available). 

F (no data available). 

26 Ah. 



350 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

On page 59 (1 col), while referring to the village of St. Ignace 
I., the author says : ''Nos Peres, en ayans appris la nouuelle, etc.," 
and from this expression I once more infer that there was more 
than one Father in charge of this mission. But there is no sup- 
plementary evidence from other sources to enlighten us as to their 
identity. 

V. St. Michel, at Scaxoxaexeat (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; p. 77. 

2 col.). 

F (no data available). 

There was to all appearances but one Father appointed to St. 
Michel this year, 1645-1646. And for that matter, it was deprived 
for nearly the whole time of its pastor. A young prisoner of war 
taken from the Atsistaeronnons , or Fire Nation, had been adopted 
by the Hurons of St. Michel, and on his conversion received in 
baptism the name of Exouaendaen. Stricken by paralysis he be- 
came a cripple, and was sadly neglected by his family of adoption, 
not being even provided with food for days at a time by his heath- 
en relatives. This preamble will help to the understanding of 
the quotation : 

"Sa maladie alloit tousiours croissant, et pour luy rauir dans 
le plus fort de ses miseres, l'vnique consolation qui luy restoit en 
terre, Dieu permit que le Pere qui auoit soin de cette Mission, fut 
oblige de s'en absenter bien long-temps, sans que nous puissions 
y suppleer par vne autre voye, plusieurs de nos Peres estans tombez 
en mesme temps malades, et les autres necessaires autre part" 
(Rel. 1646, p. 77, 2 col.; p. 78, 1 col.). This, and what follows, 
leaves the impression that the Mission of St. Michel suffered for 
a very considerable time from the absence of its one missionary. 

This mission had been given a Residence in the autumn of 
1642, as may be seen in Eelation 1644 (p. 94, 2 col.), bearing al- 
ways in mind that that part of Relation 1644 covered the twelve- 
month from June, 1642, to June, 1643 (see p. 6S, Rel. 1644). Chau- 
monot and Francois Du Peron were its first appointed pastors 
(Rel. 1644, p. 94, 2 col.). Of Du Peron we hear nothing more 
until 1646, when Garnier tells us that he was his companion at 
St. Joseph II. Nor of Chaumonot until 1647, when under the 
Indian name of Aronhiatiri we find him first at St. Ignace I. (Rel. 
1648, p. 65, 2 col.), and then at La Conception (Rel. 1649, p. 28, 
2 col.; MS. Authen. 1652, Orig. p. 166 et p. 164 conjunctim; Cf. 
P.M. p. 242). So that no evidence of a positive nature precludes 
the supposition that Du Peron remained at St. Michel until 1646, 
or that Chaumonot was still a resident missionary there until 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES - . 351 

1G47 ; only, be it remembered, that in this year, 1645, there was 
but one Father at St. .Michel, and that for the greater part of the 
year he was absent through sickness. 

VI. St. Jeax-Baptiste, at Cahiagtje (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; p. 

61, 1 col.) 

F. Antoine Daniel (Rel. 1649, p. 4, 2 col.; Cf. Rel. 1644, p. 

DO, 1 col.) 

I' (no data available). 

It may be inferred that there were, this year, two missionar- 
ies stationed at St. Jean-Baptiste from the expression "estant in- 
terogee de nos Peres" (Rel. 1646, p. 61, 2 col.). There need be no 
doubt entertained as to Father Daniel. The nine years, and L-ore, 
before his death he had lived in the villages nearest the frontier 
i Rt i . 1649, p. 4, 2 col.). Since the destruction of Contareia, St. 
Jean-Baptiste and St. Joseph II. were the only two spoken of as 
such. As St. Joseph II. and its two missionaries are already ac- 
counted for this year, 1645-1646, with absolute certainty, obvi- 
ously Father Daniel was -at St. Jean-Baptiste. But who his com- 
panion was remains a problem. 

ALGONQUIN. 

VII. St. Esprit, Nipissings, etc. (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 1 col.; p. 80, 

2 col.). 

F. Claude Pijart (Rel. 1615, p. 51, 1 col. ; Rel. 1646, pp. SO, 

81, 84). 

F. Leonard Garreau (Rel. 1645, p. 51, 1 col. ; Rel. 1646, pp. 

SO, 81, 84). 

"Father Claude Pijart and Father Leonard Garreau, who had 
wintered with the Algonquins [1644-1645 on the shores of our 
great lake amidst the snow which covers these regions for more 
than four or five months, followed these same tribes throughout 
the summer among the bare rocks where they dwell, exposed to a 
burning sun, so that they may be said to have spent about the 
whole of last year [1644-1645] with them" (Rel. 1646, pp. SO, 81). 

"They had left us [for their mission] at the end of November 
[1644]" (Id. p. 81, 1 col.), with a young Frenchman a domestic 
servant (hi. ib.). "They remained [at their camp] until May 7, 
[1645]" (Id. p. SI, 2 col.), which camp was more than eighty 
leagues distant (Id. p. 84, 1 col.). Nothing is said of the summer 
of 1645. 



352 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

"Our Fathers have not set eyes on the greater number of these 
fervent Christians [the Algonquins] since the autumn [1645] when 
they were obliged +o take leave of them at a place [Endarahy , 
distant from here more than eighty leagues, the Nipissirinians 
having made up their minds to live scattered through the forests 
during all this last winter [1645-1646] (Eel. 1646, p. 84, 1 col.). 
At the same time [autumn of 1645] Father Garreau fell sick, a 
prey to a violent fever and dysentery, to alleviate which Father 
Claude Pijart and the Frenchman who accompanied them had no 
remedy at hand in a wilderness destitute of all human succour" 
(Id. ib.). Thereupon, the Relation tells us, they hurried home as 
best they could, through rapids and over portages, paddling while 
daylight lasted and often during the night. In the more danger- 
ous passes even the sufferer lent a hand to the- paddle. After a 
painful journey of twelve or thirteen days, without shelter from 
sun, or rain, or wind, and always ankle-deep in water, the invalid 
reached Huronia (Id. ib.). 

"But he arrived," I quote the words of the Relation, "so 
thoroughly spent that our remedies were powerless against the 
evil, and in a few days we saw him so near death's door, that dur- 
ing a crisis which lasted a whole day we thought he was in his last 
agony, and his coffin was prepared" (Id. p. 84, 1, 2 col.). This 
sickness lasted into the winter [1645-1646]. 

All this seems plain enough when punctuated, as it were, with 
dates, which I have placed in brackets, as not belonging to the 
text, and for these glaring interpolations I feel that some justifi- 
cation is called for. Let us take as starting-point an event with 
an absolutely certain date, for the season and for the year, for in- 
stance, the following : 

"Garreau's illness occurred in the autumn of 1645 or towards 
the beginning of the winter 1645-1646." 

This is substantiated beyond a shadow of doubt by Garnier's 
letter of May 14, 1646 (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 89; Eec. cop. 
p. 76) : "Je fus souvent ravi d'admiration cet hiver [evidently of 
1645-1646], voyant et entendant les sentiments d'un des notres 
qui fut si proche de la mort que nous avions deja fait sa biere. II 
fut malade environ 88 jours, ce me semble. La Relation vous ap- 
prendra comment il tomba malade." 

The Relation of 1646, the date of which is May 1, 1646, is in 
perfect agreement with this, for we were told that the Fathers did 
not again see the Algonquins since the autumn, when they took 
leave of them, the latter dispersing in the woods "through the 
whole of this last winter," which from the date of the Relation 
could be no other than that of 1645-1646, while the autumn when 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 353 

the Fathers separated from the Indians was that of 1645, and the 
Relation adds immediately: "Le Pere Gareau tomba malade en 
mesme temps" (p. 84, 1 col.). It is true that in Garnier's letter 
the name of the sick missionary is not given, but the incident of 
the coffin having been prepared before the man was dead, which 
is mentioned both in the letter and in the Relation, is too striking 
and too unusual not to refer to the same person. 

Here then is our starting point, and from it let us work 
back. 

Winter of 1645-1646. The Algonquins disperse through the 
woods during the winter 1645-1646 (Bel. 1646, p. 84, 1 col.) 

Autumn of 1645. Beginning of Father Garreau's illness, at 
the time the Fathers take leave of the Indians (Id. ib.). 

Summer of 1645. No mention is made of it in the Relation. 
But since the missionaries had returned to Huronia from a previ- 
ous expedition after a journey of four or five days (Id. p. 81, 1 
col.) beginning on May 7, 1645 (Id. ib. 2 col.), to be able to 
return again in the autumn of 1645 they must have been absent 
from Huronia, and with the Algonquins during the interval, that 
is during the summer of 1645. In fact, Claude Pijart's letter 
(Hi I. 1656, p. 43, 1 col.) states positively that they were together 
this very summer in the Nipissing country. 

The paragraph, near the head of the first column, on page 84, 
beginning: "Depuis ce temps-la, cette petite Eglise, etc." is the 
point of transition in the narrative between what happened during 
the twelvemonth 1644-1645 and the preceding year. 

Spring of 1645. Turning back now to page 81 (2 col.), we 
find the first specified date, precise as to the day and month, but 
the year is not given: "There the three [Garreau, Claude Pijart 
and their young French companion] constructed out of birch bark 
a cabin for themselves, under whose shelter they dwelt until the 
snow was gone, that is May 7. "As this spot, their mission win- 
ter-quarters, was four or five days' journey from Huronia (Id. p. 
81, 1 col.) they were back at Ste. Marie I. about May 12, but 
assuredly not May 12, 1646, for the Relation itself is dated May 
1, 1646 (p. 54, 1 col.). Consequently the party broke up camp May 
7, 1645. 

Winter of 1644-1645. The particulars of the winter mission 
of 1644-1645 should have found place in Relation 1645. In fact 
turning to page 51 (col. 1.) of that Relation we find mention made 
of that hibernation but in mere outline: "The seventh [mission- 
ary] Church, called St. Esprit, is composed of Algonquins who, 
this year [1644-1645], together with a number of other nations, 
wintered about twenty-five leagues from us on the [shores of the] 



354 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

great Lake of our Hurons. This obliged Father Claude Pijart and 
Father Leonard Garreau, their appointed instructors, to winter 
with them, undergoing much hardship and labour but not without 
consolation." 

To make up for such a meagre account for a rather eventful 
year, the author of the Relation 1646 in a retrospect at the begin- 
ning of Chapter VII. (p. 80, 2 col.) supplies the particulars which 
he had passed over in silence. It follows from this that the open- 
ing lines should read: "Father Claude Pijart and Father Leonard 
Garreau, who had wintered with the Algonquins in 1644-1645 on 
the shore of our great lake, etc." 

Autumn of 1644. It follows likewise that on page 81 (1 col.) 
the date should be rilled in and the phrase read: "They had left 
us at the end of the month of November, 1644, etc." In this same 
paragraph we find described the narrow escape of the two mission- 
aries from drowning after they had broken through the ice as hav- 
ing occurred shortly after their departure in November, 1644. 
I draw attention particularly to this as it will prove of service 
presently. 

To look for corroboration of what has gone before by turning 
to the Relation 1644 would be time lost. All that precedes the 
letter of Father Jerome Lalemant (Eel. 1644, pp. 105, 107) refers 
to what took place during the twelvemonth 1642-164-3 (see title p. 
GS), while in the letter itself, which is dated March 31, 1644 (p. 
107, 2 col.), the mission of St. Espr't is not even mentioned. 

Corroboration of what 'precedes. But Relation 1656 contains 
an encomium of the virtues of Father Garreau, written on the oc- 
casion of the death, by his former companion Father Claude Pi- 
jart. In it this passage occurs: "le me souuiens qu'hiuernant 
auec luy Pan 1644 [winter of 1644-1645], en vn lieu nomme End- 
arahy, et passant sur vn etang glace le qliatrieme de Decembre, 
iour de saincte Barbe la glace se rompant, etc." (Eel. 1656, p. 43, 

1 col.) "II fit, l'Este suiuant, vn voyage auec moy au Pais 

des Nipisiriniens, ou les fatigues que son zele luy faisoit souffrir, 
le ietterent dans vne maladie que nous croyions tour estre nior- 
telle; mais Dieu luy reseruoit vne niort plus genereuse" (Id. ib.). 

While on this subject of the Algonquins it will be of interest 
to note that the two missionaries this year came in contact and 
effected conversions among what were for them new tribes, for no 
doubt Fathers Jogues and Raymbault bad already met with them 
on their journey to Sault Ste. Marie in September and October, 
1641 (Eel. 1642, p. 97). The Relation of 1646 puts it thus : "Outre 
les Nipissiriniens, auxquels depuis quelques annees on auoit an- 
nonce la foy, et dont quelques-vns de remarque estoient desia Chres- 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 355 

liens, il se trouua par bon-lieur dans eet hyuemement vne autre 
nation d' Algonquins, nommez Achirigouans, dont le pays tire vers 
l'Occident, approehant des pouples du Sault, des Aoueatsiouaenron- 
nons, e'est a dire qui liabitent les costes de la Mer [or any large 
body of water]; et d'autres nations tres nombreuses auec lesquelles 
ils out leur principal commerce et de tres-grandes habitudes" (liel. 
1646, p. 81, 2 col.; p. 82, 1 col.). The Relation then proceeds to 
give the results of the missionary efforts of the Fathers. 

Ivu ( OTJNTED FOR. 

The names of the missionaries, who were assuredly in Hur- 
onia this year, but whom, for lack of data, it lias been impossible 
to place with any degree of certainty are as follows: 

Bressani, Francois Joseph 

Chabanel, Noel 

Chaumonot, Joseph Marie 

Du Peron, Francois 

Le Moyne, Simon 

Menard, Rene. 

1646 

This year, 1646-1647, there were in Huronia fifteen Fathers, 
three coadjutor or lay brothers, fifteen "donnes," five hired men 
and four boys (Father Ragueneau s letter, May 1, 1647, Extr-Lar. 
p. 65, No. 16). 

No Fathers arrived or left; but on May 11, 1646, Jean Caron 
set out from Three Rivers for the Hurons (Journ. des. Jes., p. 44, 
Cf. Id. p. 145) ; while Brother Pierre Masson left Quebec for the 
same destination on Sept. 29, 164G (Journ. des. Jes. p. 66) together 
with Jean Boursier dit Desforges (Id. ibid. Cf. p. 143). 

In a letter to his brother Henri, dated April 25, 1648, Father 
Charles Gamier gives us several particulars relating to the year 
1646: "I told you [in previous letters intercepted by the Iroquois] 
that my superiors had sent me with one of Ours named F. Garreau 
to a new mission termed that of the Petun Nation, to which we 
have given the title of Mission of the Apostles. I call it a new 
mission, for though I had been there with the late Father Jogues 
in 1639, and subsequently in 1640 with F. [Pierre] Pijart, we did 
little else than baptize some sick Indians, but few adults. Then 
the mission was given up that we might work in other centres 
nearer our House [the Residence of Ste. Marie I.], where minds 

were better disposed to embrace the Faith We have been 

sent hither, F. Garreau and I, he to instruct the Algonquins, 
living among this same Petun Nation, though of a language 



356 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

differing from that of our Hurons, and I, to instruct the Hurons. 
So we both took up our quarters in a town inhabited by both Hur- 
ons and Algonquins [St. Mathias or Ekarenniondi.] 

"There F. Garreau worked hard throughout the winter of 
1646 to learn the Algonquin language. He made great progress, 
so that in the spring [1647] he could make himself well under- 
stood." 

The Father then mentions the murder of an Algonquin and 
continues : "The Algonquins accused the Hurons of the deed and 
forthwith withdrew from the town named Ekarenniondi [The 
Standing Rock], where they had lived together, and set out to join 
another Algonquin Nation two days' journey from Ekarenniondi. 

For this reason the Father [Garreau] was appointed to 

the Hurons, in the knowledge of whose language he had 
already a good beginning. We joined forces, he and I, and since 
last summer [1647] our field of labour has been principally in two 
Huron [Pehm] towns four leagues distant one from the other. One 
is called Ekarcnnindi, dedicated to St. Mathias, and the other 
Etharita dedicated to St. John the Evangelist. We have a little 
chapel in each of these two villages" (C.G.-LL. Contemp. Cop. 
pp. 97-99; Rec. Cop. pp. 83, 84). 

Further on, in the same letter, speaking of the chances of a 
reconciliation of the Hurons (i.e. Petuns) and Algonquins, and of 
the fruits of their own labours, F. Gamier states expressly that he 
and F. Garreau had been missionaries among the Petuns since 
October, 1646. He speaks also of a third village, probably St. 
Matthieu (Cf. Rel. 1650, p. 19, 2 col.) where they had found work 
to do (Id. Contemp. cop. p. 101; Rec. cop. p. 86). 

In the general Relation of 1647 there is no account of what 
took place among the Hurons in 1646-1647. For that matter, from 
the beginning of F. Ragueneau's administration in Huronia down 
to the dispersion, particulars as to where the several missionaries 
were stationed, year after year, are very scant, not to say entirely 
wanting. 

The Frenchmen who went down to Quebec this year were 
Pierrot Cauchon, Gillis Bacon; Daniel Cartron, Jean Le Mercier, 
Des Groseliers, Racine and Eustache Lambert "who had become 
a donne and was to return, which he eventually did with the above 
named persons" (Journ. des. Jes., p. 64), a statement seemingly 
modified later : "With the Hurons, Eustache went up, and the 
three of whom I have spoken above" (Id. p. 65). Which three? 

The departure of the Hurons, for the upper country, took 
place on September 22 (Id. ib.). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 357 

Catalogus Personaevm et Officiohum. 

R. Pater Paulus Ragueneau, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, miii. , proc., cons., oper., praef. 

sanit. eccl. et. 
Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 
Pater Carolus Garnier, cons., oper. 
Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 
Pater Franciscus Du Peron, 
Pater Franciscus Josephus Bressani, 
Pater Joannes de Brebeuf, Conf. NN., cons., oper. 
Pater Josephus Antonius Poncet, oper. 
Pater Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 
Pater Leonardus Garreau, oper. 
Pater Natalis Chabanel, oper. 
Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm., conf. NX., cons., pncf. spir. 

donatorum, 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 
Frater Ambrosius Brouet, coq. 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, fab. ferr. 
Frater Petrus Masson, sart., sedit., hortulan. 

Donati : 

Carolus Boivin, prcef. agdif. 

Carolus Panic, 

Christophorus Regnaut, sutor, 

Claudius Boucher, 

*Daniel Cartron, 

*Eustachius Lambert, 

Franciscus Dornais, 

Gulielmus Loisier, 

Jacobus Douart, 

Jacobus Levrier, 

Joannes Guerin, 

Josephus Molere, 

Marinus Lefevre, 

Nicolaus Montreuil, 

Robertus Le Coq, 

Josephus Boursier dit Desforges. 

Domestici et Alii : 

*iEgidius Bacon, 
Joannes Caron, 

« I he seven whose names are marked with an asterisk went down to Quebec this year, 1615, but 
returned In the autumn {Journ. dwJes. pp. 64, 66). 



358 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Joannes Guiet, faber lign (Journ. des Jes., p. 66) 
*Joannes Le Mercier, 

* Racine, 

*Petrinus ("Pieirot") Cauchon, 

Petrus Tournient, cccment. (Journ. des Jes., p. 66) 

*Medardus Cliouart Groseliers, 

Pueri : 

Leger (Journ. des Jes., p. Ill) 



Franciscus Malherbe (at 11, Obit.; Archio. A I'ortf. 

21, 13) 
Two other names wanting. 

Missions : 

HURON. 

I. Ste. Marie I. 

(Residence) 

R. P. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. (Rel. 1646, p. 56, 2 col. ■ Extr- 

Lar. VP . 12, 13, 14). 
F. Francois Le Mercier, proc. cons, prref. eccl. et sanit. (Extr- 

Mart. p. 10). 
F. Pierre Chastelain, prsef. rer. spir. 'Conf. NN., adm. (Extr- 

Mart. p. 10). 
F. Francois Joseph Bressani, (recuperating). 
F. Leonard Garreau, (recuperating until October). 

Father Bressani, who had returned to Huronia in the autumn 
of 1645, was in no condition (Rel. 1646, p. 73, 1 col.) to under- 
take, even with a companion, the care of an outlying mission. 
First he had no knowledge as yet of the language : "S'il n'eust 
point este pris captif des Iroquois en sou premier voyage, il scaur- 
oit desia la langue Huronne et seroit vn ouurier forme'' (Id. ib.). 
Then his mutilated hands must as yet have been of little service 
to him. He had but one entire finger left, and from this the nail 
had been torn (Breve Rel. Orig. p. 37, Transl. p. 122). The par- 
ticulars into which Ragueneau enters, as to the favourable impres- 
sion made on the Hurons at the sight of those very hands, which 
spoke so eloquently, seem almost to indicate that the Superior had 
kept him by his side ever since his return. Apart from this con- 
sideration, there is nothing else to determine his position this year. 

(Mission) 

F. Jean de Brebeuf, till a little before the removal of St. 
Ignace I. to the new site (Vie de Brebevf, Martin, p. 246). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 359 

II. La C:>\< i.I'L-o.n, \t OSSOSSANE. 

F. Simon Le Moyne 
F. Noel Chabane'l 

There are no data concerning them this year, and it is bj 
process of elimination only that these two Fathers have been set 
down as missionaries at Ossossane. AH the other Fathers have 
found their places and these two alone remain unaccounted for. 
Seeing at the same time that there were more Christian Hurons at 
La Conception than elsewhere, missionaries were needed there, 
and the services of at least two. It is consequently morally cer- 
tain that this was, in 1646-1617, the mission of Le Moyne and 
Chabanel. 

III. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae. 

F. Charles Gamier, until October, 1G46. 
F. Antoine Daniel, from October, 1646. 

F. Francois Du Peron (C.G.-LL. Conic mp. cop. p. SS ; Rec. 
cop. p. 75). 

The data which have helped me to assign these positions to 
the three missionaries are found in Gander's letters: "As for 
news from this eoiintry I shall say that I am still at the town of 
St. Joseph with another Father whom you do not know. His name 
is Francois Du Peron. Father Menard is now at the town of St. 
Ignace [I.] " (Id. ib.). Ihe date of this letter is May 14, 1646. 

That Gamier left St. Joseph II. in October, 1646, and was 
replaced by Daniel appears from the two following extracts: "In 
all, the Father [Garreau] and I have baptized, thanks be to God, 
184 since coming to this mission of the Petun Nation, that is to 
say since the month of October, 1646" (C.G.-LL Contemp. cop. p. 
101; Rec. cop. p. S6). The date of this letter is April 25, 1648. 

The second extract is from a letter dated April 25, 1649 : 
"Father Daniel . . . was killed July 4 (if I remember well) 
of last year while succouring his flock in the town of St. Joseph, 
where he then was, and which I left two years ago." (Id. Contemp. 
cop. pp. 103, 104; Rec. cop. p. SS). 

IV. St. Ignace I., at Taenhatentaeox. 

F. Eene Menard (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. SS; Rec. cop. 

p. 75). 
F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot (Rel. 164S, p. 65, 2 col.). 

We have already seen above what Gamier, in his letter <>f 
May 14, 1646, said of Father Menard, "Father Menard is now ;it 



360 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

the town of St. Ignace [I.]" (Contcmp. cop. p. SS ; Rec. Cop. 
p. 75). 

A Father, whose Huron appellation was Aronhiatiri (Mel. 
Hits, p. 65, 2 col.), was most indubitably stationed at St. Ignace 
I. just before its removal, for one of the Christian Hurons notic- 
ing his dejection, at the prospect of having to dismantle and de- 
stroy the chapel, read him a lesson while addressing him as Aron- 
hiatiri, which the Relation tells us was the name the Indians had 
given the Father who had - harge of this mission (Id. ib.). In my 
remarks on the following year, 1G47, I have endeavoured to show 
conclusively that Chaumonot went by this name among the Hur- 
ons. 

V. St. Michel, at Scanonaenhat. 

F (no certain data). 

This mission was probably attended this year from St. Ignace 
I. Last year, as has been noted, its missionary had fallen sick, so 
it was deprived of advantages of a resident pastor for a very con- 
siderable time (bien longtemps) ; and from liagueneau's words, 
which follow, it may be inferred that when he was short of a man 
it was St. Ignace I. that suffered : "sans que nous puissions y sup- 
plier, " that is by sending another Father, "les autres (estans) 
necessaires autre part" (Rcl. 1646, pp. 77, 78). 

VI. St. Jean-Baptiste, at Cahiagtje. 
F. Antoine Daniel. 

When Gamier went to the Petun Nation in October, 1646, 
Daniel took his place at St. Joseph II. This did not necessarily 
imply that he gave up St. Jean-Baptiste altogether. We know 
that for more than nine years he exercised his missionary zeal in 
"les places les plus frontieres de ce pays" (Rel. 1649, p. 4, 2 col.), 
and that both St. Jean-Baptiste and St. Joseph II. were so styled. 
Moreover, the former outlying town was on the point of breaking 
up, its inhabitants dispersing and taking refuge in other less ex- 
posed villages (Rel. 164S, p. 49, 1 col.). This migration, tak'ng 
place at the latest sometime between the autumn of 1647 and the 
very early spring of 1648, was no doubt foreseen and certainly 
forestalled by the Superior, Father Ragueneau, when he trans- 
ferred Father Daniel to St. Joseph II. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 361 

LES APOTRES, AMONG THE PETUNS. 

VII. St. Mathias, at Ekakenntondi. 

F. Charles Garnier (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 98; Rec. cop. 

p. 83). 
F. Leonard Garreau (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 98; lice, 
cop. p. 83). 

This mission was re-opened by the two Fathers mentioned, 
in October, 1646 (Id. Contemp. cop. p. 101; Rec. cop. p. 86). 

ALGONQUIN. 

VIII. St. Espb.it, Nipisings and Eastern Shore. 

F. Claude Pijart. 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet, Algonquin camps in Huronia. 

Father Garreau, the former associate of Father Claude Pijart, 
after his recovery did not return to the more remote Algonquin 
missions but was sent, as has been said, to the Petun Nation to 
minister to the Algonquins resident there (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. 
p. 98; Rec. cop. p. 83) On account of the long duration of his sick- 
ness and convalescence, he had been incapacitated for work 
throughout the winter and following summer. But during this in- 
terval, that is the winter of 1645-1646, the Algonquins, contrary 
to their wont, had not repaired to Huronia, at least in any con- 
siderable numbers (Rel. 1646, p. 84, 1 col.). When they began to 
resume their visits they found that Father Joseph Antoine Poncet, 
who had returned to Huronia in the autumn of 1645, had taken 
the place of Father Garreau. Thenceforth, until the very end, 
Claude Pijart and Joseph Poncet continued to minister to the Al- 
gonquin Nations. 

Throughout all the Relation of 1647 there is not a word on 
record which concerns the Algonquins. The last allusion to them 
was made in Relation 1646 (p. 84, 1 col.), which brought the hist- 
ory of the mission down to the spring of 1646 by noting their ab- 
sence during the previous winter. 

The first mention made again of these wandering tribes is in 
Relation 1648 (p. 63). This touches upon the winter of 1647-1648, 
and, quite incidentally, just mentions the summer of 1647, but in 
a way to show that they were still in contact with the missionaries : 
"Last summer [1647], an Algonquin, wizard by trade, or at least 
one of those who make profession of invoking the Manitou, that is 
to say the Devil, finding himself confuted by the Father set upon 



362 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

him in Lis maddened frenzy, threw him down and dragged him 
by the heels through the ashes and cinders of the camp fire, and 
had not other Indians rushed to his rescue would have ended by 
murdering him" (Id. p. 63, 1, 2 col.). 

Two circumstances lead me to suppose that this did not take 
place in Huronia Proper. The first is that the incident occurred 
in summer when the Algonquins were usually at home in their 
own respective haunts. The second, that the Algonquin sorcerer 
would not have dared use such forceful arguments anywhere near 
Ste. Marie I. 

Supposing such to be the case, I further infer that the victim 
of the assault was Father Claude Pijart, as Poncet had been sent 
to a remote Algonquin mission, that of St. Pierre, for the first 
time in his experience, in 1648, after "earnestly having solicited 
this favour for several years past" (Rcl. 1649, p. 6, 1 col.). 

There is consequently a gap left to be filled in, reaching from 
the spring of 1646 to the summer of 1647. No documents, to my 
knowledge, exist whereby to make good this deficiency; but it is in 
every way reasonable to suppose that the same two Fathers, dur- 
ing these thirteen or fourteen months, had uninterruptedly acted 
as missionaries for the Algonquins. 

1647 

"We number [1647-1648] forty-two Frenchmen in the midst 
of all these unbelieving Nations; eighteen of our Society, the re- 
mainder are picked men, most of whom have made up their minds 
to live and die with us. They help us by their labour and indust- 
ry, etc." [i.e. the donnes] (Rel. 164S, p. 48, 1 cot.). 

Through dread of the Iroquois no Huron Flotilla reached 
Quebec this year, 1647 (Bel. 164S, p. 11, 2 col.; Journ. des Jes., 
p. 95). But an expedition certainly got at least as far as Mon- 
treal : "Le 12 [juin, 1648] vinrent les nomielles apportees par les 
Algonquains & Hurons partis des l'automne passe, pour hyvern- 

er icy; Leger, ieune enfant, arriva en mesme temps, & 

demeura a Montreal, apres auoir demeure enuiron vn an aux Hur- 
ons" Journal des Jec, p. 111). This was written at Quebec. Nor 
did any news reach Huronia from the lower country (C.G.-LL. 
Apr. 25, 1648; Contemp. cop. p. 97; Rec. cop. p. 83). One year 
has passed without news from Quebec (Ragueneau's letter, 1648, 
Extr-Larch. p. 66, No. 5). 

"This house [Residence of Ste. Marie I.] is a resort for the 
whole country, where the Christians find a Hospital when sick, a 
refuge when panic-stricken and a hospice when they come to visit 
us. During the past year we have reckoned over three thousand 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES 363 

persons to whom we have given shelter, and sometimes within a 
fortnight six or seven hundred Christians, which, as a rule, 
means three meals to each one. This does not include a larger 
number who tome here continually to pass the whole day, and to 
whom also we give charity, etc." (lid. 1G4S, p. 48, 2 col.). 

"As a rule only two or three of our Fathers reside in this house 
[Residence of Ste. Marie 1.]; the others are scattered through the 
missions, now ten in number. Missions in the principal towns of 
the country are more stationary, the others more on the move. A 
single Father has at times to take charge of ten or twelve villages; 
some have to range much further, over eighty or a hundred leagues 

We all endeavour, however, to meet together two or three 

times a year [for their spiritual retreats, etc.]. After 

that we must hurry back to our work as soon as possible." (/'<!. 
1648, p. 48, 2 col; p. 49, 1 col.). 

The Mission of Ste. Marie [I.] comprises twelve or thirteen 
villages, which a single Father visits continually not without 
great fatigue. We happily found ourselves compelled eight 
months ago to establish another similar mission, still more fatigu- 
ing, for some villages farther away from us, which we call the 
Mission of Ste. Madeleine" [Arenta or Arentel] (Rel. 164S, p. 60, 
2 col). 

"As those whom we call the Petun Nation have been urging 
us to go and instruct them, we sent thither two of our Fathers who 
carry tm two missions there for two different clans which go to 
make up the whole population, one goes by the name of the Nation 
of the Wolves, termed by us the Mission of St. Jean [at Etharita] ; 
while we call the other the Mission of St. Mathias [at Elcarennion- 
di] which is established among those who style themselves the 
Nation of the Deer" (Id. p. 61, 1 col.). 

St. Mathias (or Ekarcnnioncli) and St. Jean 1'Evangeliste (or 
Etharita), the two most important Petun towns, were four leagues 
distant one from the other (C.G.-LL., Contemp. cop. p. 99; Rec. 
cop. p. 84). 

Under date of April 25, 1648, F. Gamier writes: "We are 
nearly always separated, the good F. Garreau and myself, for he 
makes a stay of ten or twenty days in one village and I in the 
other. Then he will come to join me, or I him; and after spend- 
ing two or three days together, he will repair to the village where 
I had been previously, and I to the village where he had been. 
Thus we live without companionship save that of our good Angels 
and of the poor savages we are instructing." (C.G.-LL. p. 85). 

At this date, April 25, there was a rumour that a reconcili- 
ation was contemplated between the Petuns and Algonquins 
(Id. ih.). 



364 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

"This winter [1647-1648] a number of Algonquin Nations 
came and took up their winter quarters here among the Hurons. 
Two of our Fathers who have charge of the Missions of the Algon- 
quin language, continued instructing them until the spring [1648], 
when the Indians dispersed. Our Fathers left at the same time to 
follow them. They organized two distinct missions : one for the 
Algonquin Nations whose haunts are along the eastern shores of our 
fresh-water sea and comprising the Nipissirinians, the other for 
the Nation speaking the same Algonquin language, who dwell 
along the north shore of the same lake. The former of these two 
missions is that which we call the Mission of St. Esprit, the latter, 
which we are commencing this year, has for name the Mission of 
St. Pierre (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.). The date of the Eelation is 
April 16, 1648 (p. 45, 1 col.). In 1647-1648 there were fifteen 
Fathers, three Brothers, seventeen "donnes," and seven other 
domestics (Ragueneau's Letter, 164S, Extr-Lar. p. 66, No. 5). 

Catalogus Personarum et Officiort;m. 

R. Pater Paulus Ragueneau, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, min., proc, cons., oper., praef. 

eccl. et sanit. 
Pater Antonius Daniel, oper. 
Pater Carolus Garnier, cons., oper. 
Pater Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 
Pater Franciscus Du Peron, oper. 
Pater Franciscus Josephus BressanL oper. 
Pater Joannes de Brebeuf, conf. NN., cons., oper. 
Pater Josephus Antonius Poncet, oper. 
Pater Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 
Pater Leonardus Garreau, oper. 
Pater Natalis Chabanel, oper. 
Pater Petrus Chastelain, adm., conf NN., cons., praef. spirit. 

donator. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne, oper. 
Frater Ambrosius Brouet, coq. 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, fab. ferr. 
Frater Petrus Masson, sart., aedit., hortulan. 

Donati : 

Carolus Boivin, praef. aedif. 

Carolus Panic, 

Christophorus Regnaut, Sutor. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 365 

Claudius Bouclier, 

Daniel Cartron, 

Franciscus Dornais, 

Gulielmus Loisier, 

Jacobus Douart, 

Jacobus Levrier, 

Joannes Guerin, 

Josephus Boursier dit Desfoiges, 

Josephus Molere, pbarmac. 

Marinus Lefevre, 

Nicolaus Montreuil, 

Robertus Le Coq. 

Two names wanting. 
Pueri : 

■ Leger, 

Franciscus Malherbe (15 yre.), 

Two names wanting. 
Dornestici et Alii : 

.ZEgidius Bacon, 

Joannes Caron, 

Joannes Guiet, fab. lign. 

Joannes Le Mercier, 

Racine, 

Petrus Tourmente, co?ment. 

(Autumn of 1647 to Summer of 1G48). 

Missions : 

HURON. 

I. Ste. Marie I. 

The Residence (Rel. 1648, p. 48, 1 col.) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. 
F. Francois Le Mercier, min. 

proc. cons. 
F. Pierre Chastelain, pr^f. 

spirit cons. 

"Ordinarily but two or three Fathers live in this Residence" 
(Eel. 1648, ib.) 

(Mission) 

"The Mission of Ste. Marie comprises twelve or thirteen vil- 
lages. A single Father, with great fatigue, goes the round con- 
tinually visiting them" (Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col.). 
27 An 



(Rel. 1648, p. 48, 2 col.; 
Extr-Lar. p. 13.) 



366 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

F. Jean de Brebeuf, conf. NN., cons (Extr-Lar. p. 13) 
F. Noel Chabanel, for the Algonquins camping near Ste. 
Marie (Rel. 1644, p. 49, 2 col). 

No Father is mentioned by name as being in charge of these 
"douze ou treize bourgades," but as the "Extr-Lar." sets Brebeuf 
down as one of the three "Consulters" of the Superior, Le Mercier 
and Chastelain being the other two, it is but natural to suppose 
that he would be so placed as to be easily called upon any day to 
meet in council. One of his letters written to the General at 
Rome, on his official capacity as consulter, is dated from Ste 
Marie, June 2, 1648, and is given in "La Premiere Mission" 
page 229. Another reason for placing him preferably on this mis- 
sion, which necessarily supposes that his domicile was at Ste. 
Marie I., is that, besides the spiritual director, he is the only other 
Father marked "Conf. NN," i.e. Confessor of Ours. In this posi- 
tion any of the missionaries standing in need of his services would 
know where to find him. 

However, concerning this particular , period, Martin in his 
Life of Father Jean de Brebeuf (p. 246) has no hesitation in say- 
ing : "On the advice of Father de Brebeuf the inhabitants of St. 
Ignace decided to migrate, but in a body without separating. 
They moved to a spot not far from Ste. Marie, whence the French 
could easily come to their assistance. Father de Brebeuf was com- 
missioned to choose the site, and he located the migrating village 
on the border of a little river which empties into an inJet of the 
great lake now called Sturgeon Bay, on the north side of the Huron 
peninsula." This plain statement must lead one to conclude that, 
on Chaumonot's departure for Ossossane, his place was taken im- 
mediately by Brebeuf, who directed the works of circumvallation 
as he had already done in 1637 and 1638 for the villagers of La 
Conception. 

Besides the Fathers, marked either this or other years as 
forming the community at Ste. Marie I., there were, owing to 
various causes, other more or less transient residents. It also goes 
without saying that new arrivals from Quebec passed a longer or 
shorter time there studying the language, and occasionally act- 
ing as companions for the older Fathers on their various mission- 
ary expeditions. 

II. La Conception, or Ossossane. (Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col.). 
F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot. 

This year, 1647-1648, Father Chaumonot was first stationed 
at St. Ignace I. He was transferred to Ossossane about the time 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 3t>7 

or very little after the removal of St. Ignace to its new site (See a 
little further on the explanations given under the heading of St. 
Ignace I.). 

III. St. Michel, oe Scanonaenrat. {Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col). 

F (no data available). 

St. Jean-Baptiste, or Caiiiague Abandoned by the Hurons — 

Mission Closed. 

"The Arendaenronons [Clan of the Rock] dwelling near our 
frontier towards the east, forming the mission we had named St. 
Jean-Baptiste, having met with so many reverses these last years 
[allusion to Contareia, etc.], have been compelled to abandon 
their country, too much exposed to the enemy, and to betake them- 
selves to more populous centres, which are also better able to de- 
fend themselves" {Rel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col.). 

It seems impossible to determine the exact date of this change. 
It took place evidently previous to the date of the Relation, April 
16, 1648 {Rel. 1648, p. 45, 1 col.); but how much sooner is a mat- 
ter of mere surmise. The determining cause dated back to the pre- 
ceding summer : "All this country was threatened last summer 
[1647] by an army of the enemy, but their plans were disarranged 
for reasons of which we shall speak presently" {Rel. 1648, p. 49, 
1 col.). The author then proceeds to dilate on the treacherous 
attack which the Senecas made on the unoffending Aondironnons, 
one of the Neutral clans. 

As the transfer of St. Ignace I. is recorded in the same chap- 
ter, towards its close, I should infer that what occurred first was 
first described; and no doubt the evacuation of St. Jean-Baptiste 
was one of the main causes of the removal further north of St. 
Ignace. 

IV. St. Ignace I. (Removed to new site some time between Febru- 
ary and April 16, 1648; Rel. 1648, p. 49, 2 col.; p. 50, 2 col.; 
p. 51, 1 col.) 

(F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot) alone {Re>l. 1648, p. 65, 2 col.) 
"Aronhiatiri" 

F. Jean de Brebeuf succeeded Father Chaumonot {Life 

of Brebeuf, p. 246). 

"Au point qu'il fallut demolir l'Eglise de Saint Ignace [I.], 
et que tout le bourg commemjoit a se dissiper apres les pertes qui 
leur estoient survenues coup sur coup ce bon homme [Ignace 



368 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Onakonchiaronk, name of the Huron in whose cabin dwelt "le 

Missionnaire de ce bourg"] luy tint ce discours Aron 

hiatiri, luy dit-il, (c'est le nom que les Hurons donnent au Pere), 
etc." {Rel. 1648, p. 65, 2 col.). Nothing could be clearer than 
that Aronhiatiri was the name of the missionary who at the time 
St. Ignace I. was about to be transferred to a new site had charge 
of that mission. And we shall see presently that Chaumonot, pre- 
vious to the death of Brebeuf, bore that name. Furthermore, the 
expression "le missionnaire de ce bourg" implies that but one 
Father had the spiritual care of the village. 

To reconcile this with Chaumonot \s presence this same year 
at Ossossane or La Conception it must be borne in mind that all 
that is strictly implied in the above quotation is that just at the 
time of the removal of St. Ignace I. he was at that village; that is 
he was there for sometime previous to that event, but how long is 
not stated, and for some time previous to the date of the Relation 
1648, which was April 16, {Rel. 1648, p. 45, 1 col.). Compare 
this now with the data by means of which we ascertain also for a 
fact that he was at Ossossane, and it will be clearly seen that he 
was first at St. Ignace I. and subsequently at the Mission of La 
Conception. 

There are two passages, one in the Pelation, 1649, the other 
in the "HIS. Autli. 1652" which attest the presence of Chaumonot 
at Ossossane. The first is on page 28 of the Relation (2 col.) : 
"Apres la mort du petit lacques Doiiard assassine l'an passe (this 
occurred April 28, 1648, see Eel. 1648, p. 77, 2 col.; p. 78, J col.), 
ie me souuiens d'auoir offert a Dieu en holocauste ce que i'auois 

de plus cher entre autres estoient les Chrestiens de la 

Conception dont i'auois le so/n." It follows that he had the care 
of La Conception Mission at, or at least, a little after April 28, 
1648, in other words, subsequently to the time when his presence 
as missionary at St. Ignace II. is certain, as has just been estab- 
lished. 

The other passage is on page 166 of the precious manuscript 
above mentioned, and runs thus: "Le P.N. quelques lours apres 
la mort du P. Antoine Daniel, estant en sa Mission au Village de 
la conception au Hurons, etc. (Rec. cop. p. 69). That Father 
"N" was no other than Chaumonot is made evident from Rague- 
neau's letter in the "Premiere Mission" (p. 242), where the same 
incidents are related and Chaumonot's name given, as it is also in 
the "MS. Authen. 1652" page 164. But as Daniel was killed July 
4, 1648 (Rel. 1649, p. 5, 1 col.) La Conception was at and after 
that date Chaumonot's Mission. 



11)07 BUREAU OF AROHIVES. 369 

V. St. Joseph II., at Teanaostaiae. (Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col.) 

F. Antoino Daniel 

With regard to Daniel's status we find a helpful indication, 
covering about a docade, in Relation 1649 (p. 4, 2 col.) : "He al- 
ways carried his life (ame) in his nands having resided more than 
nine years in those places in this country which are nearest the 
frontiers, and in the missions most exposed to the enemy, await- 
ing with hope and supernatural love the death which fell to his 
lot." These villages ranged along the south eastern part of Hur- 
nnia comprising the principal centres such as St. Jean-Baptiste, 
St. Joseph and St. Michel. The term "plus de neuf ans," taken 
strictly, would extend back from the day of his death, July 4, 
164S, to a date somewhat earlier than July 4, 1639. 

But reverting to this present period under consideration, that 
is from the early summer of 1647 to the spring of 1648, and to this 
particular Mission of St. Joseph II., Father Garnier considerately 

supplies us with the information required: "But, my dear 

brother [Henri] how happy I would be to die with this little flock 
[his Petun Mission] and to lay down my life for Him, as three of 
our Fathers have already done since last year; namely F. Antoine 
Daniel, who was killed on July 4 (if I remember well) of last year 
while succouring his flock in the town of St. Joseph where he then 
was, and which I left two years ago. Blessed be Our Lord, who 
in punishment of my sins deprived me of that crown" (C.G.-LL. 
Contemp. cop. p. 103; Rec. cop. p. SS) The date of the letter is 
April 25, 1649. Consequently F. Garnier should have left St. 
Joseph II, about April 25, 1647, when Father Antoine Daniel 
took up his position permanently there until his death. 

But this too rigorous a conclusion must be modified somewhat 
by that other affirmation, alluded to previously, contained in his 
letter of April 25, 1648: "En tout, le Pere [Garreau] et moi avons 
baptists, Dieu merci, 184: depuis que nous sommes en cette nation 
du Petun, e'est a savoir depuis le mois d'Octobre, 1646, (C.G.-LL. 
Contemp. cop. p. 101; Rec. cop. p. 86). Here Garnier is aiming 
at being more precise, and gives us month and year which must 
be accepted as correct. So that in reality he left St. Joseph II. 
in the summer or autumn months of 1646, and in the month of 
October, the same year, was sent with Garreau to the Petuns. 

VI. Ste. Madeleine, at Arexta. (Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col.; p. 61, 

1 col.) 

A missionary offshoot, taking in apparently all the peninsula 
west of Penetanguishene Bay, and north of XIII concession of 
Tiny inclusively. 

F (no data found.) 



370 THE REPORT OF THE No. i\ 

LES APOTRES, PETUN NATION. 

Two Fathers in two missions comprising two distinct clans, 
that of the Wolves and that of the Deer (Rel. 164S, p. 61, 1 col.) 

VII. St. Jean, at Etharita, The Wolf Clan. 

F. Charles Garnier (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 100; Rec. cop. 

P . 85). 

VIII. St. Hathias, at Ekakenniondi, The Deer Clan. 
F. Leonard Garreau (Id. ib.) 

ALGONQUIN. 

"This last winter [1647-1648] two Fathers in two missions 

(Rel. 164S, p. 63, 1 col.) 

IX. St. Esprit, Lake Nipissing and east shore of L. Huron. 

(Id. ib.) 
F. Claude Pijart. 

X. St. Pierre, North Shore of L. Huron, and Manitoulin Island 

(Id. Ib.) 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet. 

This. last mission of St. Pierre was in reality started, under 
this title, only in the autumn of 1648, but there is no mistaking 
the fact that Algonquins from both regions above mentioned 
passed the winter of 1647-1648 in Huronia : "This winter [the 
Relation is dated April 16, 1648, see p 45, 1 col.] many of these 
Algonquin tribes came to winter here among the Hurons. Two of 
our Fathers who have charge of these missions of the Algonquin 
tongue continued to instruct them until the coming of spring. 
This caused them to disperse and our Fathers left here to follow 
them, forming thus two distinct missions, etc." (Rel. 164S, p. 63, 
1 col.) comprising the regions described above. There is not the 
least doubt but that Claude Pijart was with the Nipissings, for 
he was sent lip from Quebec especially to evangelize them; and it 
is no less certain that Joseph Antoine Poncet acted as missionary 
for the other tribe as the sequel will show. The names of some of 
these Algonquin tribes, as given in Relation 1648 (p. 62, 1 col.) 
whose homes were north and east of Lake Huron, are as follows : 
the Oiitaouakamigouk, Sakahiganiriouek, Aouasanik, Atchougue, 
Amikouek, Achirigouans, Nikikouec, Michisagnek, and the Paou- 



1«J07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 371 

itagoung. The last were those which the missionaries called the 
Nation of the Sault. 

As for those who, at this comparatively remote historical 
period, frequented the shores of the Petun Nation, that is of what 
are now the counties of Grey and Bruce, and were heyond, for 
they camped more or less permanently on the Lake fringe of Hur- 
on and Lambeth, extending all along the eastern coast of the 
State of Michigan, the same ltelation (p. 62, 2 col.) has this to 
say: 

"On the southern shore of this fresh water sea, or Lake of the 
Hurons, dwell the following Algonquin Nations : the Ouachaske- 
souek, Nigouaouichirinik, Outaouasinagouk, Kichkagoneiak and 
the Outaanak, all of whom are allies of our Hurons, and with 
whom we have dealings, but not with the following, who dwell on 
the shores of this same Lake but farther towards the west, to wit, 
the Ouchaouanag, who form part of the Fire Nation, the Ondatou- 
atandy and the Ouinipegong, a tribe of the Nation of the Puants." 

Aronhiatiei, Chaumonot's First Huron Name. 

About the only item of helpful information given by Father 
Ragueneau in the Relation 1648, and this only incidentally, con- 
cerning any post occupied by a missionary is that Aronhiatiri was 
the Indian name of the Father who had charge of the mission of 
St. Ignace I. at the time of its removal to the site of St. Ignace 
II. (Iiel. 1648, p. 65, 2 col.). Nor is there any certain knowledge 
on this particular point to be derived from other sources. It is 
therefore important to discover what Father bore this Indian 
name. 

Father Chaumonot, in a letter to Father Nappi (P.M. p. 210), 
furnishes us with a clue which may help to identify the person 
meant. August 3, 1640 is the date given, an evident misprint for 
1641, as in this letter he speaks of the expedition to the Neutral 
Country as having taken place "I'cmnee derniere." It was in fact 
only undertaken in November, 1641. At all events, he tells us 
that while among the Neutrals he went by the name Oronhiague- 
hre, which meant, he says, porte-ciel (Heaven-bearer) (Id. p. 213). 

Both appellations are compound words. 

Aronhia-tiri from Aronhia and atiri, Huron dialect. 

Aronhia, ciel, air (Fr.), sky, atmosphere, heaven (Eng.) see 
Potier, Radices Huronica?, 1761, p. 293, 1 col. 

Atiri, appuyer (Fr.), to support, to prop up, consolidate (Eng.) 
(Id. p. 31, No. 96). "Qusedam observanda in compositione, etc. 
lo. Substantivum semper prpeit. 2o. Ultima voealis Bubstantive 



372 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

perit, et cousonans adjectivi vel verbi quse initialis est eliditur, 
sive (quod idem est) perit vel ultima primi verbi littera, vel prim-i 
secundi verbi [word]" (Potter Hur. Gram. p. 66). Thus we have 
Aronhiatiri, heaven-supporter, heaven-bearer, not heaven-bringer. 
This last sense would be rendered in Huron by Aronhihaon or 
Aronhienhaon. The former from the verb Ahaon, to carry about, 
to bear from one place to another, (ferre, lat.). In the sense to 
carry about with one its present tense is iehoua, its imperfect 
iehouak. These vary with its other significations. The latter is 
from Enhaon (R.H. 1751, p. 217, No. 29). 

Oronhia-guehre from Oronhia, bleu, azur, couleur bleue du 
ciel (Fr.) (Lexique de la Langue, Iroquoise, Abbe Cuog. 1S82, p. 3~5, 
2 col.) or Karonhia, ciel, paradis, firmament, atmosphere (Fr.); 
sky, heavens, paradise, the firmament, the atmosphere (Eng.); 
Iroquois dialect. , It is compounded with Guehre, Neutral dialect, 
akin to the Iroquois. In fact guehre is but a distinctive form of 
the Neutral dialect for the Huron ierhe with the hard-breathing 
on the first syllable, and for the Iroquois ikehre. Potier informs 
us that in Huron the g is generally pronounced like an i: ",g 
vulgo sonat ut iota, aliquando tamen ut apud nos, v.g. aclungot," 
a crane (Eng.) (Elem. Gram. Hur. p. 1). Properly speaking there 
is no u, either English or French, in the Huron language. It has 
invariably the sound of the ou in through, or the u in rude. When 
in the same syllable it precedes a vowel it is equivalent to our w. 
Its presence in guehre forces the French reader to pronounce tbe 
g hard; and combined with the aspirate it is very much like a k- 

But not only is the g, as a rule, pronounced like i in Huron, it 
takes the place of i when a word of the Huron dialect is trans- 
formed into the Iroquois : "iota utilis est ad discendum idioma 
Iroquffiurn, nam scribunt g ubi scribimus i" (Potier Gram. Hur- 
P. 2). 

As to the addition of this i to the Huron verb eri, it is thus 
explained in Potier (Hur. Gram. p. 2) : "i adjectitium ita appella- 
tur quia nihil sensui vocum addit vel minuit, sed euphonice causa 

prsefigitur quibusdam vocibus et verbis lo 2o. verbis dissyl- 

labis aton, dicere, eri velle, ondi facere, v.g: iaton/c dico, ierhe 
volo, ionniah facio." 

c 

Thus we have three forms of the same verb : 
Guehre, Neutral dialect; this we know on F. Chaumonot's author- 
ity, and moreover that its meaning was "qui porte" (Fr.), 
"who bears (Eng.). See (premiere Mission, Carayon, p. 
213). 

Ierhe, Huron dialect; volo, puto (Lat.). I deem, I will or wish 
(Eng.). Potier Hur. Gram. p. 1, sub. voe. c), from eri, 



1907 BUREAU OK ARCHIVES'. 373 

3 conj., penser, croi're, ou juger, vouloir (Fr.), to deem, 
believe, wish, will (Eng.); ierhe, je pense, je veux (Fr.); 
I think, I will (Eng.); Iherhe, il pense, il veut, he thinks, 
he wills (Had. Hur. 1751, p. 222 et St.). 
Ikehre, Iroquois dialect; irr .penser, vouloir, (Fr.), to judge, to 
will or wish (Eng.) (Abbe Cuoq, Lex. de la Langue Ir//</., 
1SS2, p. 5, 2 col.). 

It does seem rather strange that the meaning of the pure 
Huron and Iroquois forms is not the same as that obtaining 
among the Neutrals. For this very reason, no doubt, when there 
was question of rendering into Huron the Neutral surname (Jron- 
hiaguehre, porte-ciel, heaven-bearer, the cognate verb -\\ ;i s dis- 
carded and the fairly synonymic Atiri chosen, evolving its equiva- 
lent Aronhiatiri, heaven-bearer, not with the meaning of heaven- 
bringer, but of heaven sustainer, Atlas-wise, either in the literal 
or figurative sense. Two examples will suffice to show the use of 
atiri: "Hotenratis, they raise their palisade and make it firm in 

the ground Ahouendatiri, to corroborate or to insist upon 

something while speaking" (Rad. Hut. 1751, p. 31, No. 96). 

But one thing remains, and that is to indicate the Iroquois 
verbs which correspond to the Huron Ahaon, (lahaon), to have on 
one, to carry about from place to place with one, etc., etc., and 
which seem to derive from the same root : 

"Ikhas, porter, transporter, apporter, emporter, rapporter, 
remporter (Fr.), suivant la note de localite ou de reduplication. 

"Ikhawe (Ikhaoue), porter sur soi, avec soi, avoir en main, 
en possession, garder avec soi. 

"Ikhes, porter (cf. errata, Lexique p. IX), transporter, ap- 
porter en voiture ou par eau." (Lexique de la Lang. Iroq. — Abbe 
Cuoq. p. 5, 2 col.). 

From what has been said, I think we may safely conclude 
that Ovonltiaguehre and Aronhiatiri, having the same meaning, 
were applied by two different tribes to the same man, namely F. 
Chaumonot. 

I might of course have proceeded also by process of elimin- 
ation. But after having set aside the Fathers, whose Huron appel- 
lations are given in Relation 1639 (p. 53, 1 col.), and eliminated 
FF. Claude Pijart and Leonard Garreau, the former being certainly 
with the Algonquins of the lakes and the latter with the Petuns, 
while Chabanel had to attend to the other Algonquins, numbers 
of whom were nearly always present at Ste. Marie I. there would 
yet remain FF. Bressani, Poncet, Chaumonot, and Menard. Be- 
yond this there would be nothing- absolutely certain. 



374 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Very valid reasons, however, which if rehearsed here would 
lengthen beyond reasonable bounds this inquiry, could be adduced 
to establish a strong probability tendiug to the exclusion of FF. 
Menard and Bressani. This would further reduce the list to 
two: FF. Poncet and Chaumonot. 

Still we should have been left in the uncertainty as to which 
of the two was the bearer of the title, were it not for the fact that 
F. Chaumonot bore the Indian name of Oronhiaguehre. This 
supplied the only and sufficient element necessary for a satisfact- 
ory solution of the problem. 

Removal of St. Ignace I. to St. Ignace II. 

The Hurons of St. Ignace I., on account of reverses, the first 
of which occurred towards the end of "this winter," i.e. 1647- 
1648 (Rel. 1648, p. 49, 2 col.) and the second, more disastrous 
than the former, a few days after, moved to a new site, St. Ignace 
II., nearer to Ste. Marie I. where they thought they would be 
better sheltered from the Iroquois (Id. ib. p. 50, 2 col.; p. 51, I 
col.). This removal consequently did not take place earlier than 
February nor later than the date of the Relation, that is to say 
April 16, 1648 (Rel. 164S, p. 45, 1 col.). 

Five villages were comprised in the new mission of St. Ignace 
II. (Rel. 1649. p. 11, 1 col.). There were: 1. The village itself 
of St. Ignace II., 2. Ste. Anne, 3. St. Louis, 4. St. Denis, 5. St. 
Jean. 

1648 

Departure. 

Father Bressani with a band of 250 braves under five chiefs, 
numbering among them 120 Christian Indians, set out for Quebec 
(Rel. 164S, p. 11, 2 col.; p. 12, 1 col.), the Relations say, as soon 
as spring had set in (des le printemps) (Rel. 1649, p. 5, 2 col.), 
but more probably towards the end of June; for F. Bressani 
reached Three Rivers July 18, 1648 (Rel. 1648, p. 10, 2 col.; p. 
11 , 1. 2 col.), and Quebec July 22 (Jour, des Jes., p. 113). He was 
absent from the Mission not more than three months (Rel. 1649, 
p. 5, 2 col.). 

St. Joseph II., or Teanaostaiae Taken and Destroyed by the 
Iroquois — Death of F. Antoine Daniel. 

On July 2, 1648, F. Daniel, having just finished his annual 
retreat of eight days at Ste. Marie I., returned immediately to 
his Mission of St. Joseph II. Early on the 4th, when the usual 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 375 

daily mass was about over, the first alarm of tlie approach of the 
Iroquois was given. Owing to the absence of many of the Teana- 
ostaiac braves, scattered for the hunt, off on scouting parties or 
accompanying Bressani to Quebec, the enemy's sudden assault 
was successful. The village was fired, and men, women and child- 
ren either massacred or made prisoners. Numbers, however, made 
good their escape, especially through the intrepidity of F. Daniel, 
who, coming forth from the crowded church alone, drew upon 
himself all the fury of the victors, thus diverting their attention 
from the stream of fugitives. Every shaft was directed towards 
him. He fell, but only when the charge of an arquebuse, fired at 
short range, tore through his breast. His body was stripped, 
mutilated and thrown into the blazing church. Not the least ves- 
tige of it was found when search was made after the departure of 
the Iroquois (Rel. 1649, pp. 3 et ss. ; P.M. p. 238 et ss). 

St. Joseph II., at the time of its destruction, contained 
about four hundred families. The slain and captives numbered 
about seven hundred, mostly women and children; those who 
escaped and settled near Ste. Marie I. were far more numerous 
(Id. ib. and p. 8, 2 col.). 

The name of the other village belonging to the same Mission 
and which was destroyed at the same time (Rel. 1649, Title of < 'h . 
I. p. 3; p. 3, 1 col.; P.M. p. 23S; C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 103; 
Pec. cop. p. 88) is not given. F. Felix Martin seemed to think 
it was St. Michel (Viedu P. Jean de Brebeuf, 1877, p. 268), but 
this could not be, as even after the destruction of St. Ignace II., 
St. Michel was still standing, and sent out seven hundred warri- 
ors in pursuit of the enemy (Rel. 1649, p. 13, 1 col.). Neither 
could it have been St. Jean-Baptiste, which had been evacuated 
some months before (Rel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col.). I should say that 
it was Ehluondatsaan "a rather fine and populous village" (Rel. 
1637, p. 162, 1 col.), which lay on the trail from St. Joseph II. 
(or Teamaostaiae) to Ossossane (or La Conception), but not near St. 
Michel (or Scanonaenrat) (Id. pp. 161, 163); consequently to the 
south of Orr's Lake. Unmistakable evidences of a large village 
site on lot 53, I. concession, Flos Township, seems to point to 
that locality as being the spot once occupied by Ekhiondatsaan. 
It lies a little more than three miles and three quarters in a south- 
westerly direction from St. Joseph II. 

Arrivals. 

In the beginning of September, 1648 (Rel. 1649, p. 5, 2 col. ; 
Ducreux, Hist. Can. p. 516), F. Bressani returned from Quebec 
with four new missionaries FF. Gabriel Lalemant, [Jacques 



376 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Bonin], Adrien Greslon, Adrien Daran, and a lay brother Nicolas 
Noirclair (Eel. 1G4S, p. 14, 1 vol.; Journ. des Jes., p. 113). "Petit 
Louis," aged 16, afterwards known on the missions as Bro. Louis 
Le Boesme (Journ. pp. 143, 239, 321, 355, 356; Relations — 
Thwaites, Cleveland edit., note 3S, p. 399, Vol. 71; Rel. Queb. 
edit., 1656, pp. 40, 41; Rel. 1657, p. 54, 2 col.; Rel. 166S, p. 21, 
2 col.), was of the party, leaving Quebec July 24, 1648. The 
whole Huron flotilla, consisting of fifty or sixty canoes finally set 
out for the west from Three Rivers on August 6th. Besides those 
mentioned, there were twenty-six Frenchmen, two boys, nine 
labourers and eight soldiers, and four more of the latter were 
picked up at Montreal (Journ. p. 113, 114). 

F. Bonin's name, mentioned in Relation 1648 (p. 14, 1 col.), 
is not given on page 113 of the Journal. He joined the others at 
Three Rivers, having gone there August 6 of the preceding year 
(1647) (Journ. p. 94). 

F. Paul Ragueneau's let J er to the General, dated from Ste. 
Marie I., March 1, 1649, gives the following particulars concern- 
ing the number of the Fathers present and the number of missions 
(P.M. p. 233). 

As the letter was written in March, 1649, the report of course 
covers also the closing months of 1648. 

There were IS Fathers, 4 Coadjutor or lay Brothers, 23 don- 
nes, 7 hired men, 4 boys, and 8 soldiers (pp. 233, 234). "The 
Frenchmen," he adds, "who are with us take care of our Resi- 
dence of Ste. Marie, otherwise our fort, if you prefer so to call it, 
while our Fathers sally forth far and wide and are scattered 
among the Huron towns, and through the Algonquin tribes far 
distant from us. Each one watches over his own mission, and is 
intent only on the ministry of the word, leaving all worldly cares 
to those who remain at home" (Id. p. 235). 

There were eleven missions, i.e. eight Huron and three Al- 
gonquin, in charge of as many, that is eleven, of the older mission- 
aries. The new arrivals, to the number of four, devoted their 
time to the study of the language, and also acted as assistants to 
the chief missionaries. Only three fathers remained at the Resi- 
dence of Ste. Marie I., the spiritual director, the procurator who 
was at the same time minister, and a third who looked after the 
Christian Indians coming from every quarter, who visited the 
Fathers at Ste. Marie I. (Id. pp. 236,237). 

The number of Fathers had been increased to eighteen. Fif- 
teen were scattered through eleven missions ; the greater part with- 
out an assistant. The four new missionaries were assigned as 
helpers in the more laborious missions, where at the same time 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 377 

they had an opportunity of learning the language. Eighl of tin- 
eleven missions were carried on in the Huron language, the three 
others in Algonquin (Rel. 1G49, p. 6, 1 col.). 

"Wo have not heard yet what success has attended the new 
mission (that of St. Pierre, see Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.) which we 
set on foot last autumn [16-18] for an Algonquin tribe about sixty 
leagues distant. One of our Fathers [Joseph Antoine Poncet] who 
has been pleading with us for some years back to go and instruct 
them, was sent to winter there with them. We have failed to re- 
ceive any word from him since he left us eight months ago (Rel. 
1649, p. 6, 1 col.). This tribe inhabits an Island [Manitoulinj 
about sixty leagues in circuit, lying towards the west in our Great 
Lake or "Met Douce." This island is called Ekaentoton, whence 
the name of the people who inhabit it. We have given it the 
name of Island of Ste. Marie." (Id. p. 6, 2 col.). 

Father Joseph Antoine Poncet, in fact, left Huronia a little 
after October 17, 1648, remained seven months alone on Manitou- 
lin Island with the Algonquins of the St. Pierre Mission, and re- 
turned to Huronia May 17, 1619 (Letter to his brother, May IS. 
1649; MS. copy in St. Mary's College Archives). The date of the 
letter is sixteen days subsequent to the date of the Relation (See 
Rel. 1649, p. 2, 1 col.). 

CATALOGUE PERSONARUM ET OFFICIORUM 

R. P. Paulus Ragueneau, Sup. 

P. Franciscus Le Mercier, min., proc, cons., oper., prsef. 

eccl. et sanitis. 
P. Adrianus Daran, oper. 
P. Adrianus Greslon, oper. 
(P. Antonius Daniel, trucidatus 4 Julii, 1648). 
P. Carolus Garnier, cons., oper. 
P. Claudius Pijart, cons., oper. 
P. Franciscus Du Peron, oper. 
P. Franciscus Josephus Bressani, oper. 
P. Gabriel Lalemant, oper. 
P. Jacobus Bonin, oper. 

P. Joannes de Brebeuf, conf. XX., cons., oper. 
P. Josephus Antonius Poncet, oper. 
P. Josephus Maria Chaumonot, oper. 
P. Leonardus Garreau, oper. 
P. Natalis Chabanel, oper. 
P. Petrus Chastelain, adm., Conf. NN., cons., pre!', spir. 

donator. 
P. Renatus Menard, oper. 
P. Simon Le Moyne, oper. 



378 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Frater Ambrosius Brouet, desperate valetudinis. 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, faber ferr. 
Frater Nicolaus Noirclair (aut Noircler) 
Frater Petrus Masson, sart., aedit., bortulan. 
Donati : 

JEgidius Bacon, 
Carolus Boivin, praef. sedif . 
Carolus Panic, 

Cbristophorus Regnaut, sutor, 
Claudius Boucher, 
Daniel Cartron (aut Carteron), 
Franciscus Dornais, 

Franciscus Malherbe (set 16. vid. Obitu. et Menolog.) 
Gulielmus Lozier (aut Loisier ou Lausier), 
Jacobus Douart, trucidatus 28 Aprilis, 1648 (Rel. 1648, 
p. 77, 2 col. ; p. 78, 1 col. ; Rel. 1649, p. 28, 2 col. ; 
Jer. Lalemant's Letter, Aug. 17, 164S, Extr-Lar. p. 
66). 
Jacobus Levrier, 
Joannes Caron, 
Joannes Guerin, 
Joannes Guiet, fab. lign. 
Joannes Le Mercier, 

— Bernard {Journ. des Jes., p. 143), 

■ Holland (Journ. des. Jes., p. 143), 

Joseplms Boursier dit Desforges, 
Josepbus Molere, pharmac. 
Ludovicus Pinar, 
Marinus Lefevre, 
Nicolaus Montreuil, 
Petrus Tourmente, coement.* 
Eobertus Le Coq. 
Pueri : 

Ludovicus Le Boesme (a?t. 16) 
(Three names wanting) 
Domestici : 

Jacobus Caulmont (? Journ. des Jes. p. 82) 

Desfosses (brother of the Soldier, Journ. p. 

129) 
(Five names wanting) 

* He went down to Quebec in 1648, since the "Journal des Jesuites," (p. 128), 
says that, with the soldiers and hired men, " Tourmente, Roger, Oliveau and 
Raison " made a start for the Huron country on August 12, 1649. The expedition 
down, in 1649, started from Huronia only after that date, arriving at Quebec, Sep- 
tember 19 (Journal, p. 129). 



11)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 379 

Milites : 

Chastillon (Journ. des Jes., p. 100) 
— Desf osses (Journ. des. Jes., p. 129) 

(Six names wanting-) 

Missions : 

HURON 

I. Ste. Marie I. 

(Residence, P.M. p. 237) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. 
F. Francois Le Mercier, min. proc. 
F. Pierre Chastelain, pra?f. spirit. 

(Mission) 
F. Jacques Bonin (Ducreux, Hist. Can. pp. 542, 544, 545) 

II. La Conception, at Ossossane. 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot 

La Conception, in 1648, is said to be "his mission" (.U.S. 
Authcn. 1652, Orig. p. 166; Cop. p. 69). He remained there til] 
March 19, 1649, when the village was abandoned (Autob. p. 93). 
With the panic-stricken inhabitants he then went to the Petuns, 
remaining there until May 1, 1649, and finally accompanied them 
to AhSendoe Island (Id. ib. ; Rel. 1649, p. 29, 1 col. ; p. 30, 1 col.) 

III. St. Michel, at Scanonaenrat. 

F (no data available) 

IV. St. Ignace II. . (Rel. 1649, p. 11, 1 col.) 
F. Jean de Brebeuf, (Id. ib.) 



F. Noel Chabanel, till February, 
1649 

F. Gabriel Lalemant, after Febru- 
ary, 1649 



(Rel. 1650, p. IS. 2 
col.; Rel. 1649, p. 11, 
1 col.). 



V. Ste. Madeleine, or Arenta. (Rel. 1648, p. 60, 2 col. ; />. 67, 

1 col.) 

F (no data found.) 

PETUN. 

(Rel. 1649, p. 26.; C.G.-LL. Apr. 25, 1649, Contemp. cop. p. 103; 

Rec. cop. p. 88) 

VI. St. Jean, at Etharita. 

F. Charles Gamier (C.G.-LL. ib.) 



380 THE REPORT OF THE No. 4J 

VII. St. Mathias, at Ekarenniondi. 

F. Leonard Garreau (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 100 • Rec 
cop. p. 85; HIS Authen. 1652, Orig. p. 247) 

VIII. St. Matthieu (Cf. Rel. 1650, p. 19, 2 col.) 

F. Noel Chabanel (from February 16, 1649; ltd. 1650, p. IS, 

2 col.) 

ALGONQUIN. 

(There were three missions, Rel 1649, p. 6, 1 col.) 

IX. St. Esprit (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.) 

F. Claude Pijart (See notes on Status, 1649; 

X. St. Pieree (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.) 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet (See notes on Status, 1649) 

XI. St. Charles (Rel. 1650, p. 21, 1 col.) 

F. Bene Menard (See notes on Status, 1649) 

1649 

St. Ignace II. and St. Louis Destroyed by the Iroquois — Death 
of Fathers Jean De Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant. 

At early dawn March 16, 1649, an army of about one thous- 
and Iroquois stealthily approached St. Ignace II., assaulted and 
carried it by surprise. The bulk of its defenders was absent either 
on hunting or other expeditions ; the few remining braves were off 
their guard and buried in sleep. Three Hurons only escaped 
massacre or captivity, and, making their way half-clad through 
the snow, hurried to St. Louis, about one league distant, and gave 
the alarm. The women, the children, and the decrepit had barely 
time to seek saftey in flight when, yet before sunrise, so expedi- 
tious had been their work of carnage, the Iroquois bands appeared 
before the palisade of St. Louis. There was but a handful of Hur- 
ons to defend it; all told about eighty warriors. Fathers Jean de 
Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant happened to be at St. Louis on 
their apostolic rounds; they had been urged and repeatedly, as 
non-combatants, to betake themselves to Ste. Marie. This they 
refused to do, alleging that theirs was the post of danger, that 
there they should remain to baptize, shrive and console the wound- 




Rev. Jean de Br6beuf, S.J , Missionary to the Hurons. 




Kev. Gabriel Lalemant, S..I., Missionary to the Hurons. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 381 

ed and the dying. The defence was stubborn, but numbers told 

in the end, while the attacking forces, amply supplied by tbe 
Dutch with firearms, had a great advantage and finally overcame 
the most heroic resistance. The Fathers, in bonds, together with 
the few surviving Hurons, were Lurried back to St. Ignace (Iiel. 
1649, pp. 10, 12) there to endure inconceivable tortures which it 
is not my province here to describe. Brebeuf's agony was ended 
about four the same afternoon, Lalemant's was more protracted, 
he expired on the following morning about nine (Id. p. 15, 1 col.). 

Beginning of the Exodus. 

St. Louis and St. Ignace II. had fallen on March 16, 1G4D 
(Rcl. 1649, p. 10, 1 col.). On the morning of the 17th a party of 
300 warriors, hastily gathered together from La Conception (Os- 
sossane) and St. Madeleine (Arentet), while awaiting reinforce- 
ments, posted themselves in ambush in the neighborhood of the 
stricken villages. Their advance party, however, fell in unexpect- 
edly with some 200 of the enemy, who were reconnoitering in force 
in view of an attack on Ste. Marie I. A skirmish followed in 
which the Huron detachment met with severe loss, and was driven 
back to within sight of the French Fort (liel. 1649. p. 12, 1 col.). 

Meanwhile the main body of Hurons had succeeded in inter- 
cepting a strong force of Iroquois, whom they drove to shelter 
within the palisade of St. Louis, left intact when the village was 
destroyed. After an obstinate struggle the Hurons forced an en- 
trance, and captured about thirty warriors. They scarcely had 
time to congratulate themselves upon their success, when they 
were warned by runners that the whole bulk of the Iroquois army 
(Id. p. 12, 1, 2 col.) amounting yet to nearly 1000 braves 
(Id. p. 10, 1 col.), was upon them, and they in turn soon found 
themselves beleagured within St. Louis, whose defences taken and 
retaken within the space of a few hours could now afford but 
slight protection (Id. p. 12, 2 col.). 

Though reduced to about 150 fighting men the courage of the 
little band was not shaken. The battle raged not only through- 
out the remainder of the day, but as frequent sorties were made 
and as renewed assaults followed each repulse, the uneven contest 
was prolonged far into the night. 

By sheer weight of numbers, and owing more than all else t.> 
the great advantage the Iroquois had in being equipped with fire- 
arms (Id. p. 10, 1 col.), the little garrison was finally overcome. 
The inrushing horde of Iroquois found barely twenty Hurons alive 
within the enclosure, most of thorn wounded and helpless. This 
28 Ar. 



382 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

victory cost the invaders 100 of their best men, and their leader, 
though he still lived, had been stricken down (Id. p. 12, 2 col.). 

On March 19, a sudden dread, humanly speaking, wholly in- 
explicable, seized upon the Iroquois, and they beat a hurried 
retreat from the Huron country (Id. ib). 

An old woman who had escaped from the burning village of 
St. Ignace II. tardily brought to St. Michel (Scanoimcnrat) the 
news both of the disaster and of the precipitous withdrawal of the 
victorious Iroquois. Thereupon 700 warriors set out from St. 
Michel in pursuit. It was a half-hearted undertaking and aband- 
oned after two days of vain search through the forests (Rel. 164S, 
p. 13, 1 col.). 

OSSOSSANE, OE La CONCEPTION EVACUATED. 

Forty-eight hours elapsed before La Conception (Ossossane) 
heard of the annihilation of its contingent. The news reached the 
inhabitants at midnight on March 19. A cry went up that the 
enemy were upon them. The panic spread from lodge to lodge. 
Leaving most of their belongings behind them, old men, women 
and children, a terror-stricken throng, streamed out upon the icy 
shores of Lake Huron (Nottawasaga Bay). 

F. Chaumonot followed his flock, and after trudging eleven 
long leagues through ice and snow they reached the Nation of the 
Petun (Autobiog. p. 93). He remained there until May 1, when 
he and many of hi- dispersed flock sought refuge on Ahouendoc 
Island (Rel. 1649, p. 29, 1 col. ; date Id. p. 30, 1 col.). 

La Conception (Ossossane) was thus abandoned forever at mid- 
night on March 19. About the same time, that is, on the return of 
its war party from their vain pursiiit of the Iroquois, St. Michel 
(Scanonaenrat) was also deserted. F. Ragueneau thus outlines the 
state of Huronia at this date : "Part of the Huron country, as a 
consequence of the losses sustained, now lies desolate. Fifteen 
villages have been abandoned, their inhabitants scattering where 
they could, in the thickets and forests, on the lakes and rivers, 
in the islands, the most unknown to the enemy. Others have be- 
taken themselves to the neighbouring nations better able to bear 
the stress of war. In less than a fortnight our House of Ste. Mane 
[I.] has found itself stripped bare on every side. It is the only one 
left standing in the terror-stricken region, the most exposed to the 
incursions of the enemy. Those who have forsaken their former 
dwellings, have set fire to them themselves lest they should servo 
as a shelter and stronghold to the Iroquois" (Rel. 1649, p. 25, 1 
col.). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 383 

Ste. Marie 1. Abandoned and Destroyed. 

On account of the complete isolation of Ste. Marie I. in the 
midst of a devastated country, and one now lying desolate, it was 
resolved to transfer the mission Centre to some safer and more 
advantageous site. Ekaentoton was first considered as most prom- 
ising (Rel. 1649, p. 26, 2 col; p. 27, 1 col.). This was the "He 
Ste. .Marie," now Manitoulin Island. However the Island of St. 
Joseph, or Ahout ndoe, was finally determined on (Id. p. 27, 2 
col.), whither 300 families had already migrated (Id. p. 30, 2 
col. i, and where Father Chaumonot, about the first of May (1649), 
had settled with some cf h's Indians who al first had sought refuge 
among the Petuns (Rel. 1649, p. 30, I col.). 

On^May 15, 1649, the whole establishment of Ste. Marie I. 
was given over to the flames by the missionaries themselves (Id. 
p. 30, 2 col). 

On the evening of June 14 the final migration was effected on 
rafts and on a small vessel built for the purpose. In a few days 
the hegira was accomplished, and none to soon, as some stragglers 
were intercepted by the Iroquois, and either massacred or dragged 
off into captivity (Rel. 1650, p. 3, 1 col.). 

Founding of Ste. Marie II. on Ahouendoe Isd. 

Fort Ste. Marie II. was commenced without delay (Rel. 1650, 
p. 3, 2 col.) and was completed by November, 1649 (Letters of .1/. 
de V Incar. Vol. I., p. 416). It was situated not far from the 
shore-line on the great bay on the eastern coast of St. Joseph, now 
Christian Island, where its ruins are still to be seen, as are those 
of Ste. Marie I. on the River Wye. 

Departure. 

Father Bressani, who had headed a previous expedition to 
Quebec, and who had returned with it in September, 1648, was 
chosen again to go down about the end of the summer of 1649 
(Rel. 1650, p. 21, 1 col.) with the Huron flotilla on business of 
the Mission. As the party reached Quebec on September 1!) 
(1649, Journ. p. 129), the departure from Huronia must have 
taken place towards the middle of August. A clue is given us of 
the more precise date of the setting out from Ste. Marie II. by 
Father Gamier, for he closes his letter written from there to KIs 
brother Henri, under date of August 12. 1649, by these words : 
"Je brise ici, car les canots partent" (C.G.-LL., Contcmp. cop. p. 
109; Rec. cop. p. 92). Robert Le Coq was certainly one of the 
party, for he wintered at Sillery, 1649-1650, helping Brother 
Faute at the Smithy (Journ. des Jes., p. 731). 



384 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Catalogtjs Personarum et Officiorum 

R. Pater Paulus Ragueneau, Sup. 

Pater Franciscus Le Mercier, mill., proc, cons., proef. eccl. 

et sanit. 
Pater Adrianus Daran, stud. ling. (P.M. p. 237) 
Pater Adrianus Greslon, stud. ling. (P.M. p. 237) 
Pater Carolus Gamier, trucidatus 7 Dec. 1649. 
■ Pater Claudius Pijart, cons. oper. 
Pater Franciscus Du Peron, oper. 

Pater (Franciscus Joseph Bressani, oper. ;il>s. at Quebec). 
Pater Jacobus Bonin, stud, ling (P.M. p. 23? ) 
Pater Josephus Antonius Poncet, oper. 
Pater Josephus Maria C'haumonot, oper. 
Pater Leonardus Garreau, oper. 
Pater Natalis Chabanel, trucidatus 8 Dec. 1649. 
Pater Petrus Chastelam, adin., Conf. NN., cons., prcef, spir. 

donat. 
Pater Renatus Menard, oper. 
Pater Simon Le Moyne 

Frater Ambrosius Brouet, desperahe valet. (Extr-Lar. p. 14) 
Frater Ludovicus Gauber, fab. fer. 
Frater Nicolaus Noirclair. 
Frater Petrus Masson, sart. aBdit. hortulan. 
Donati : iEgidius Bacon 

Carolus Boivin, praef. redif. 

Carolus Panic 

Christophorus Reg-naut 

Claudius Boucher 

Daniel Carteron 

Franciscus Dornais 

Franciscus Malherbe 

Gulielniu« Losier 

Jacobus Caulmont 

Jacobus Levrier 

Joannes Caron 

Joannes Guerin 

Joannes Guiet, fab. lign. 

Joannes Le Mercier 

Bernard 

Rolland 

Josephus Boursier dit Desforges 

Josephus Molere, pharmac. 

Ludovicus Pinar 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 385 

Marinus Lefevre 
Nicolaus Montreuil 

Pucri : Liulovicus Le Boesine 



Three names wanting. 



Domestici : 11. 
Milites: 6. 

Status of the Various Missions After the Destruction of 

St. Ignace II. and St. Louis and Previous to the Fall 

of Etharita, or the St. Jean of the Petuns. 

Not being able to quote authorities in every instance for the 
placing of the above listed missionaries, at this particular point 
of time, since so many necessary data are wanting, it is quite in 
the order of things that certain explanations should be given so as 
to convince those interested in the matter that their distribution 
at stated points is not entirely arbitrary. 

Ste. Marie I. and II. The central Eesidence and its adjoin- 
ing Mission continued as before to be the headquarters of the 
Superior, the Proctor who was at the same time Procurator, 
the Spiritual Director and one other Father in charge of the 
Indians; in all four Fathers (Rag. Lett., March 1, 1649, P.M. p. 
237). The names of these are certain. They were in the order 
mentioned, R. F. Eagueneau, Francois Le Mercier, Pierre Chas- 
telain and Adrien Bonin. 

Moreover, as St. Jean-Baptiste had been abandoned by its 
inhabitants (before April 26, 1648, see Rel. 1648, p. 49, 1 col. and 
for date Id. p. 45, 1 col.), St. Joseph II. taken and destroyed 
(July 4, 1648, see Rel. 1649, pp. 3 et ss. ; P.M. pp. 238 et ss.), St. 
Ignace II. and St. Louis reduced to ashes (March 16-18, 1649, see 
Rel. 1649, pp. 10-12), Ossossane or La Conception precipitately 
evacuated (March 19, at midnight, see Autob. p. 93) after the 
extermination of its braves and those of Ste. Madeleine or Areata, 
necessitating the abandonment of all the other villages of Huronia 
dependent on these centres, those of their pastors who had escaped 
massacre gathered at Ste. Marie I. This led to an increase in the 
missionary staff of Ste. Marie I., before it was sacrificed and later 
of Ste. Marie II. This was urgently needed owing to the ever in- 
creasing numbers of fugitives seeking the protection of the Fort. 
As will be seen a little further on, the process of elimination iixes 
on Fathers Simon Le Moyne and Francois Du Peron as the two 
supernumerary missionaries at headquarters. 



386 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Father Adrien Bonin was certainly attached to the Residence 
of Ste. Marie I. Marie de l'lncarnation speaks of him as the 
"fidele tenioin des souffrances de nos saints Martyrs" (I. p. 435). 
Not of course as a bystander, but because, like all those stationed 
at Ste. Marie I. he saw their burnt and mutilated remains. In 
Relation 1649 (p. 13, 1 col.) it is said that on "the twentieth of 
the same month" [March], (while the MS. 1652 (p. 169) has 'Des 

le lendemain Matin') "we sent one of our Fathers and seven 

other Frenchmen to the spot where they were put to death to re- 
cover their bodies." In a footnote in pencil in the MS. 1652, I 
find "P. Bonin," in the handwriting of Father Felix Martin, 
given as the name of the Father sent, and in his Life of Father de 
Brebeuf (p. 2S4) Father Martin says expressly: "Father Bonin, 
followed by seven Frenchmen repaired on the morrow to St. Ig- 
nace, etc." He may have seen some document, to me unknown; 
but the only authority, bearing even remotely on the subject, I 
have any knowledge of is Ducreux. The latter historian, treating 
of Brebeuf and Lalemant's martyrdom, mentions a long letter of 
Bonin, which I have never been able to place, and which does not 
agree, as he says, with the author of the Relation as to whether 
the one suffered death in the presence of the other: "Non convenit 
satis inter Auctorem Relationis editae et Joannem Boninium in 
prolixa Epistola, quam de hoc ipso argumento dedit, num alter 
alterius in conspectu obierit" (Hist. Canad. p. 542). 

There is a second passage further on (pp. 544, 545) and far 
more to the point : "In Lalemantio narrat Boninius idem, se horas 
ipsas duas posuisse, intimse quondam familiaritati, cuius vinculo 
colligatus arctissime viro fuerat, satisfacientem : sed desistendum 
ipsi quoque tandem fuit, etc." But this affectionate contemplation 
of the wounds which covered every part of his martyred friend's 
body, and which lasted all of two hours, could have taken place, 
and with far greater probability may be said to have taken place 
at Ste. Marie I. and not on the spot where the bodies were found. 

Though there is no explicit statement that Father Bonin 
headed the search party, there is a strong presumption left in the 
mind that such was the case. But what concerns us most, the cita- 
tion is all but an apodictic proof that he was one of the household 
of Ste. Marie I., and not a mere casual visitor especially when we 
consider the season of the year when the martyrdom took place. 
And if so, there is no reason apparent why he should not have 
remained so after the Residence was transferred to St. Joseph or 
Christian Island. 

The Petun Mission ; Etharita and Eharenniondi. The ruin 
of St. Ignace II. and of St. Louis did not entail the abandoning 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 387 

of the Petun Missions. Father Gamier, in a letter to bis brother 
Henri, from Ste. Marie I., dated April 25, 1G 19, speaking of the 
dispersion of the Hurons of Huronia Proper, says: "A number of 
them sought refuge in the country of the Petuns, of whom two 
Fathers [Leonard Garreau and Noel Chabanel] and myself have 
the care" (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. 103; Rec. cop. p. 88), and 
adds that he has to start on the morrow to go in quest of these 
scattered and afflicted members of the flock. 

From this two things may be inferred. First, that he had 
gone, or probably been recalled to Ste. Marie I., after the disaster 
which had overtaken the two ill-fated villages, to consult with the 
Superior as to what was best to do in this most critical condition 
of the mission; and secondly, that in April, 1649, three Fathers 
only were employed among the Petuns. These we are sure were 
Gamier himself (loc. cit.), Leonard Garreau (C.G.-LL. Contcrnp. 
cop. p. 101; lice. cop. p. S6) and Noel Chabanel. 

The latter lets us know that he had been stationed at St. 
Ignace II. until one month before the death of Gabriel Lalemant, 
consequently during the winter of 1648-1649, at which time the 
latter had taken his place, while he himself was sent to a more 
distant and more difficult mission, being of a stronger constitution 
(Rel. 1650, p. IS, 2 col.). It goes without saying that this was 
among the Petuns. 

Itagueneau agrees with Gamier (Rel. 1649, p. 26, 2 col.) in 
saying that three Fathers, in three separate mission centres, had 
charge of the Petuns during the winter of 1648, and the early 
summer of 1649, for his Relation is dated June 1 of the latter year 
(Id. p. 30, 1 col.). 

It follows from this that Adrien Greslon had not, at least 
until later in June, taken up his post on the Petun Mission. As 
Charles Gamier wrote again on August 12, 1649 to his brother 
Henri, this time from Ste. Marie II., on St. Joseph's Island, it 
betokens his presence at headquarters on a second visit. This 
was surely not a mere pleasure trip, but in all likelihood it was to 
'. for additional help. This is a mere suggestion, but it seems to 
me more than probarde that Adrien Greslon accompanied him 
back, on that occasion to the Petun Mission. 

The Algonquin Missions: St. Charles, St. Esprit, and 
Pierre. With the exception of one paragraph on page 6, begin- 
ning at the foot of the first and continuing on the second column, 
of Relation 1649, there is nothing in it entirely concerning the 
Algonquin Missions. But in that of 1650 (p. 21, 1 col.), under the 
beading: "Dela Mission de Sainet Charles" we read : "Deux de 
nos Missionnaires, l'vn de la langue Algonquine et I'autre qui par- 



388 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

le le Huron, ayans parcouru tout l'Este les costes de nostre mer 
douce, pour le secours spirituel, tant des Hurons, qui alors y estoi- 
ent dispersez, que des peuples Algonquins, etc." This passage, of 
which translation will be found a little further on under the head- 
ing "St. Charles," relates to the summer of 1649, and find* its 
place here. But, as usual, Father Ragueneau is careful to men- 
tion no names, so we are left to our own devices to discover who 
these two Fathers were. 

That their missionary cruise ended before October is implied 
in what follows in the contest. That there is question of the 
Mission of St. Charles, is to be seen in the title of the chapter. 
This is about all we can be certain of so far. To make any further 
headway we must do a little clearing. 

On March 1, 1649, there were eighteen Fathers on the mis- 
sion in Huronia (P.M. p. 233). Since then two had been killed 
by the Iroquois, Fathers Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant. 
Father Bressani went to Quebec about August 13 (C.G.-LL. (Jon- 
temp, cop. p. 109; Rcc. cop. p. 92), so that we have to account for 
fifteen Fathers only. Bagueneau, Le Mercier and Chastelain, on 
account of the official positions they held, could not absent them- 
selves for any length of time from headquarters. Bonin, as we 
have seen, was also stationed at the central mission. Charles 
Gamier, Garreau and Chabanel were with the Petuns. Greslon 
joined them there eventually (MS. Authen. 1652, Grig. p. 247, 
cop. p. 85), but, as we have seen, did not go before June 1. Pon- 
cet, as we shall see presently, had his mission of St. Pierre. 
Chaumonot's every move is accounted for. Nor can there be any 
doubt about Pijart's being occupied with the Nipissings of the 
St. Esprit Mission. Of four Fathers only, out of the fifteen can 
there be any uncertainty. These are Rene Menard, Francois Du 
Percii, Simon Le Moyne and Adrien Daran. 

Among these the only new Father on the Mission was Adrien 
Daran. New-comers, we are expressly told, were sent with the 
more experienced as companions and helpers (Rel. 1649, p. 6, 1 
col.) or, to quote the words of Bagueneau's letter of March 1, 
1649: "Xous avons onze Missions: huit chez les Hurons, trois 
chez les Algonquins; autant de Peres, choisis parmi les anciens, 
se partagent le travail. Quatre autres apprennent la langue; ce 
sont ceux qu'on nous a envoyes l'annee derniere ; nous les avons 
donnes, conirue compagnons, a ceux des missionnaires dont le 
travail est plus etendu" (P.M. p. 237). On the other hand, we 
know beyond all manner of doubt from the Relations, as we shall 
see presently, that there was but one missionary allotted to the 
Indians of the St. Pierre Mission from the autumn of 1647 until 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 389 

1650 (Rel. 1648, p. 63, I col.; Rel. 1649, p. 6, 1, 2 col.; Eel. 1650, 
p. 22, 1 col.). Damn, therefore was not on this mission. That 
more than one Father at a time had been in charge (if tin- .Mission 
of St. Esprit is made manifest by the phrase "C'est a dire que nos 

Peres qui ont eu le soin de cette Missi y out niene vne vie 

errante, etc." (Rel. 1650, p. 22, '.' col.). But it is not less obvious 
that at the time this portion of the Relation was being written 
(here was but one Father acting as missionary in that quarter, for 
liagueneau adds almost immediately: "Voicy ce (pie m'en escriu- 
oit le Pere qui cet Hyuer [1649-1650] auoit le soin de cette Mis- 
sion." We are by this left in doubt as to whether there were two 
Fathers or not engaged on it during the summer, the time which 
we are now considering. 

But we have no such doubt as io the Mission of St. Charles. 
We have seen that two Fathers during this summer of 1649 had 
paddled all along the shores of Lake Huron contiguous to this 
mission (Rel. 1650, p. 21, 1 col.) t and that but one was sent there in 
October to pass the winter (Id. ib.). Now as Father Daran was 
the only new-comer disengaged, I am led to infer that he was the 
one who on this summer reconnoitring expedition acted as com- 
panion and helper under one of the older missionaries. He cer- 
tainly, during his comparatively short stay in Huronia, had under- 
gone many hardships, if what Marie de lTncarnation says of him 
(/. p. 424) is taken into consideration. 

We must now endeavour to ascertain which of the only three 
remaining Fathers of the fifteen, Fathers Bene Menard; Francois 
Du Peron and Simon Le Moyne was the head missionary of St. 
Charles during the summer of 1649. 

I think the question may be answered without hesitation that 
it was Father Bene Menard. 

To avoid confusion it will be well to state here that this new 
Mission of St. Charles, spoken of for the first time in Relation 
1650 (pp. 21, 22), had nothing in common with the St. Charles 
marked on Ducreux's inset 'map in the peninsula formed by the 
Midland and Penetanguishene Bays, and probably situated on lot 
113, concession I. of Tay Township (cf. Tiny Township by Mr. A. 
F. Hunter, p. 27, No. 19) ; unless it was there that the Algon- 
quins, coming from the region where the band of Surons had 
sought refuge, took up their winter-quarters when visiting Hur- 
onia. This Algonquin Mission was "six long days' journey" from 
Huronia, and the Father made his way back on the ice of the 
frozen Lake (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.). 

The reason now- for thinking that Menard held this mission 
may be thus briefly stated. He reached Huronia August II, ltill, 



390 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

and was assigned to the Algonquin Missions that year (Rel. 1042, 
p. 98, 1 col.; p. 99, 2 col.). So also in 1642 and 1643 (Rel. 1644, 
p. 102, 2 col.). In 1645 he was for a time at St. Joseph II., and 
in 1646 at St. Ignace I. (C.G.-LL. Contemp. cop. p. SO, 88; Rec. 
cop. pp. 70, 75). He was thoroughly versed in both languages 
'•r-Lar. p. 13), wh'ch could not be said either of Simon Le 
Moyne or of Francois Dn Peron. The Mission of St. Charles was 
made up of both Hurons and Algonquin s, so it is quite reasonable 
to suppose that Father Rene Hemard was chosen for the post. 

There seems less difficulty in determining what Father had 
the care of the Mission of St. Esprit, which comprised the Algon- 
quins living along the eastern shores of Lake Huron and those of 
Lake Nipissing (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.). Father Claude Pijart 
was sent up from Three Rivers expressly to take charge of the 
Xipissings (Rel. 1641, p. 58, 1 col.), arriving in Huronia in the 
early autumn of 1640 (Id. p. 62, 1 cot.; p. 82, 1 col.). He began, 
his mission in their country on May 8, 1641 (Id. ib. 2 col.), and 
was their devoted missionary for years (Rel. 1644, p. 102, 2 col.; 
p. 104, 1 col.; Rel. 1615, p. 51, 1 col; Rel. 1646, p. 80, 2 col.-, p. 
81, 2 col.; p. 84, 1 col.; Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.). Nowhere do I 
find the slightest indication that would lead one to suppose that 
he ever had any other tribe of Indians under his spiritual super- 
vision. The conclusion is not absolutely sure but morally so. 

Coming now to the Mission of St. Pierre we are back again 
into untroubled waters, not because Father Ragueneau is more 
communicative in giving the name of its missionary, but on ac- 
count of the circumstances of time and place which are dwelt upon 
in his narrative, and which tally perfectly with those contained 
in a letter written by Father Joseph Antoine Poncet from "Sainte 
Marie aux Hurons, ce 18 Mai, 1649." 

The mission was begun in 1648 ("la seconde [mission] que nous 
commencons cette annee a pris le nom de Saint Pierre" — Rel. 
1648, p.' 63, 1 col.— and the Relation is dated April 16, 1648— See 
p. 45, 1 col.). It was intended at its inception for those of the 
Algonquins who dwelt along the north shore of Lake Huron (Id. 
p. 63, 1 col.), but so'on took in also those who made their (home in 
Manitoulin Island (Rel. 1649, p. 6, 1, 2 col.). 

Here is what Ragueneau has to say of it in Relation 1649 : 
"We do not yet know what success has attended the new mission 
which we began last Autumn among an Algonquin Nation about 
sixty leagues distant. One of our Fathers who for some years had 
been urgent in his request to go and instruct them was sent to 
winter among them. 

"Eight months have passed since he left us and we have not 
succeeded yet -in getting any tidings of him These Indians 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 391 

inhabit an Island some sixty leagues in circuit, lying in a west- 
erly direction from us in our great lake or Fresh- Water-Sea. 
This island is called Ekaentoton, whence the name of the tribes 
who live there, but we have named it the Island of Saincte Ma 
(Id. ib.). The Relation is dated from Ste. Marie [I.] of the Hur- 
ons, May 1, 1641) (p. 2, 1 col.). 

Father Joseph Antoine Poncet's letter to one of his brothers, 
a secular, written also from Ste. Marie [l.J, hears the date of May 
18, 1649. He says Le was not in Huronia when Father de Brebeuf 
and his own cousin Father Gabriel Lalemant were martyred, but 
that he saw their remains. He says that he returned two months 
after the event from his mission where he had spent nearly seven 
months alone with the Indians; but it will be better to quote his 
own words: "I got back two months after the martyrdom; no 
news had reached me of these Reverend Fathers. I was alone in 
that island spoken of in the Relation, with an Algonquin tribe. 
It was God's will to make me do penance for my sins during nigh 
on to seven months among these savages, companions of the life 1 
was leading, and to grant me the consolation of sending some of 
them to heaven" (Notice sur le P. Gabriel Lalemant — /''. Martin 
S. J. p. 178; MS. in St. Mary's College Archives). 

The two months after the martyrdom of March 17 would lapse 
on May 17, the day previous to the date of his letter. Counting 
back from May 17, October 17 would make exactly seven months; 
but as he says "pres de Sept. mois," his departure in the autumn 
of 1648 must have taken place a little later in October. 

What is ascertained beyond doubt is that it was Poncet who 
spent the winter 1648-1649 on Ekaentoton Island and that he re- 
turned from his mission about May 17. The slight discrepancy be- 
tween what he knew best was the length of his absence and Rague- 
neau's estimate of it, must be set down to the anxiety of the latter 
at Poncet's forced silence. 

Two Fathers out of the fifteen present in Huronia still remaia 
unaccounted for, they are Fathers Simon Le Moyne and FranQois 
Du Peron. As all the outlying missions have been filled in accord- 
ance with the data supplied by the Relations, they naturally must 
find their places at Ste. Marie I. until its voluntary destruction, 
and after the migration to St. Joseph's Island at Ste. Marie II. 
There was a call for them there, and a wide field for their zeal 
among the wretched survivors of the Hurons Proper, stricken at 
the same time by war, pestilence and famine. 

I much regret that it had become neccessary, owing to Father 
Ragueneau's studied reticence, to inflict on even the most patient 
reader this tiresome dissertation concerning the several stations 
occupied by the Fathers in Huronia during the summer and aut- 



392 THE REPORT OF THE No. i\ 

umn months of 1649. It is now with no little satisfaction that I 
present in tabulated form, as has been done for the preceding 
years, the result of this lengthy investigation. 

Missions Summer and Autumn of 1649: 

HURON 

Ste. Marie I. Destroyed May 15 (Rel. 1649, p. 30, 2 col.) and com- 
pletely abandoned June 14, 1649 (Rel. 1650, p. 3, 1 col.) 

(Residence) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. 

F. Francois Le Mercier, min. proc. 

F. Pierre Chastelain, pra?f. spir. 

(Mission) 

F. Jacques Bonin (Ducreux, Hist. Canad. pp. 544, 545) 

F. Simon Le Movne ] /c , ,. ,, 

„ t-, ■ tn ti (oee preceding notes on the Status 

I< . ±raneois Du Peron ', , „ ,,. . 

ti * i • #i i of tne Missions) 

i! . Adrien breslon J 

Brother Ambroise Brouet, invalid 

Brother Louis Gauber 

Brother Nicolas Noirclair 

Brother Pierre Masson 

Ste. Marie II. On St. Joseph's Island. Occupied June 15 (Rel. 
1650, p. 3, 1 col.) 

(Residence) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. 

F. Francois Le Mercier, proc. min. 

F. Pierre Chastelain, Prsef. spirit. 

(Mission) 
F. Jacques Bonin (Ducreux, Hist. Canad. pp. 544, 545) 

F. Francois Du Peron] , , ^, ... . . 

_, „. _ y (as above, notes on the otatus) 

F. Simon Le Moyne j 

j (Left for his Petun Mission probahl;/ 

F. Adrien Greslon < after August 12, but certainly not be- 

I fore June 1 ; see notes on Status) 

On St. Joseph's Island since 



F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot 



May 1 (Rel. 1649, p. 29, 1 

col.; Cf. p. 30, 1 col.; 

Autob. p. 93) 

At this period of transition it is not possible to determine 
which of the Brothers, donnes and hired men went first, probably 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 393 

weeks before, to prepare Ste. Marie II. for the reception of the 
community on St. Joseph's Island, and which remained at Ste. 
Marie I., felling' trees, constructing rafts, building the boat and 
loading them -with the household goods, etc. (Ret. 1650, p. '■), I 
col.). The passage to the Island, of at least the first party to 
land, lasted throughout the night; but it would seem that it took 
several days to complete the transfer of all (Id. ib.). And when 
they landed they were encouraged at the sight of the fields of corn 
sown by Father Chaumonot's Indians. 

PETUN 

St. Jean, at Ethakita (Rel. 1650, p. S, 1 col.) Destroyed by the 
Iroquois December T, 1649 (Id. p. 8, 2 col.) 

i(Rel. 1650, p. 8, 1 col.; F.M. p 248) 
F. Charles Garnier } Killed by the Iroquois December 7 (Id. 

[p. 10, 2 col.) 
(Rel. 1650, p. 16, 1 col. ; I'.M. p. 248) 
Killed by a renegade Huron, Dec. 8, 
1649. Had been on the mission since 
February 17, 1649 (Rel. . 1650, p. 18, 2 
col.) 



F. Noel Chabanel 



It will.be well to note here an error in the date of his death 
as given in the Kelation 1650 (p. 18, 2 col.) : "Lors qu'il partit de 
la Mission de sainct Mathias (or rather passed through it), le iour 
mesme de sa mort, parlant au Pere, etc." This is not correct, nor 
is it in keeping with what is said elsewhere in the same Relation 
(p. 16, 1 col.) : "Ce bon Pere (Father Chabanel) reuenant done 
oii l'obeissance le rappelloit, auoit passe par la Mission de sainct 
Mathias,. ou estoient deux autres de nos Peres et les auoit quittez 
le matin du septiesme iour de Decembre." » Consequently, the 
morning he took leave of the two Fathers stationed at St. Mattras 
was December 7. The Relation proceeds to inform us that he 
travelled six long leagues that day, camped in the forest when 
darkness overtook his party, and a midnight was startled by the 
victorious shouts of the Iroquois. It was then and there that his 
escort forsook him. The narrative continues : "Sur l'aube du iour 
[of December 8], le Pere ayant change de route, voulant venir nous 
trouuer en l'lsle oii nous estions, se vit arreste au bord <1'\ tie riui- 
ere, qui luy trauersoit son chemin" (Id. ib. 2 col.). It was here 
the renegade Huron met him, murdered him and cast his body into 
the stream. But, it is obvious, this took place not on the day he 
left St. Mathias but the day after, that is December 8. 



394 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

ALGONQUIN 

St. Charles (Oh or near the shores of Lake Huron, from 160 to 
180 miles distant from Huronia — Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.) 

F. Rene Menard spoke both languages fluently (Extr-Lar. 
1648, p. 13). 

F. Adrien Daran, during the summer (See notes on Status) 
There was one Father only during the winter on this mission, 
he went there in October, 1649 (Rel. 1650, p. 21, 1 col.). He re- 
turned to Ste. Marie II. towards the end of the winter 1649-1650 
(Id. p. 22, 1 col.). For identity, see preceding notes on the Status 
of the missions. 

St. Pieeee (Manitoulin Island and Northern shores of Lake 
Huron— Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col; Rel. 1649, p. 6, 1, 2 col; p. 
26, 2 col.; p. 27, 1 col. farther away than St. Charles (Rel. 
1650, p. 22, 1 col.). 

F. Jospeh Antoine Poncet. (His letter, May 18, 1649) 

He went in October, 1648 (His letter), and returned May 17, 

1649 v (/d.); but wintered again there, 1649-1650 (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 

1 col). 

St. Esprit (Nipissing Indians and east shore of Lake Huron — Re- 
lation 1648, p. 63, 1 col; Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.) 

F. Claude Pijart (see preceding notes on Status of the Mis- 
sions). 

Destruction of St. Jean or Etharita of the Petun Nation — 
Massacre of Fathers Garnier and Chabanel. 

St. Jean or Etharita (C.G.-LL Contemp. cop. pp. 98, 99; Hec. 
cop. pp. 83, 84) in the mountains of the Petun Nation, and lying 
nearest to the frontier the most, exposed to the enemy, sheltered 
five or six hundred families (Rel. 1650, p. 8, 1 col.). It was four 
leagues from St. Mathias (C.G.-LL. Contemtp. cop. p. 99; Rec. 
cop. 84), otherwi e Ekarenniondi (Id. Contemp. cop. p. 98; Rec. 
cop. p. 84). 

Fathers Charles Garnier and Noel Chabanel were fellow- 
missionaries at St. Jean in the early winter 1649-1650 (Rel. 
1650, p. 16, 1 col), when two escaped Huron captives assured the 
Superior, Father Ragueneau, then at Ste. Marie II., that the Iro- 
quois were on the point of attacking either St. Joseph's Island or 
the villages of the Petun Nation (Rel. 1650, p. 8, 1 col.). There- 



1<)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 395 

upon the Superior seat word to Father Chabanel to return to Ste. 
Marie II., so as to leave as few missionaries as possible exposed to 
danger (Rel. 1650, p. 16, 1 col.). 

Father Chahanel, conformably to orders, left St. Jean on 
December 5, accompanied by seven or eight Petun Hurons (Id. p. 
16, 1 col.). On his way he stopped at St .Mathias where Fathers 
Leonard Garreau and Adrien Greslon were stationed (MS. Auth- 
( nt. 1652, Orig. p. 247), and on the morning of December 7, leav- 
ing St. Mathias, he continued his journey (liel. 1650, p. 16, 1 
col.). 

Meanwhile the Iroquois, eluding the Petun warriors who had 
set out from St. Jean to meet them, fell upon the defenceless vil- 
lage at three in the afternoon of the very day, December 7 (Id. p. 
S, 1 and 2 col.) that F. Chabanel had taken leave of the two mis- 
sionaries at St. Mathias (Id. p. 16, 1 col.). The inhabitants were 
slaughtered or raptured, and the town reduced to ashes; Father 
Garnier falling a victim to the fury of the victors while minister- 
ing to the spiritual wants of the dying (Id. p. 9, 1, 2 col.). 

After leaving St. Mathias, Father Chabanel and his compan- 
ions had covered sis good leagues before nightfall, when they 
camped in the forest. At midnight the exulting war-whoops of 
the enemy, who were passing very near them on their return east- 
ward, filled the Hurons with consternation. Unperceived by tlie 
foe and by a circuitous course they doubled back towards the 
Petun country. So precipitous was the flight that Father Chaban- 
el could not keep up with them, and he was left alone to his fate 
(Id. p. 16, 1 and 2 col.). 

The sole witness, as to what happened after Father Chabanel 
was abandoned in the forest, was an apostate Huron by name 
Louis Honareennhak (MS. Authent. 1652, Orig. p. 276, in mar- 
gin). His first story was the one given >n the Relation by F. Rag- 
ueneau, to the effect, that at early dawn (on December 8) the 
Father who had vainly endeavoured to follow his Huron compan- 
ions on their way back to the Petun country, resumed his journey 
in the direction of St. Joseph's Island. He had reached a deep 
stream [Nottawasaga River] which barred his further progress. 
Then it was that he, Louis Honare'ennhak, ferried the Father 
over the river. He declared that the latter had thrown aside his 
hat, his blanket and the satchel wherein he kept his manuscripts 
so as to be less hampered in his flight (Rel. 1650, p. 16, 2 col.). 
The witness was in possession of his apparel (Bressani p. 276). 

Such was the account given also in the MS. of 1652, sent to 
France to be engrossed by a court scribe, and now preserved in St. 
Mary's College Archives. When it was returned to F. Ragueneau 



396 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

at Quebec, lie corrected in it several particulars, affixing his sig- 
nature, and adding Lis own attestation at the end of chapters. In 
this instance he modifies the above statement. He affirms that the 
renegade had openly boasted that he had killed Father Chabanel 
out of hatred to the faith, seeing that since he himself and his 
family had embraced Christianity every misfortune had befallen 
them. (MS. Auihen. 1652, Orig. p. 276). A photo-engraving of 
this affidavit has been given in Part First of this volume. 

A.FTER THE DESTRUCTION OF S T. JEAN (Etharita.) 

{Dec. 7, 1649) 
Missions : 

HURON. 

St. Makie II. on. St. Joseph's Island. 

(Eesidence) 

R. F. Paul Ragueneau, Sup. 
F. Francois Le Mercier 
F. Pierre Chastelain 

Mission on the Island 

F. Adrien Daran 

F. Francois Du Peron 

F. Jacques Bonin 

F. Joseph Marie Chaumonot 

F. Simon Le Movne 



F. Adrien Greslon, invalid 



Recalled from the Petuns to- 
wards the end of December, 
1649, or the beginning of Jan- 
uary, 1650 (Rcl. 1650, p. 19. 
1 col.). 

Brother Ambroise Brouet, invalid, had been cook previously. 

Brother Louis Gauber, Blacksmith 

Brother Nicolas Noirclair 

Brother Pierre Masson, tailor, sacriston, gardener. 

Donne Gilles Bacon 

Donne Charles Boivin, foreman builder 

Donne Charles Panic, house work 

Donne Christophe Regnaut, shoemaker 

Donne Claude Boucher 

Donne Daniel Carteron (or Cartron) 

Donne Francois Dornais 

Donne Francois Malherbe 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 397 

Donne Guillaurue Losier (or Lozier, or Lausier) 

Donne Jacques Caulmont 

Donne Jacques Levrier, shoemaker 

Donne •lean Caron 

Donne Jean Guerin, house work 

Donne Jean Guiet, carpenter 

Donne Jean Le Mercier 

Donne Bernard 

Donne Holland 

Donne Joseph Boursier dit Desforges 

Donne Joseph Molere, apothecary, laundryman 

Donne Louis Pinar 

Donne Marin Lefevre 

Donne Nicolas Montreuil 

Boy Louis Le Boesme 

Boy ? 

Boy — - ? 

Boy ? 

Hired men. There were eleven, whose names I have not dis- 
covered. 

Soldiers. Six, whose names are also unknown. 

This made up the full complement of Frenchmen who were 
attached to the Residence and Mission of Ste. Marie II., on Ste. 
Joseph or Christian Island during the Winter of 1649-1650. Most 
of them were engaged, together with the Indians as helpers, on the 
fort and other works of defence, from the end of May, 1649, and 
through the summer and autumn months. It was not until Novem- 
ber that the stone walls of the fort were completed (Lettres de Mane 
de V Incarnation, I. p. 416). "En sorte que Dieu mercy," says 
Father Ragueneau, "nous nous vismes en estat de tres-bonne def- 
fense, ayant basty vn petit fort si regulierement, qu'il se deffendoit 
facilement soy-mesme, et qui ne craignoit point ny le f&u, ny la 
sappe, ny l'escalade des Iroquois. De plus nous mismes la main pour 
fortifier le bourg des Hurons qui ioignoit a nostre habitation : nous 
leur dressasmes des bastions qui en deffendoient les approclies, 
etc." (Rel. 1650, p. 3, 2 col.). 

ALGONQUIN. 

St. Charles {Rel. 1650, pp. 21, 22) 

F. Rene Menard, from October, 1649 till the end of winter 
(Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.). 

This year this mission, as we have seen, was for a band of 
Hurons who through dread of the Iroquois had left nuronia the 
29 Ar. 



398 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

previous year, and had settled in a secluded place in the wilderness 
six long days' journey from their former homes, that is to say, 
some 150 or 180 miles distant. The Eelation says: "Two of our 
missionaries, one speaking Algonquin and the other Huron, hav- 
ing throughout the summer [1649], scoured the coasts of our fresh- 
water Sea [Lake Huron], to minister to the spiritual wants both of 
the Hurons, who were then dispersed, as well as of the Algonquin 
tribes, represented to us, on their return, that it would be for God's 
glory if some one of us should pass the winter at that place where 
the Indians were to gather in greater numbers. For this purpose 
we named one of our Huron-speaking Fathers, who left in the 
month of October" (Rel. 1650, pp. 21, 22). There are no further 
data, but as Father Rene Menard spoke both languages fluently 
("Huron et Algonquin, ling, peritus : " Extr-Lar. p. 13), it is all 
but certain that he was the one sent. The only others available, 
as already noted in discussing the Status of the Missions, were 
Francois Du Peron, Simon Le Moyne and Adrien Daran, of whom 
the last, according to Marie de l'lncarnation's letter of August 30, 
1650 (/. p. 424), had undergone extraordinary sufferings and trials, 
such as the Father on this mission had had to endure for the space 
of fifty days (Rel. 1650, p. 23, 1 col.). But, on the other hand, 
being one of the last who had come to Huronia, and seeing that it 
was the settled policy of the Fathers not to send out new-comers 
alone but as companions and helpers of those already well seasoned 
to hardship (Rel. 1649, p. 6, 1 col.), he was not the one to be chos- 
en, though most probably he had accompanied Menard during the 
summer. 

Towards the end of the winter (1649-1650) these Indians of the 
St. Charles Mission broke up camp, scattering here and there, and 
a party of them, reduced to the direst straits by famine, after 
travelling six days on the frozen lake, reached St. Joseph's Island 
accompanied by their missionary (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.). 

Saint Esprit (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.). Nipissings and other 
Algonquins on the east shore of Lake Huron (Cf. Rel. 1648, 
p. 63, 1 col). 

F. Claude Pijart, who from the outset had charge of the Nip- 
issings. 

These Indians had no permanent abode, but haunted the 
shores of the great Lake [Nipissing] their home, so that the Fath- 
ers had to be constantly on the move to keep in touch with them in 
their wanderings (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1, 2 col.). I infer from the 
phrase which follows that during the winter 1649-1650 there was 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 399 

but one Father on this mission: "Voicy ce que m'en escriuoit le 
Pere qui cet Hyuer [1649-1650] auoit le soin de cette Mission" 
(Rel. 1650, p. 22, 2 col.). 

Though Father Ragueneau, with most provoking consistency, 
and an impartiality not to be called in question throughout his 
Relations suppresses all names, save those of the dead, one runs 
little risk of going astray by setting down Father Claude Pijart as 
the missionary alluded to. He, in fact, from the very first, and all 
along, had pastoral charge of the Nipissings. 

In the spring many of these Indians fell into the hands of the 
Iroquois, who came upon them unawares in what was looked upon 
as a safe retreat. "lis [the Iroquois] entraisnerent dans la Capti- 
uite hommes, femmes et enfans, sans pardonner a cet aage inno- 
cent, qu'ils brusloient au milieu des flammes auec des cruautez in- 
conceuables" (Id. ib.). 

St. Pierre (Rel. 1650, p. 22, 1 col.). Manitoulin Island and North 
Shore of L. Huron. (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 col.; Rel. 1649, p. 6, 
1 col). 

F. Joseph Antoine Poncet 

From Father Poncet's own letter, May 18, 1649, (MS. copy 
St. Mary's College Archives), extracts from which have already 
been given, we know that he had returned the day previous to its 
date from his winter mission among the Algonquins, 1648-1649, 
and by a comparison with Ragueneau's statements, that this mis- 
sion was that of St. Pierre (Rel. 1648, p. 63, 1 cot. ; Rel. 1649, p. 
6. 1, 2 col.). But the last paragraph which closes Chapter VI. of 
the Huron Relation of 1650 (p. 22, 1 col.) leaves no doubt as to the 
Father's winter'ng a second time in the St. Pierre Mission. 

PETUN NATION. 

Ekarenniondi, or St. Mathias, and St. Matthieu. (Rel. 1650, 
p. 19, 1 col.). 

F. Leonard Garreau, until the spring 

of 1650. 
F. Adrien Greslon, imtilJanuary, 1650, 

at the latest, when he returned to 

Ste. Marie II. (Rel'. 1650, p. 19, 

1 col.). 

"Since the death of the two Fathers [Charles Gamier and 
Noel Chabanel] of whom we have spoken, the want of labourers 
has forced us to maintain but one mission throughout these moun- 



MS. Authent, 
1652, Orig. 
p. 247.) 



400 THE REPORT OF THE No. 11 

tains [the Blue Hills], burdening over measure the other two sur- 
viving Fathers [Garreau and Greslon — MS, Authen. 1652, Orig. 
p. 247, cop. p. 85] with the care of the poor afflicted Churches 
which had just lost their Pastors; and then, only a short time after, 
we found ourselves constrained to leave but one of the two to look 
after all the Christians in that region; for sickness had overtaken 
the other [Greslon] and we had to recall him that he might rece*ve 
here a little better nursing" (Rel. 1650, p. 19, 1 col.). 

To make it perfectly clear that it was Father Garreau who 
was left alone among the Petuns and not Father Greslon, I shall 
cull a few passages from a rather long letter of Father Ragueneau 
to Father Garreau's brother. It bears no date but was written 
shortly after the death of our missionary which occurred at Mon- 
treal on September 2, 1656. A musket ball had broken his spine 
on August 30, when a band of Iroquois, lying in wait at the lake 
of Two Mountains had fired a volley at a party of Hurons and Al- 
gonquins who, with two missionaries, were bound upward for the 
country of the Ottawas (Rel. 1656, pp. 38-41) : 

"One of our Fathers, his intimate friend, and companion in 
his toils, Reverend Father Charles Gamier, having been put to 
death by these wretches [the Iroquois] on December 7, 1649, Father 
Leonard remained alone in the country, exposed to all the ills 
which nature most abhors (p. 3) 

"Having recalled him from this mission LEkarenniondi in the 
spring of the following year [1650], he embarked in a canoe to 
cross about ten leagues over a lake [i.e. Nottawasaga Bay, a part of 
Lake Huron], which lay between him and us. The Christian 
Indians who were piloting him lost their bearings in a dense im- 
penetrating fog which came up suddenly accompanied by so furi- 
ous a storm that, after having completely worn themselves out ply- 
ing their paddles much longer than their strength could endure 
through daylight and darkness, they lost all hope and all desire of 
prolonging their lives, and abandoned themselves to the mercy of 
wind and waves" (p. 4). 

Father Ragueneau proceeds to show how Father Garreau pre- 
pared the party, which was made up of Christian Indians and 
Frenchmen, for death which seemed inevitable, how they accepted 
their lot not only with resignation but with contentment, then 
adds : "God quieted the tempest and dispelled the sullen clouds, 
and all at once they found themselves close to shore in a blissful 
calm not different from that which all along had reigned in their 
hearts" (MS. copy from the "Histoire des Saints du diocese de 
Limoges par Jean Collins, 1673," St. Mary's College Archives) 
(Cf. Bucreux, Hist. Canad, p. 807). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 401 

Thus Father Leonard Garreau was the last to be called in 
from a missionary outpost so dangerously exposed to any sudden 
attack of the enemy. He escaped then with his life, but only to 
fall six years later before the treacherous Iroquois, who at that 
time were supposed to be at peace with the French (Rel. 10-56, p. 
40, 2 col.). 

1650 

The Final Exodus. 

To intensify the sufferings of the Hurons, already unbearable, 
famine supervened and added its horrors to the ever recurring 
butcheries and tortures. The Iroquois held the Island of St. Jos- 
eph so closely invested that any party setting foot on the mainland 
for the purpose either of hunting or of renewing their exhausted 
supply of roots and acorns (for they bad been reduced to such fare 
and worse) were set upon by the prowling bands of the enemy. Nor 
were the fishing parties less exposed to inevitable disaster. The 
Iroquois was ubiquitous and his onslaught irresistible (Rel. 1650, 
p. 23, et ss.). 

Two veteran chiefs, foreseeing the complete extinction of their 
Nation, sought out F. Ragueneau in secret, and pleaded long and 
earnestly for the abandoning of St. Joseph's Island and for a 
speedy departure for the sheltering walls of Quebec (Rel. 1650, pp. 
26, 27). The measure after protracted deliberation was resolved 
upou, for the situation had l>ecome desperate (Id. p. 26, 1 col.). 

On June 10, 1650 (Rel. 1650, pp. 1, 2) when all was in reaui- 
ness, the long convoy pushed off from the landing of Ste. Marie II, 
and Huronia was abandoned forever. 

The party consisted of 13 Fathers, 4 lay brothers, 22 domic*, 
11 hired men, 4 boys and 6 soldiers. These are the figures given 
by F. Ragueneau as being present in Hurouia after the death of 
Fathers Charles Gamier and Noel Chabanel (Rag. Letter, March 
13, 1650, P.M. p. 249) [See list given above]. The number of Hur- 
ons, who on this occassion abandoned their country to settle near 
Quebec, did not much exceed three hundred (Ret. 1650, p. 26, 1 
col. ; Rag. Lett. Oct. 8, 1650, LL. ad Gen. p. 35). 

When half-way ( n their journey down they met F. Bressani's 
party of forty Frenchmen and a few Hurons (Rel. 1650, p. 26, 2 
col.), which had left Three Rivers June 7, and Montreal June 15, 
with supplies and additional help for the mission (Joum. des Jes., 
p. 139). F. Bressani was bringing with him the lay brothers Jean 
Feuville (or Freville), two hired men, Jean Boyer and Charles 
Amyot and Robert Le Coq, the donne (Id. ib.); the latter had gone 
down in the summer of 1649, and had spent the winter at Sillery 
(Id. p. 131). 



402 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Informed of the appalling events of the last twelve-month, 
and of the abandonment of the Huron country, F. Bressani and his 
party had but to turn their canoes back towards Quebec, and the 
two flotillas proceeded together on their way eastward (Kel. 1650, 
p. 27, 1 and 2 col.). They reached Montreal safely, where they 
rested two days, and finally arrived at Quebec, July 28, 1650, after 
a tedious journey of nearly fifty days. (Rel. 1650, p. 28, 1 col.; 
Journ. des. J is., p. 142). 

And thus ended the long drawn out conflict between two sav- 
age nations of kindred origin, the Iroquois and the Huron; the 
latter abandoning their home forever, and dispersing over a wide 
extent of the eastern half of the continent, mingling gradually 
with other tribes ; and even, where they had gathered in any con- 
siderable number, and set up an abode in common, losing their 
very language and adopting little by little that of their former 
allies. 

Nor did the victorious Iroquois ever attempt to occupy per- 
manently the old haunts of the banished Huron. These remained 
a wilderness, trodden only by the Indian hunter, until, in our own 
times, their forests fell before the European woodsman and their 
fields were upturned by the modern ploughshare. Huronia had 
seen its day. And when in after years it was ever alluded to in 
classic Huron, it was as of Troy of old, the "Fuit Ilium" being 
echoed in savage language by the "Sendake Ehen," "Fuit Hur- 
onia," or as Potier freely renders it "Defunct Huronia." 



SYNOPTICAL TABLES 

. ii. hi.* 



These Tables are a synopsis of the whole of Part Second of 
this volume. 

Table I. gives in alphabetical order the names of all the mis- 
sionary priests who laboured in Huronia, the date of their arrival 
there and of their departure or death. The numbers before each name 
on the list refer to Tables II. and III. Thus " 16, 23," in the column 
headed 1642-43, of Table III., are the numbers of Father Charles 
Gamier and Simon LeMoyne, and mean that both these Fathers were 
stationed at St. Joseph II., or Teanaostaiae during the season 1642- 
43, or during part of it as the case may be. 

Table II. gives the names of the villages, etc., of the Huron 
Mission as they were known during the period which preceded the 
first taking of Quebec by the English in 1629. 

Table III. gives the names of residential missionary villages, 
or missionary centres, for the term of years extending from 1634 to 
June 10, 1650, the date of the final exodus. 

One point of interrogation in lieu of a number indicates that 
one missionary was in charge of the mission but that his identity is 
uncertain. Two such points mean that the mission was in charge of 
two Fathers whose names so far have not been ascertained. When 
a number, corresponding to the name of some missionary is repeated 
in any one column it is intended to show that part of the season was 
spent in one of the missions indicated and part in the other. 

* Note— See footnote, page 269. 



( 403 ) 



404 



THE REPORT OF THE 
TABLE I. 



No. 41 



Missionaries. 



illeti. 

1. LaRoche D'Aillon, Joseph de. 

2 . Le Carou, Joseph j 

3. Poulain, Guillaume 

4 . Sagard*, Gabriel Theodat 

5 . Viel, Nicolas 

Jemits. 

6. Bonin, Jacques 

7 . Br6beuf, Jean de 

8. Bressani, Francois Joseph . . i 

9. Chabanel, Noel 

10 . Chastellain, Pierre 

11. Chaunionot, Joseph Marie 

12. Daniel, Antoine < 

13 . Daran, Adrien 

14. Davost, Ambroise 

16. Du Peron, Francois < 

16. Gamier, Charles 

17 . Garreau, Leonard 

18 . Greslon, Adrien 

19 . Jogues, Isaac 

20. Lalemant, Gabriel 

21 . Lalemant, Jerome 

22. Le Mercier, Francois 

23. Le Movne, Simon 

24. Menard, Rene 

25 . Noue, Anne de 

26. Pijart, Claude 

27 . Pijart, Pierre 

28. Poncet de la Riviere, Jos. A. < 

29 Ragueneau, Paul I 

30 . Ray mbault, Charles 



Sojourn. 



Arrival. 



Departure. 



August 1626 

Summer of 1615 

1623 

" 1622 

August 20 1623 

August 1623 



Early in Sept 1648 

August 1626 

August 5 1634 

September 7 1644 

Early Autumn.. . .1645 

September 16-18 

September 7 1644 

August 12 1630 

September 10 1639 

After August 5. . .1634 

August 1638 

Early in Sept 1648 

August 23 1634 

September 29 1638 

Autumn 1641 

August 13 1636 

September 7 1644 

Early in Sept 1648 

September 11 1636 

Earlv in Sept 1648 

August 26 1638 

" 13 1635 

September 29 1638 

August 14 1641 

August 1626 

Early Autumn .. .1640 

August 17 1635 

September 1637 

Earlv in Sept 1639 

September 12 1639 

Autumn of 1645 

September 1 1637 

August 14 1641 

Early Autumn ...1640 



Summer of 1628 

May 20 1616 

June 1624 

Autumn of 1622 

June 1624 

Summer of 1625 



June 10 1650 

End of June 1629 

Earlv Summer . . .1641 
Slain March 16... 1649 

End of June 1648 

August 1649 

Slain December 8. 1649 
June 10 1650 

" 1650 

July 22 1636 

Slain Julv 4 1648 

June 10.! ...1650 

July 27 1636 

Earlv Summer. . . .1641 

June 10 1650 

Slain December 7.1649 
June 10 1650 

" 1650 

June 13 1642 

Slain March 17... 1649 

August 1645 

June 10 1650 

" 1650 

" 1650 

Earlv Summer . . .1627 

June" 10 1650 

End of June 1637 

Early in June 1638 

Summer of 1644 

August 1640 

June 10 1650 

August 1640 

June 10 1650 

June 13 1642 



, * Gabriel Sagard, the Recollet historian, was a lav brother and not in Holv 

Orders. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 405 

TABLE II. 

STATIONS OF THE MISSIONARIES IN HURONIA FROM 1616 TO 1629. 
The numbers in the columns refer to the Alphabetical List of Missionaries. 



Missions. 


L615 


1616 


1622 


1623 


1624 


1625 


1626-27 


1627-28 


1629J 


Carhagouha,* S. Joseph .... 


2 


2 




2 


2,4.6 


5 


1 

1 

1 
1 

1,7,25 


1, 7, 25 










3 






















2 












S Gabriel, t La Rochelle 






4 
5 








Toanch<5 I S Nicolas 








7 

















* Carhagouha was the Arontaen of the Relations. It must not be confounded 
with any of the Huron villages which bore the name of St. Joseph at the time 
when the Jesuits alone had charge of the Huron Missions. 

t La Rochelle, the -French name for St. Gabriel, identifies it with the Ossossan'e 
or La Conception of a later period. 

A. stands for Algonquins and N. for the Neutral Nation. 

t From the capitulation of Quebec to the English, July 19, 1629, until the 
retrocession of Canada to the French by the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye in 1632, 
the Huron Missions were necessarily suspended, as the Fathers had been sent back 
to France. In 1634, however, the missionaries returned to Huronia and resumed 
their work of evangelization . 



406 



THE REPORT OF THE 



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BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 



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408 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



TABLE 
Showing Volumes, Chapters and Pages of The Quebec 
Edition of The Relations and The Corresponding 
Volumes, Chapters and Pages of The Cleveland Edition. 





Quebec. 




Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1611 


I. 


1 


3 


39 


Vol. I. 


II. 


3 


1 ( 


47 


" 


III. 


6 


tt 


63 


(i 


IV. 


8 


t( 


73 


(< 


V. 


11 


It 


87 


(i 


VI. 


13 


H 


99 


if 


VII. 


16 


ti 


115 


i i 


VIII. 


IS 


ii 


127 


i i 


IX. 


20 


a 


137 


n 


X. 


21 


1 1 


141 


1 1 


XI. 


24 


" 


157 


it 


XII. 


27 


a 


171 


it 


XIII. 


28 


a 


179 


CI 


XIV. 


29 


a 


185 


1 1 


XV. 


30 


i i 


193 


Cl 


XVI. 


32 


" 


199 


tt 


XVII. 


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38 


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ti 


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40 


tt 


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ti 


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255 


it 


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43 


tt 


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a 


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tt 


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52 


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56 


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tt 


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63 


tt 


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64 


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67 


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n 




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4 
5 


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tt 

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7 


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4 


tt 


21 


ti 




5 


tt 


27 


ii 




S 


a 


31 



Quebec. 



Cleveland. 



Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1 632 




7 


4 


35 


Vol. I. 




8 




41 


•' 




9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 

1 


it 
1 1 
ii 
tt 
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it 
1 1 

5 


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49 


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55 


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59 


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65 


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69 


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73 


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83 




4 

8 

12 

16 


ti 

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113 


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133 


ii 




153 


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25 
30 
35 
39 
39 
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tt 

ti 
it 
tt 

6 

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ti 


177 


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197 


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221 


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243 


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279 


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IX. 


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295 


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45 


7 


7 


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48 


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21 


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51 


tt 


35 


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57 


tt 


67 


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92 
1 


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tt 


233 


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255 




I. 


3 


a 


263 


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5 


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275 


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9 


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17 


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23 
42 


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157 


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1 


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215 


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7 


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245 


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15 


9 


7 


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21 


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37 


ii 


V. 


27 


1 1 


69 


" 


VI. 


31 


" 


87 


it 


VII. 


36 


" 


111 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 4(t'J 

Table Shewing Volumes, etc. — Continued. 



Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1636 


VIII. 


40 


9 


133 


1638 


XI. 


28 


14 


261 


Vol. I 


IX. 


44 


tf 


151 


Vol. I. 


Hur. 


32 


15 


13 


(I 


X. 


51 


If 


185 


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I. 


33 


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17 


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XI. 


53 


tf 


193 


tt 


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37 


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37 


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Hur. 


76 


10 


7 


tt 


III. 


41 


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53 


U 


Part I. 




ft 




tt 


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77 


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82 


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87 


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III. 


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87 


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51 


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101 


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117 


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Part II. 




I t 




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129 


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100 


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125 


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104 


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141 


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110 


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175 


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111 


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193 


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59 


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251 


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128 


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265 


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131 


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279 


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139 
1 


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317 
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34 
38 


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43 


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191 


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63 


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46 


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209 


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10 


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81 


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66 


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77 


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83 


tt 


145 


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56 


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39 


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64 


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96 
103 


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267 


tt 
it 


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12 
16 
19 


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ft 


91 


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119 


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13 


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24 


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119 


ft 


85 


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28 


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171 


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1638 


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49 


ft 


61 


" 


II. 


3 


tt 


131 


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52 


tf 


77 


" 


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tf 


151 


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53 


tf 


81 


tt 


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ft 


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10 


ft 


171 


ti 


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60 


ft 


121 


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14 


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tt 


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70 


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167 


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78 


ft 


209 


tt 


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25 


243 


tt 


VIII. 


83 


ft 


283 



410 THE REPORT OF THE No. U 

Table Shewing Volumes, etc. — Continued. 



Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. ! 


I| Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1640 


IX. 


90 


20 


19 


1643 


IV. 


12 


24 


21 


Vol. I. 


X. 


95 


t ( 


43 


voi.n. 


V. 


16 


II 


45 


I ( 




102 
1 


(i 


77 
119 




VI. 
VII. 


20 
28 


(( 


67 


1641 




103 


I. 


o 


n 


125 


ii 


VIII. 


32 


(( 


123 


" 


II. 


5 


1 1 


143 


1 1 


IX. 


38 


" 


157 


" 


III. 


10 


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185 


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X. 


45 


II 


191 


" 


IV. 


14 


11 


185 


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XI. 


51 


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221 




V. 


20 


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215 


" 


XII. 


61 


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271 




VI. 


24 


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233 


ii 


XIII. 


69 


25 


19 




\ II. 


29 


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259 


it 


XIV. 


74 


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VIII. 
IX. 


34 
37 


21 


281 
21 


a 
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82 
1 


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75 






95 




X. 


42 




43 




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105 




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61 


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4 


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117 




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49 


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81 


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55 


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k 


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13 


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161 




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59 


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175 




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60 


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131 


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19 


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193 




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62 


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111 


" 


VII. 


26 


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223 




III. 


63 


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147 


" 


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31 


i i 


247 




IV. 


67 


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169 


" 


IX. 


38 


26 


19 




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69 


" 


177 


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45 


t i 


53 




VI. 


71 


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187 


" 


XI. 


49 


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75 




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81 


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239 


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55 


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103 






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22 


251 
31 


i i 


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60 
66 


,, 


129 


1642 
Vol. II. 




155 


I. 


3 




39 


" 


Hur. 


68 


" 


171 




II. 


4 


(i 


47 


" 


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69 


" 


175 




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10 


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73 


" 


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74 


" 


201 




IV. 


14 


" 


93 ■ 


a 


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77 


" 


217 




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18 


" 


115 


" 


IV. 


86 


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259 




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22 


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135 


" 


V. 


93 


" 


293 




VII. 


26 


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155 


1 1 


VI. 


97 


27 


21 


" 


VIII. 


31 


tt 


179 




VII. 


99 


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29 




IX. 


35 


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203 


n 


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100 


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37 




X. 


39 


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219 


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102 


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47 




XI. 


44 


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247 


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105 


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63 




XII. 


52 


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287 


1 645 




1 


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55 


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303 


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137 




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55 


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11 


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143 




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57 


23 


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61 


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61 


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68 


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73 


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101 


it 


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19 


tt 


229 




VIII. 


76 


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117 


tt 


IX. 


23 


tt 


247 




IX. 


79 


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133 


a 


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29 


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275 




X. 


82 


ii 


151 


It 


XI. 


32 


it 


293 




XI. 


88 


ii 


179 


1 1 


XII. 


35 


28 


23 




XII. 


93 

1 


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205 
267 


t i 

1646 

" 




38 

1 


( | 


39 


1 643 




267 




I. 


2 


1 1 


271 


I. 


3 


II 


275 




II. 


6 


ii 


291 


i. 


II. 


6 




291 




III. 


8 


n 


303 


1 " 


III. 


8 


29 


17 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 

Table Shewing Volumes, etc. — Continued. 



411 



Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1646 


IV. 


14 


29 


45 


1648 


XIII. 


72 


33 


198 


Vol. II. 


V. 


18 


tt 


65 


Vol. II. 


XIV. 


74 


I i 


211 


it 


VI. 


24 


11 


95 


1 1 


XV. 


75 


i I 


217 


1 ( 


VII. 


29 


(t 


123 


11 


XVI. 


77 . 


i 1 


225 


II 


VIII. 


34 


11 


145 


" 


XVII. 


77 


It 


229 


It 


IX. 


42 


11 


185 


1649 


Hur. 


1 


34 


79 


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47 


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213 


it 


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3 


li 


87 


li 


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53 


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243 


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II. 


5 


11 


101 


a 


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54 


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247 


tl 


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10 


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123 


tt 


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56 


41 


257 


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57 


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263 


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17 


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159 


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63 


30 


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67 
76 


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85 


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35 


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79 


tt 


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84 


tt 


127 


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87 


1647 




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219 


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8 


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107 


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163 


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13 


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281 


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24 


U 


53 


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51 


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66 


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73 


32 


19 


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165 


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76 


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177 


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a 




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127 


it 


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37 


19 


n 


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4 

10 


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143 
173 


ii 
tt 




26 
28 




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76 


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14 
18 


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tt 


283 


it 


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11 


ii 


183 


it 


IX. 


37 


33 


19 


ii 


V. 


16 


il 


211 


1 1 


X. 


40 


it 


37 


ii 


VI. 


20 


t* 


233 


ii 


Hur. 


45 


ii 


59 


it 


VII. 


22 


i t 


241 


it 


I. 


45 


" 


61 


" 


VIII. 


26 


38 


17 


ii 


II. 


47 


ii 


69 


ii 


IX. 


32 


il 


45 


it 


III. 


48 


ii 


75 


ti 


X. 


37 


t I 


69 


1 1 


IV. 


49 


ii 


81 


1 653 




1 


40 


75 


ii 


V. 


51 


ii 


91 




I. 


2 


ii 


79 


it 


VI. 


53 


ii 


103 


ii 


II. 


3 


1 1 


85 


it 


VII. 


55 


ii 


117 


ti 


III. 


5 


it 


97 


it 


VIII. 


58 


ii 


129 


1 1 


IV. 


9 


ii 


119 


ii 


IX. 


60 


ii 


139 


1 1 


V. 


17 


ii 


157 


ii 


X. 


62 


it 


149 


ii 


VI. 


25 


" 


195 


it 


XI. 


64 


ii 


161 


ii 


VII. 


28 


" 


211 


ii 


XII. 


70 


ti 


189 


ii 


VIII. 


29 


1 1 


219 



412 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Table Shewing Volumes, etc. — Continued. 





Quebec. 




Cleveland. 


Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1653 


IX. 


30 


40 


223 


1658 


I. 


1 


44 


149 


1 654 




1 


41 


37 


Vol. III. 


II. 


6 


1 1 


173 


Vol. II. 


I. 


2 


If 


43 


<( 


III. 


8 


1 t 


185 




II. 


4 


tt 


51 


4( 


IV. 


12 


" 


203 




III. 


7 


(i 


67 


" 


V. 


19 


" 


235 




IV. 


9 


" 


77 


" 


VI. 


23 


i t 


259 




V. 


10 


If 


85 


14 


VII. 


27 


tt 


277 




VI. 


11 


(i 


91 


" 


VIII. 


34 


(( 


311 




VII. 


16 


it 


109 


1659 


Lett. I. 


1 


45 


31 




VIII. 


19 


K 


131 


" 


" II. 


4 


II 


47 


" 


IX. 


20 


It 


137 


it 


" III. 


7 


tt 


59 




X. 


22 


(i 


147 


1660 


I. 


1 


II 


181 




XI. 


29 


a 


177 


11 


II. 


6 


tl 


203 


1 S55 




1 






it 


III. 


8 


It 


217 






4 
1 


42 


31 


t ( 


IV. 
V. 


13 

18 


46 


241 


1656 
Vol.111. 




21 


I. 


2 


<t 


37 


" 


VI. 


26 




65 




II. 


5 


11 


49 


n 


VII. 


30 


tt 


85 




III. 


7 


(1 


61 


" 


VIII. 


34 


t I 


103 




IV. 


12 


I ( 


85 


1 66 1 




1 


tt 


197 




V. 


14 


i > 


93 




I. 


2 


II 


201 




VI. 


15 


It 


101 


" 


6 


It 


223 




VII. 


18 


if 


115 


CI 


III. 


11 


tt 


247 




VIII. 


20 


ti 


127 


" 


IV. 


22 


47 


23 




IX. 


24 


i 1 


145 


" 


V. 


24 


11 


35 




X. 


29 


< t 


171 


" 


VI. 


27 


n 


49 




XI. 


30 


tt 


177 


11 


VII. 


30 


it 


67 




XII. 


32 


tt 


185 


1662 


I. 


1 


ii 


139 




XIII. 


35 


tt 


201 


11 


I). 


2 


ii 


155 




XIV. 


38 


tt 


219 


" 


III. 


3 


1 1 


161 




XV. 


40 


tt 


225 


( t 


IV. 


8 


tt 


175 




XVI. 


41 


" 


235 


t t 


V. 


11 


it 


191 


1 657 




1 


43 


85 


*t 


VI. 


13 


tt 


201 




I. 


2 




99 


" 


VII. 


17 


ii 


221 




11. 


3 


a 


105 


1663 
1 1 




1 


48 


25 




III. 


5 


" 


115 


I. 


2 




37 




IV. 


7 


il 


127 


a. 


3 


tl 


41 




V. 


13 


t 1 


157 


in. 


7 


4< 


59 




VI. 


19 


1 1 


187 


tt 


IV. 


10 


II 


75 




VII. 


22 


" 


199 


k t 


V. 


12 


" 


85 




VIII. 


23 


it 


209 


•' 


VI. 


14 


II 


99 




IX. 


26 


" 


221 


" 


VII. 


16 


It 


io- 




X. 


28 


i t 


237 


1 ( 


VIII. 


17 


" 


ns 




XI. 


33 


n 


257 


1 ( 


IX. 


25 


1 t 


153 




XII. 


34 


it 


26S 


1 664 




1 


It 


249 




XIII. 


36 


i 1 


275 


(« 


I. 


2 


1 1 


257 




XIV. 


38 


1 1 


283 


tt 


II. 


6 


It 


279 




XV. 


41 


tt 


297 


tt 


III. 


8 


49 


17 




XVI. 


42 


tt 


307 


II 


IV. 


13 


tt 


39 




XVII. 


45 


44 


21 


1 1 


V. 


20 


It 


75 




XVIII. 


46 


It 


29 


1 1 


VI. 


26 


" 


103 




XIX. 


47 


i 1 


35 


" 


VII. 


29 


" 


119 




XX. 


49 


tt 


45 


II 


VIII. 


32 


It 


137 




XXI. 


50 


li 


53 


1 666 




1 


tt 


189 




XXII. 


54 


II 


69 




i. 


3 


* t 


217 



11)07 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES'. 

Table Shewing Volumes, etc. — Continued. 



413 



Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Quebec. 


Cleveland. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


Year. 


Chapter. 


Page. 


Vol. 


Page. 


1665 


II. 


5 


49 


227 


1670 


III. 


7 


53 


59 


Vol. Ill 


III. 


7 


" 


241 


Vol. III. 


IV. 


15 


f i 


97 


" 


IV. 


10 


it 


253 


1 1 


V. 


23 


ft 


137 


tt 


V. 


10 


ii 


257 


" 


VI. 


45 


tf 


241 


(i 


VI. 


13 


50 


21 


tt 


VII. 


48 


" 


261 


n 


VII. 


16 


(( 


37 


11 




57 


1 1 


299 


it 


VITI. 


18 


11 


45 


(« 


VIII. 


63 


54 


53 


< < 


IX. 


20 


" 


55 


" 


IX. 


68 


tf 


79 


tt 


X. 


22 


14 


69 


t( 


X. 


78 


ti 


127 


" 


XI. 


25 


tt 


81 


" 


XI. 


82 


ft 


149 


1666 


I. 


1 


tt 


107 


t ( 


XII. 


92 


t t 


197 




II. 


3 


. t 


115 


1671 


Part I . 


1 


ft 


251 


" 


III. 


5 


11 


127 




I. 


3 


i t 


263 


1667 

(4 




1 


( f 


227 


( t 


II. 


3 


" 


269 


I. 


2 


" 


237 


tt 


III. 


4 


" 


275 


t t 


II. 


4 


(4 


249 


" 


IV. 


7 


if 


287 


if 


III. 


9 


1 1 


273 


*' 


V. 


10 


55 


21 


CI 


IV. 


10 


( t 


279 


1 t 


VI. 


12 


f t 


33 


t( 


V. 


11 


it 


285 


tf 


Part II. 


13 


ft 


39 


(( 


VI. 


13 


" 


297 


ft 


I. 


14 


ti 


41 


11 


VII. 


15 


" 


307 


tt 


II. 


14 


t t 


45 


( ( 


VIII. 


17 


51 


21 


1 t 


III. 


16 


tf 


55 


tt 


IX. 


18 


" 


27 


tt 


IV. 


18 


li 


67 


a 


X. 


21 


" 


43 


it 


V. 


20 


" 


75 


i t 


XI. 


21 


tt 


47 


" 


Part III. 


24 


if 


95 


tt 


XII. 


23 


n 


53 


|4 


1. 


28 


" 


117 


I f 


XIII. 


23 


i t 


57 


(( 


II. 


31 


It 


133 


" 


XIV. 


24 


" 


61 


(f 


III. 


36 


ti 


157 


" 


XV. 


24 


11 


63 


" 


IV. 


39 


it 


169 


t( 


XVI. 


26 


" 


71 


it 


V. 


41 


i( 


183 


a 


XVII. 


27 


i i 


75 


if 




42 


ft 


185 


1 1 


XVIII. 


28 


ft 


81 


f ( 




43 


f f 


191 


a 


XIX. 


29 


(1 


87 


t i 




45 


f f 


199 


1668, 

1 1 




1 


tt 


159 


If 




47 


f f 


207 


1. 


2 


" 


167 


t f 




49 


f 1 


219 


1 1 


II. 


4 


tt 


179 


1672 




1 


tf 


235 


" 


III. 


13 


( t 


221 


Part I . 


2 


I f 


249 


it 


IV. 


16 


" 


237 


t ( 


I. 


2 


It 


249 


( i 


V. 


20 


51 


255 


1 1 


II. 


16 


56 


19 


if 


VI 


21 


1 1 


259 


ft 


111. 


18 


it 


27 


14 


VII. 


22 


t< 


267 


" 


IV. 


18 


it 


31 


f 1 


VIII. 


24 


" 


277 


tf 


V. 


20 


it 


39 


tt 


IX. 


25 


52 


19 


11 


VI. 


22 


tt 


49 


tt 




30 
32 


1 1 
ti 


43 
53 


(1 

if 


VII. 
Part II. 


24 
27 


tt 
it 


59 


tt 


X. 


71 


1669 


I. 


1 


" 


117 


1 1 


I, 


27 


tt 


71 


*< 


II. 


7 


tt 


145 


ft 




31 


tt 


91 


t ( 


III. 


8 


1 1 


153 


f t 


II. 


31 


tt 


93 


(i 


IV. 


12 


1 1 


173 


1 1 


III. 


34 


it 


107 


i i 


V. 


16 


" 


195 


" 


IV. 


35 


tt 


115 


K 


VI 


17 


" 


199 


11 


V. 


37 


tt 


121 


1 1 


VII. 


20 


1 1 


215 


f i 


VI. 


42 


1 1 


149 


" 


VIII. 


23 


tt 


229 


if 


Part III. 


57 


tt 


219 


ti 


IX. 


27 


1 1 


245 


• t 


I. 


58 


tt 


225 


1670 

tt 




1 


53 


25 


tf 


II. 


62 


tt 


L'47 


I. 


3 


44 


39 


" 


III. 


65 


tt 


265 


ii 


II. 


6 


53 


• i 


IV. 


7(1 


1 1 


287 



30 ARCH. 



Addenda 

Supplementary Chapter 



THE HURON INDIANS 



[415] 



NOTE. 

While the manuscript of this volume was in the printers' 
hands, the Rev. Father A. E. Jones, S.J., prepared a short 
sketch of the Huron Indians for the Catholic Encyclopaedia, 
which, with permission, is here given as a fitting accomp- 
animent to the foregoing work. 

The marginal references (not included in the Encyclo- 
paedia to the same extent as here) will be of value to any one 
seriously intent on historical research in this field, as the 
time required to find the corresponding passages in the 
Quebec edition and in the Cleveland edition of the Relations 
is very considerable. 



[416] 



THE HURON INDIANS 

Tart First — The Hurons before their Dispersion. 

I. Their place in the Huron-Iroquois Family — 
II. Their Name— III. The Huron Country— IV. Popu- 
lation — V. Government — VI. Their Religion-— VII. 
Their History — VIII. Missionai-ies in Huronia, and 
their various Stations. 

Part Second — The Hurons after their Dispersion. 

I. Extinction of the Attiwandaronk or Neutral 
Hurons — II. Migration to Quebec of the Hurons 
Proper. At Quebec; on the Island of Orleans; back to 
Quebec ; at Beauport ; at Notre Dame de Foy ; at 
Vieille Lorette; final removal to La Jeune Lorette — ■ 
Chronological list of Jesuit missionaries with the Hur- 
ons at Quebec, 1650-1790 — Chronological list of Secular 
Priests with the Hurons at Quebec, 1794-1909 — List of 
the Grand Chiefs or Captians of the Quebec Hurons. 



[417] 



PART FIRST 



THE HURON INDIANS BEFORE THEIR 
DISPERSION 



I. THEIR PLACE IN THE HURON-IROQUOIS FAMILY 

At some unknown date all the Iroquois and Huron 

tribes formed but one single people. This fact noted more 

than two hundred and fifty years ago by Father Jerome 

t/ons.'i^'^Que- Lalemant* has since been acknowledged by every modern 

2cow'ie"e- 7 ' 2 ' * ncnan philologist as fully established. If language may be 

land edition taken as a fair criterion to go by, the Hurons proper were 

the original stock from which sprang all the branches of 

the great Iroquoian family, whether included in the primi : 

tive confederation of the Five Nations, or standing apart 

territorially, within historic times, as did the Tuskaroras, 

the Cherokees and the Andastes. Father Chaumonot, who 

was thoroughly versed in the Huron and Iroquois tongues, and 

who had lived as missionary among both nations, says in 

♦Paris edition, his autobiography * that "as this language (the Huron) is, 

so to speak, the mother of many others, particularly of the 

five spoken by the Iroquois, when I was sent among the 

latter, though at the time I could not understand their 

language, it took me but a month to master it; and later, 

after having studied the Onondaga dialect only, when 

present at the councils of the Five Nations assembled, I 

found that by a special help of God I could understand 

them all." It was for this reason that Father de Carheil, 

the Indian philologist, who had laboured among the Onon- 

dagas and Cayugas, chose the Huron idiom as the subject 

matter of his standard work. He compiled his Radices 

♦Two ms. vols. Huronica?,* comprising some nine hundred and seventy 

college Ar- 8 verbal roots, as a text-book as well for future Iroquois 

scribed by Fr. missionaries as for Huron. A more modern authority, 

r-43 r i744 0ti< " r ' H° ra tio Hale, had no hesitation in saying that the Wyan- 

dots of the Anderdon Reserve used the most archaic form 

AmericanVoik of the Huron-Iroquois speech that had yet been discovered.* 

cited i'n'clev These Wyandots were for the most part descendants of the 

edition vin., Petun Indians, the nearest neighbours of the Hurons proper, 

who spoke a dialect but slightly different from that of the 

latter. 

[418] 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 419 

II. THEIR NAME. 

Father Pierre Potier, whose works, still in manuscript, 
are appealed to as the weightiest authority in Huron lin- 
guistics, at the end of his Elementa Orammatica Huronicm, 
1,745, gives a list of the aames of thirty-two North 
American tribes with their Huron equivalents, and in this 
list the term 8endat, otherwise Oueadat, stands for Huron,* *ci. Rei. 1689: 
It is the correct appellation, and was used as such by the 2%Z\.l Sfovl'ed- 
Hurous themselves. The proper English pronunciation ig XVI227 - 
W'endot, but the modified form of Wyandot has prevailed. 

As for the etymology of the word, it may be said to 
derive from one of two roots, either ahsfnda, meaning an 
extent or stretch of land that lies apart, or is in some way 
isolated, and particularly an island;* or a8enda, a voice, *? t ad , Huron 
command, language, idiom, promise, or the text of a dis- 
course.* That these two terms were all but identical may » Id 292 , col 
be inferred from the fact that the compound word, slca8en- 
diit, lias the twofold signification of one only voice and one 
only island* SkaSendat is composed of the irregular verb*w.i97. 
at, to be standing, to be erect, and of one or other of the 
above mentioned nouns, thus, aSenda rtt, contracted {Eh m. 
Gramm. Eur. p. 66) aSendai. But the verb at when it 
enters into composition does so with a modified meaning, 

or as Potier puts it "At cum particula reiterationis 

significat uniiatern unius rei." The first example given is 
Skat, with the meaning of one only thing {Bad. llur. 17r>l, 
197) ; and, among several other examples which follow, the 
word SkSendat occurs. Dropping the first syllable, formed 
with the particle of reiteration, dendat remains, with the 
meaning The One Language or The One Land apart or The 
One Island. But which of the two substantives was com- 
bined in Srndat, probably, in the course of time had lapsed 
from the memory of the Ilurons themselves. Plausible 
reasons, however, may be alleged which militate in favour 
of both one and the other. 

That the tribe should have styled themselves the nation 
speaking the one language, would be quite in keeping with 
the fashion they had of laying stress on the similarity or 
dissimilarity of speech when designating other nations. 
Thus with them the Neutrals, a kindred race, went by the 
name of Atti8andaronk, that is a people of almost the same 
tongue: while other nations were known as AkSanake, or 
peoples of an unknown tongue.* On the other hand the * I | 4 1 ' < .\ •,',':" 7 . 2 
probability of 8endat deriving from ah8enda, an island or Jcoi.j ciiv.'ud. 
a land by itself, seems equally strong. In the French-Huron 
dictionary, the property of the Reverend Prosper V"ineen1 
Sa8atannen, a member of the tribe, under the vocable tie 
the term atihSendo or atihSendarack is given with the mean- 
ing "les Hurons" with the explanatory note: "quia in insula 
habitabant." From this, one might be led to conclude 
that the appellation was given to them as a nation, only 



420 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

after their forced migration to Gahoendoe, St. Joseph's or 
Christian Island, or after their sojourn in the Island of 
Orleans. Nevertheless it is certain that long before either 
of these occurrences they were wont to speak of their 
country Huronia as an island. One instance of this is to 
he found in Relation 1638 (Quebec edition p. 34; Cleveland 
edition XV, 21), and a second in Relation 1648 (Q.e. p. 74; 
Clev. e. XXXIIL, 237, 239). Nor is this at all singular as 
the term ahSenda might aptly be applied to Huronia, since 
it signified not only an island strictly speaking, but also 
an isolated tract, and Huronia was all but cut off from 
adjoining territory by Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching on 
the south and east, the Severn River and Matchedash Bay 
on the north, the waters of Georgian Bay on the west and 
by the then marshy lands contiguous to what are now 
called Cranberry and Orr's Lake on the south-west. 

Corresponding to Sendat, as applied to the members of 
the tribe and to their language, the name Sendake denoted 
the region in which they dwelt. Potier in his Elementa, 
page 28, while explaining the use of the perfect of the verb 
en, to be, that is to say chen, adds that it takes the place 
of the French word feu joined to the name of a person or 
a thing, as in English the word late, v.g. Hechon then, the 
late Echon, which was de Brebeuf's and later Chaumonot's 
Huron name. Then, among the other examples he gives 
srndake eh en, "La defunte Huronie, " literally "Huronia 
has been," recalling singularly enough the well known "Fuit 
Ilium." 

If Wendat, or the slightly modified English form 

Wyandot, is the correct appellation of these Indians they 

were, notwithstanding, universally known by the French as 

Hurons. This term originated in a nickname given to a 

party of them who had come down to Quebec to barter. 

Though no hard and fast rule obtained in the tribe as to 

•Rei. 1633: .their head dress,* each adopting the mode which appealed 

ciey. ea. v. M3! f or the nonce to his individual whim, this particular band 

wore their hair in stiff ridges extending from forehead to 

occiput, and separated by closely shaven furrows, suggestive 

of bristles on a boar's head, in French hure. The French 

sailors viewed them with amused wonderment, and gave 

expression to their surprise by exclaiming "Quelle hure!" 

* Re 'b '"d 9: - *Thereupon the name Huron was coined, and was later 

i col.- Bres-' applied indiscriminately to all the nation. It has stood the 

p aD 7i: T cTe n v S .'id. test of time and is now in general and reputable use. Other 

xvi. 229. names are to be met with which at various historical 

periods were used to designate the Hurons. They may be 

said without exception to lie misnomers. Some are but the 

names of individual chiefs, others the names of particular 

clans applied erroneously to the whole tribe, as Ochasteguis, 

Attignaouantans, etc. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 421 

III. THE HURON COUNTRY. 

Many theories have been devised to solve the problem 
as to what part of North America was originally occupied 
by the great Huron-Iroquois Family; much speculation has 
been indulged in to determine, at least approximately, the 
date of their dismemberment, when a dominant, homogen- 
eous race, one in blood and language, was broken up and 
scattered over a wide expanse; surmises to no end have 
been hazarded relative to the cause of the disruption, and 
especially that of the fierce antagonism which existed 
between the Iroquois and the Hurons at the time Euro- 
peans first came in contact with these tribes; in spite of all 
which, the solution is as far off as ever. For, unfortunately, 
the thoroughly unreliable folk-lore stories and traditions 
of the natives have but served to perplex more and more 
even discriminating minds. It would seem that the truth 
is to be sought not in the dimmed recollections of the natives 
themselves but in the traces they have left after them in 
their prehistoric peregrinations. Such, for instance, as 
those found in the early sixties of the last century in Mon- 
treal between Mansfield and Metcalfe streets below Sher- 
brooke. The potsherds and tobacco pipes, unearthed there, 
are unmistakably of Huron-Iroquois make, as their form 
and style of ornamentation attest. "While the quantity of 
ashes, containing many other Indian relics and such objects 
as usually abound in kitchen-middens, mark the site as a 
permanent one.* A discovery of this nature places within *cf. "Queiques 
the realm of things certain the conclusion that at some erKlSNKindi- 
period a Huron or Iroquois village stood on the spot. As ^'} ci '.' P" le 

e ■ -,• ■ ji t> -i »r ■ > Principal Daw. 

tor the unwritten traditions among the Red Men, a few Km. rraduc- 
decades are enough to distort them to such an extent that Montreal 
but little semblance to truth remains, and when it is pos- 
sible to confront them with authenticated written annals 
they are found to be at variance with well ascertained histori- 
cal events. 

In 1870, Peter Dooyentate Clarke, an educated Wendat, 
gave to the public a small volume * entitled "Origin and Hunter 58 pp ' 
Traditional History of the Wyandots." "The lapse ofRose&co 
ages," he says in the preface, "has rendered it difficult to 
trace the origin of the Wyandots. Nothing now remains 
to tell whence they came, but a tradition that lives only in 
the memory of a few among the remnant of this tribe. Of 
this I wall endeavour to give a sketch as I had it from the 
lips of such, and from some of the tribe who have since 
passed away. My sketch reaches back about three centuries and 
a half, etc." From the following passage, which is to be 
found on page 7. a judgment may be formed as to how much 
reliance may be placed on such traditions even when 
received from intelligent Indians, under most favourable 
circumstances, and pieced together by one of themselves. 



422 THE REPORT OF THE- No. 41 

"About the middle of the 17th century, the "Wyandotts 
on the Island of St. Joseph were suddenly attacked by a 
large party of Senecas with their allies and massacred [by] 
them to a fearful extent. It was at this time, probably, 
that a Catholic priest named Daniels, a missionary among 
the Wyandotts, was slain by the relentless savages. Dur- 
ing this massacre, a portion of the Wyandotts fled from 
the Island to Michilimackinac. From there a portion of 
the refugees journeyed westward to parts unknown, the 
balance returned to River Swaba. " This meagre, confused 
and inaccurate account seems to be all that has been 
handed down in the oral traditions of the Wyandotts in 
the west concerning the laying waste of their country two 
centuries and a half ago, and of the events, all-important for 
them at least, which preceded and accompanied their own final 
dispersion. As these occurrences were fully chronicled at 
the time they took place, by comparison the student of 
Indian history may draw his own conclusions as to the 
accuracy of Dooyentate's summary, and at the same time 
determine what credence is to be given to Indian traditions 
of other events all certainly of minor importance. 

With the opening years of the 17th century reliable 
Huron history begins, and the geographical position of 
their country becomes known when French traders and 
missionaries, at that epoch penetrate the wilderness for the 
first time as far as what was termed the Fresh Water Sea. 

The region then inhabited by the three great groups, 
the Hurons proper, the Petuns and the Neutrals, lay entirely 
within the confines of the present Province of Ontario, in 
the Dominion of Canada, with the exception of three or 
four Neutral villages which stood as outposts beyond the 
*Rei 1641: Niagara River * in New York State, but which eventually 

Jucb C<l "1, 

: ; Ckv.e'd. were forced to withdraw, not being backed by the rest of 
the nation against the Senecas in their efforts to resist the 
encroachments of the latter. Huronia Proper occupied 
but a portion of Simcoe county, or to be more precise, the 
present townships of Tiny. Tay, Flos, Medonte, Orillia and 
Oro, a very restricted territory and, roughly speaking, com- 
prised between 44 deg. 20 min. and 44 deg. 53 min. north 
latitude, and from east to west between 79 de<*. 20 min. 
and SO (leu'. 10 min. longitude west of Greenwich. The 
villages of the Petun or Tobacco Nation were scattered over 
the counties of Grey and Bruce, but the shore line of their 
country was at all times chosen as camping ground by bands 
of the erratic Algonquins, a friendly race, who were often- 
times welcomed even to the Petun villages of the interior. 
After the year 1639, owing to defeats and losses sustained 
at the hands of the Atsistaernnnons or Fire Nation the 
Petuns withdrew towards the east and concentrated their 
clans almost entirely within the confines of the Blue Hills 
in Grey county, overlapping, however, parts of Nottawasaga 
and Mulmur townships in Simcoe. As for the Neutral 



xxi , 



1907 I JUKKA U OK ARCHIVES. 423 

Nation, its territory extended from the Niagara River on 
the east to the present international boundarj at the Lake 
and River St. Clair on the west, while the shore of Lake 
Erie was the southern frontier. To the north no one of 
the Neutral villages occupied a site much beyond an imagin- 
ary line drawn from the modern town of Oakville, llalton 
eounty, to Ilillsboro, county Lamhton. 

These geographical notions are no1 of recent acquisi- 
tion, they have nearly all been in possession of authors who 
have dealt seriously with Huron history. But what is wholly 

new is the systematic r instruction of the maps of Huronia 

Proper and of a small portion of the IVtun country, an 
achievement which may he further perfected hut which 
as it stands imparts new interest to Sagard's works and 
the Jesuit Relations, the only contemporaneous chronicles 
of those tribes from the first decades to the middle of the 
17th century. 

In the Neutral country there were about forty villages, * ,'! : .'"", 7 l\-', 
hut all that Ducreux has set down on his maps are the i«9. Charles 
following: St. Michael, which seems to have stood near the 
shore of Lake St. Clair not far from where Sandwich and 
Windsor now stand; Ongiara, near Niagara Palls; St. 
Francis, in Lambton county, east of Sarnia ; Our Lady of 
the Angels, west of the Grand River, between Cayuga, in 
Haldimand county, and Paris, in Brant; St. Joseph, in Essox 
or Kent; St. Alexis, in Elgin, east of St. Thomas; and the 
canton of Otontaron, a little inland from the shore line in 
Halton county. Beyond the Niagara River, and seemingly 
between the present site of Buffalo and the Genesee he 
marks the Ondieronon and their villages, which Neutral 
tribe seems to have comprised the Ouenrohronon, who took 
refuge in Huronia in 1638 (R. 1639: Queb. ed. 59, 2 col.; 
Clev. ed. XVII. 25). 

"When de Brebeuf and Chaumonot sojourned with the 
Neutrals in 1640-1641, they visited eighteen villages to each 
of which they gave a Christian name, (R. 1641: Queb. ed. 
78, 2 col.; Clev. ed. XXI. 223), but the only ones mentioned 
are Kandoucho or All Saints, the nearest to the Hurons 
Proper, (Id. 75, 1 : 78, 2; Clev. ed. Id. 207, 225) ; Onguiaahra, 
on the Niagara River, (Id. 75, 2: Clev. ed. 209); Teotong- 
niaton or St. William, situated about in the centre of the 
country, (Id. 78, 2 col.; clev. ed. Id. 225) ;and Khioctoa, or 
St. .Michael, already enumerated above. 

Add to this list the two villages mentioned by the 
Recollet, Father Joseph de la Roche de Daillon, though it 
is quite possible that they may be already included in the 
list under a somewhat different appellation. The first, Oiiar 
oronon, was located the furthest towards the east, and but 
one day's journey from the Iroquois; * and the second, *|fg!™% 1 
Oiinontisaston, which was the sixth in order jfljjjneying Hist. in., 804. 
from the Petun country. * With this all is said that can *Le C iereq. i. 
be said of the documentary data concerning the towns of*™-, f^J^. 
the Neutral Nation and of their respective positions. 



424 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

IV. POPULATION. 

Father Jean de Brebeuf, writing from lhonatiria, July 
•r. 1635. Queb. 16, 1036, says: "I made mention last year of twelve nations*, 

Oil S'i "' col ' 

ciev. e.l viii. all being sedentary and populous, and who understand the 
language of our Hurons; and our Ilurons make, in twenty 
villages, about thirty thousand souls. If the remainder is 
in proportion there are more than three hundred thousand 
of the Huron tongue alone," (R. 163G: Queb. ed. 138, 2 col.; 
Clev. ed. X. 313). This, no doubt is a very rough estimate, 
and included the Iroquois and all others who spoke some 
one of the Huron dialects. 

In his Relation of 1672, Father Claude Dablon includes 
an eulogium of Madam de la Peltrie. In it there is a state- 
ment for which he is responsible, to the effect that in the 
country of the Hurons the population was reckoned at more 
than eighty thousand souls including the Neutral and Petun 
nations, (Rel. 1672: Queb. 66, 1 col.; Glev. LVI. 267). No 
man had a more perfect knowledge of the Canada missions 
than Dablon, and as this was written fully a score of years 
after the dispersion of the Hurons he made the statement with 
all the contemporaneous documents at hand upon which a 
safe estimate could be based. 

The highest figure given for the population of Huronia 
o Rel b 1G d30 P ro P er was thirty-five thousand.* but the more generally 
i col.' ciev.' accepted computation pave thirty thousand as the approxi- 
B. i65R?2? U i e ' mate number, occupying about twenty villages.* The 
xi i v'-Mtf method adopted in computing the population was that, of 
• ii counting the cabins in each village. The following quota- 
tion, 187. ciev. tions will give a clear idea of the process followed: "As for 
u'lNii'i !.' l>l j b ' the Huron country it is tolerably level, with much meadow 
' [;■ land, many lakes and many villages. Of the two where we 
Ciev. x'lii. ail; are stationed, one contains eighty cabins, the other forty. 
205/' In each cabin there are five fires and two families to each. 

Their cabins are made of long sheets of bark in the shape 
of an arbour, long, wide and high in porportion. Some of 
•canyon them are seventy feet long." * The dimensions of the 

170, lodges or cabins as given by Champlain * and Sagard * are, 

» r.M;,ivw " 1dS ' f° r length, twenty-five to thirty toises, more or less, and six 
LaverdKres j n w idth. In manv cabins there were, according to them, 

ed. Qjeb. p . ' •!• 

562. twelve fires, which meant twenty-four families. 

Tross."ed. As to the number of persons in a family, it may be 

inferred from a passage in the Relation of 1640 relating to 
the four missions then in operation among the Hurons and 
the one among the Petuns: "In consequence (of the round 
the Fathers made throughout all the villages) we were 
enabled to take the census not only of the villages and 
scattered settlements but also of the cabins, the fires and 
even approximately of the dwellers in the whole country, 
there being no other way to preach the Gospel in these 
regions than at each family hearth, and we tried not to 
omit a single one. In these five missions [including the 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 425 

Petuns] there are thirty-two villages and settlements which 
comprise in all about seven hundred cabins, two thousand 
fires, and about twelve thousand persons." * The average » R iMo.Queb. 
here, consequently, was six persons to a fire, or three to a^v^xix ' 
family, which seems a low estimate; but what, the Relation 125-127. 
immediately adds must be taken into account: "These 
villages and cabins were far more densely thronged form- 
erly," which goes on to ascribe the great decrease to unpre- 
cedented contagious and wars during a few preceding years. 
In a similar strain Father Jerome Lalemant wrote from 
Huronia to Cardinal Richelieu,* March 2S, 1640, deploring $$ 
this depletion, attributing it principally to war. He states 
that in less than ten years the Huron population had been 
reduced from thirty thousand to ten thousand. But fam- 
ine and contagion were also active agents in depopulating 
Huron homes as the writers of the Relations uniformly 
declare, and this decimation went on at an increasing ratio 
until the final exodus. 

The same writer, under date of May 15, 164."), seems 
to modify his statement somewhat when he says: "If we 
had but the Hurons to convert one might still think that 
ten and twenty thousand souls are not so great a conquest 
that so many hazards should be faced and so many perils 
encountered to win them to God.*" But evidently Father «Rci. 1645; 
Jerome Lalemant did not here pretend to give the exact ?"'|| ;,', ," 
figures, while the French expression may very well be xxvnx, «7. 
rendered into English by "that ten and even twenty thou- 
sand souls, etc." 

But if, at the inception of the missions, the Hurons 
Petuns and Neutrals numbered all together eighty thousand 
souls, and the Hurons alone thirty thousand, in what 
proportion, it may be asked, are the remaining fifty thousand 
to be allotted to the Neutrals and Petuns? 

To answer this question satisfactorily other statements 
in the Relations must be considered. On August 7th, 1634. 
Father Paul Le Jeune writes: "I learn that in twenty-five 
or thirty leagues of country which the Hurons occupy — 
others estimate it at much less — there are more than thirty 
thousands souls. The Neutral Nation is much more popu- 
lous, etc." * Again in Relation 1641 it is said: This nation«R i .i Queb. 
(the Neutral) is very populous, about forty villages and ;:', ' x ;i ' 
hamlets are counted therein." * Tf Huronia had twenty,',. * ', M 1JlK . b 
villages and a population of thirty thousand, other condi- ea. - 7i, a'coi.: 

, • t, .i ^t , i , •,, <■ -ii 'I • XX1.187. 

tions being alike, the Neutral country with forty villages 
should have had a population of sixty thousand. This eon- 
elusion might have held pood in 1634 but it is at variance 
with facts in 1641 : "According to the estimate of the 
Fathers who have been there (in the Neutral country), 
there are at least twelve thousand souls in the whole extent 
of the country which claims even yet to lie able to place 
four thousand warriors in the field, notwithstanding the 
wars, famine and sickness which for three years have pre- 



426 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

•id.ib. vailed there in an extraordinary degree;" * and in the fol- 

ciev.'wi. lowing paragraph the writer explains why previous estimates 
were higher. 

In the country of the Petun or Tobacco Nation, con- 
temporaneous records leave no doubt as to the existence of 

*Rei. lew: at least ten villages,* and very probably there were more. 

?cok KeL im-. This, in the proportion just given, supposes a population 

*V C 'S-^ ., of at least fifteen thousand. 

xxxm. 143. However, all tilings considered, it would be no exaggera- 

tion to say that the Hurons proper, when the missionaries 
went first among them, numbered upwards of twenty-five 
thousand, the Petuns twenty thousand and the Neutrals 
thirty-five thousand. This would be in keeping with Dab- 
Ion's estimate of the sum total. 

V. GOVERNMENT. 

The form of government among the Hurons was 
essentially that of a republic. All important questions 
were decided in their deliberative assemblies, and the chiefs 
promulgated these decisions. But the most striking feature 
in their system of administration was that, strictly speaking, 
there was no constraining power provided in their unwritten 
constitution to uphold these enactments or to enforce the 
will of their chiefs. "These people (the Hurons)," says 
Bressani, "have neither king nor absolute prince, but certain 
chiefs, like the heads of a republic, whom we call captains, 
different, however, from those in war. They hold office 
commonly by succession on the side of the women, but some- 
times by election. They assume office at the death of a 

predecessor, who, they say, are resuscitated in them 

These captains have no coercitive power and obtain 

*orig Mace- obedience by their eloquence, exhortation and entreaties." * 

rata. 1653, 12. And it might be added by remonstrance and objurgation, 

xxxviii., expressed publicly without naming the offenders, when 

there was question of amends to be made for some wrong 

or injustice done or crime perpetrated. 

That their powers of persuasion were great, may be 
gathered from the words a chief addressed to de Brebeuf, 
reproduced by the Father in full in Relation 1636 (Qitcb. ed. 
123; Clev. X., 237). That their eloquence was not less 
incisive and telling when, in denouncing a criminal action, 
they heaped confusion on the head of the unnamed culprit, 
is evinced by a harangue recorded verbatim in Relation 
1648 {Quel. ''<l 79} On: XXXVIII., 277). 

The intolerance of the Huron of all restraint is corro- 
borated by Father Jerome Lalemant: "I do not believe 
that there is any people on earth freer than they, and less 
able to allow the subjection of their wills to any power what- 
ever; so much so that fathers here have no control over 
their children, or captains over their subjects, or the laws 
of the country over any of them, except in so far as each 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 427 

is pleased to submit to them. There is no punishment 
which is inflicted on the guilty, and no criminal who is not 
sure that his life and property are in no danger even if 
he were convicted of three or four murders, or being sub- 
orned by the enemy to betray his country It is not 

that laws or penalties proportioned to the crime are want- 
ing, but the guilty are not the ones who undergo punish- 
ment, it is the community that has to atone for the misdeeds 
of individuals, etc." * *R. 1646, Queb. 

Their legislative bodies consisted of their village councils ciev. xxviii., 
and what might be called their states-general. The former ''' 
were of almost daily occurrence. Thou the elders had 
control, and the outcome of the deliberations depended on 
their judgment; yet every one who wished might be present 
and every one had a right to express his opinion. When 
a matter had been thoroughly debated the speakers, in ask- 
ing for a decision, addressed the elders, saying: "See to it 
now, you are the masters." * *Rei. 1636; 

Their general councils, or assemblies of all the clans ef Ssficof!: 1 ^?!" 1 
which the nation was made up, were the states-general of \n°i{S^ • x 
the country, and were convened only as often as necessity 
required. They were held usually in the village of the 
principal captain of all the country, and the council chamber 
was his cabin. This custom, however, did not preclude the 
holding of their assemblies in the open within the village, 
or at times also in the deep recesses of the forest when their 
deliberations demanded secrecy.* *,';,',':,, 

Their administration of public affairs was, as de Br6-i<j 0l - clev - x 
beuf explains at some length, * and as one would naturally"' 
suppose, twofold. First, there was the administration of the QU eb. m-122 
internal affairs of the country. Under this head came all Clev - x - M9 - 
that concerned either citizen or strangers, the public or the 
individual interests in each village, festivals, dances, athletic 
games, lacrosse in particular, and funereal ceremonies:* and * cf ReI 
generally there were as many captains as there were WndsgJJ*-™^ 1 - 
of affairs. The second branch of their administration wasiss. 
composed of war chiefs. They carried out the decisions of 
the general assembly. "As for their wars," says Cham- 
plain, "two or three of the elders or the bravest chiefs 
raised the levies. They repaired to the neighbouring 
villages and carried presents to force a following." # Of*voyage« 
course other incentives were also employed to excite IJbe^^" 
enthusiasm of the braves. 

In the larger villages there were captains for times 
both of peace and war, each with a well defined jurisdic- 
tion, that is, a certain number of families came under their 
control. Occasionally all departments of government were 
entrusted to one leader. But by mere right of election 
none held a higher grade than others. Pre-eminence was 
reached only by intellectual superiority, clearsightedness, 
eloquence, munificence and bravery. In this latter case one 
only leader bore for all, the burdens of the state. In his 



428 THE REPORT OF THE. No. 41 

name the treaties of peace were made with other nations. 
His relations were like so many lieutenants and councillors. 
At his demise it was not one of his own children who suc- 
ceeded him, but a nephew or a grandson, provided there 
was one to be found possessing the qualifications required, 
who Mas willing to accept the office, and who in turn was 
acceptable to the nation. 

VI. THEIR RELIGION. 

The first Europeans who had occasion to sojourn any 
considerable time among the Hurons seem to have held but 
one opinion concerning their belief in a Supreme Being. 
Champlain says that they acknowledged no diety, that they 
adored and believed in no God. They lived like brute 
beasts, holding in awe, to some extent, the Devil, or beings 
bearing the somewhat equivalent name of "Oqui." Still, 
they gave this same name to any extraordinary personage ; 
one endowed, as they believed, with preternatural powers 

•voyages. like their medicine-men.* Sagard is at one with Champlain 

';"2?- r j ii ' re ed in his deductions, though he adds that they recognized a 
good and a bad "Oki," and that they looked upon one Yous- 
keha as the first principle and the Creator of the universe, 
together with Eataentsic, but they made no sacrifice to him 
as one would to God. To their minds the rocks, and rivers, 
and trees, and lakes, and, in fine, all things in nature were 
associated with a good or bad Oki, and to these in their 

•Hist, ii. journeyings they made offerings.* 

S^Mets.s. Father Jerome Lalemant incidentally states "They 

have no notion of a Diety who created the world or gives 

»r. ic45:Queb. heed to its governing." * 

ciev. x'xvm. Father Jean de Brebeuf, who, during his long stay 

among the Hurons, had leisure and every opportunity 
to study their beliefs, customs and codes, and consequently 
may be quoted as by far the best authority on all such 
matters, has this to say, which seems to put the question in 
its true light:" It is so clear and manifest that there is a 
Diety who created heaven and earth that our Hurons are 
"not able wholly to disregard it; and though their mental 
vision is densely obscured by the shadows of a long-endurins? 
ignorance, by their vices and sins, yet have they a faint 
glimmering of the divine. But they misapprehend it grossly. 
and, having a knowledge of God, they yield Him no honour, 
nor love, nor dutiful service; for they have no temples, nor 
priests, nor festivals, nor any ceremonies." This passage 
is to be found in the Relation of 1635 {Quel. ed. 34, 1 col; 
Clev. ed. VIII., 117). He proceeds immediately to explain 
briefly their belief in the supernatural character of one 
Eataentsic or Aataentsic and that of her grandson Iouskeha. 
But this myth with its several variants is developed at much 
greater length in the Relation of 1636 (Quel. ed. 101; Clev. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 429 

i (I. A'., 127), where many more particulars are added illus 
trative of their belief in some Diety.* ....,,, i, ed 

From a perusal of these tun i unts, it may be ^itli ;", V",',.'^'- 

ered that the myth of Aataeutsic aud Iouskeha was accepted 
by the Hurons as accounting satisfactorily for their origin; 
that the former, who had the care of souls, and whose pre- 
rogative it was to cut short the earthly career of man, was 
reputed malevolent, while Iouskeha, presiding over the living 
and all that concerned life, was regarded as beneficent. 
They believed in the survival of the soul, and in its pro- 
longed existence in the world to come, that is to say, in a 
vague manner in its immortality; but their concept of it was 
that of something corporeal. Most of what might be called 
their religious observances hinged on this tenet of an after- 
life. Strictly speaking, they counted neither on reward 
nor punishment in the place where the souls went after 
death, and between the good and the bad, the virtuous and 
the vicious, they made no distinction, granting like honours 
in burial to both. 

De Brebeuf detected in their myths, especially that of 
Aataentsic and Iouskeha, some faint traces of the story 
of Adam and Eve much distorted and all but faded from 
memory in the handing down through countless generations; 
so also that of Cain and Abel, in the murder of Ta8iscaron 
by his brother Iouskeha, who, in one variant, figures as the 
son of Aataentsic* „. 1636::Queb . 

In the apotheosis of Aataentsic and Iouskeha, the t-.i. 101. i . ,»i 
former was considered and honoured as the moon, the latter cieV.x. 127, 
as the sun.* In fact all the heavenly bodies were revered l^U'ed. id. 
as something divine;* but in the sun, above all. was recog- JJj 2 ^, 2 ™ l \s3. 
nized a powerful and benign influence over all animate *Queb.ed. id. 

, „ ,, ,-*,-• -i j -i • .107. •> col.; 

creation. As for the great Oki in heaven — and it is notciev. x.i - 
clear if he were regarded or not as a personality distinct 
from Iouskeha — the Hurons acknowledged a power, regulated 
the seasons of the year, held the winds in leash, stilled the 
boisterous waves, made navigation favourable, in fine, helped 
them in their every need. They dreaded his wrath, and it 
was on him they called to witness their plighted word. In 
so doing, as de Brebeuf infers, they honoured God unwitt- 
ingly.* .R 

Since the object (ohjeetum materiale) of the theolo '"^ 

gical virtue of religion is God, the claim that the reverential 
observances of the Hurons, as described by de Brebeuf. 
should be deemed sufficient to constitute religion properly 
speaking, must be set aside, as there was a great admixture 
of error in their concept of a Supreme Being. But as the 
object (ohjeetum materiale') of the moral virtue of religion 
is the complex of acts by which God is worshipped, and as 
these tend to the reverence of God who, in relation to the 
virtue of religion, thus stands as it ends,* such acts, if » s . Th. 
practised among the Hurons, should be considered. Devo-*- 5 
lion, adoration, sacrifices, oblations, vows, oaths, the utter- 
Si ARCH. 



430 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

ing of the divine name as in adjuration or invocation, through 
prayer or praise, are acts pertaining to the virtue of relig- 
*s. tii. i, c. ion.* It is not necessary for the present purpose to insist on 
each particular act of the series, but only on the most im- 
portant, and such as fell under de Brebeuf 's observation, 
and are recorded by him. 

Aronhia was the word used by them for heaven, the 
*Potier, Rad. heavens, sky;* and from the very beginning was used by 
H^ir. 1751,293, t ne missionaries in Christian prayers to designate Heaven, 
as may be seen in the Huron or Seneca Our Father by de 
Carheil. Now, de Brebeuf writes: "Here are the ceremonies 
they observe in these sacrifices (of impetration, expiation, 
propitiation, etc.). They throw petun (tobacco) into the 
fire, and if, for example, they are addressing Heaven, they 
say: 'Aronhiate onne aonstai8as taitnr,' 'Heaven, here is 
what I offer you in sacrifice, have mercy on me, help me ! ' 
or if it be to ask for health 'tacnguiaens,' 'cure me.' They 
*r. 1636: Queb. have recourse to Heaven in almost all their wants, etc." * 
I'u-'v" 'x' i." When they meant to bind themselves by vow or by 

must solemn promise to fulfil an agreement, or observe a 
treaty, they wound up with this formula: "Heaven is listen- 
ing to or heeding what we are now doing," and they are 
convinced after that, says de Brebeuf, that if they break 
their word or agreement Heaven will indubitably punish 

*R. 1636: Queb. them.* 

cier.x.ui. Were some one accidentally drowned, or frozen to death, 

the occurrence is looked upon as a visitation of the anger 
of Heaven, and a sacrifice must be offered to appease its 
wrath. It is the flesh of the victim which is used in the 
offering. The neighbouring villages flock to the banquet 
which is held and the usual presents are made, for the well- 
being of the country is at stake. The body is borne to the 
burial place and stretched on a mat on one side of the 
grave, and on the other a fire is kindled. Young men, 
chosen by the relatives of the victim, armed with knives, are 
ranged around. The chief mourner marks with a coal the 
divisions to be made, and these parts are severed from the 
trunk and thrown into the fire. Then, amidst the chants 
and lamentations of the women, especially of the near rela- 
tives, the remains are buried, and Heaven, it is thought, is 

Q R ueb 3 io8' Pacified.* 

ciev.'x. 163-165 Thus far, among the oblations to a supernatural being, 

no mention lias been made of bloody sacrifices. Sacrifice, 
at least on account of the significance which is attached to 
it by usage among all nations, the acknowledging of the 
supreme dominion over life and death residing in the one 
for whom it is intended, may be offered to no creature, but 
only to the One Being to whom adoration (cultus latriae) 

«s. Th 22, ij. in its strictest sense is due.* Such sacrifices of living 
animals were also in vogue among the Hurons. There was 
no day nor season of the year fixed for their celebration, 
but was ordered by the sorcerer or magician .for special 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 431 

purposes, as to satisfy ondinoncs or dreams, and were mani- 
festly offered up to some evil spirit. These sacrifices are 
expressly mentioned in the Relation of 1639 {Queb. ed. 94, 
1-2 col..- 97, 3 col.; Clev. ed. XVII., L95, 197, 211) and in 
that of 1(540 (Queb. ed. 93, 1 col.; Clev. ed. XX., 35). Nor 

were burnt offerings wanting, as may be seen r rded in 

the Relation of 1637 (Queb. ed. 108, L> col.; ('lev. ed. XIII., 
31) and that of 1C42 (Queb. ed. 84, 1 col.; ST, 1 col.; Clev. 
ed. XXIII., 159, 17:3). 

The foregoing presentment of the religion of the Eur- 
ons, though by no means exhaustive, forcibly su^'ests two 
inferences, especially if taken together with tin: beliefs and 
observances of the other branches of the same parent stock, 
and those of the neighbouring tribes of North American 
Indians. The first is, that they were a decadent race fallen 
from a state of civilization more or less advanced, and which at 
some remote period was grounded on a clearer perception 
of a Supreme Being, evinced by the not yet extinct sense 
of an obligation to recognize Him as their first beginning 
and last end. This would imply also a revelation vouch- 
safed in centuries gone by, shreds of which could still be 
discerned in their beliefs, of which several supposed some 
knowledge of ihr biblical history of the human race though 
all but obliterated. 

The second conclusion tends to confirm Father de Bre- 
beuf's judgment, previously cited, that, while still retaining, 
as they did, a knowledge of God, however imperfect, the 
Hurons were the victims of all kinds of superstitions and 
delusions, which tinged the most serious as well as the most 
indifferent acts of their everyday life. But above all else, 
their dreams, interpreted by their soothsayers and sorcerers, 
and their mysterious ailments with the accompanying divina- 
tions of their medicine-men, had brought them so low, and 
had so perverted their better natures that the most vile and 
degrading forms of devil worship were held in honour. 

VII. THEIR HISTORY. 

Nothing is known of the history of the Hurons before 
the visit of Jacques Cartier to the shores of the St Lawrence 
in 1535. It is at this date that conjecture begins to take 
the shape of history. The two principal villages which this 
explorer found, occupying respectively the actual sites of 
Quebec and Montreal, were Stadaeona and Ilochela^a. By 
far the most probable opinion is that these were inhabited 
by some branch of the Huron-Iroquois race. M. I/Abbe 
Kticnne Michel Faillon, I'.SS. may be said to have trans- 
formed that theory into an almost absolute certainty.* His'Hiat. del* 
proofs, to this effect, are based on the customs, traditions pjwen Cun- 
of both AJgonquins and Hurons, and, what is most eon- "''y^ 1 ,,'''';, 
elusive, on the two vocabularies compiled by Cartier, eon- WUtmaiie. 
tained in his first and second relation, and which comprise 



432 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

about one hundred and sixty words. The Abbe states fairly 
and dispassionately rival theories and, to all appearances, 
refutes them successfully. L'Abbe J. A. Cuoq, P. SS., in 
•Montreal, his Lexique de la Langue Iroquoise, * follows in the wake 
FiiMss^iss 6 ' of Faillon, develops at greater length the argument based on 
the similarity of the words in Cartier's lists to the Huron- 
Iroquois dialects, and their utter incompatibility with any 
form of the Algonquin tongue. Strongly corroborating 
this contention is the fact, to which reference has already 
been made, of the finding in 1860 of shards of Huron- 
Iroquois pottery and other relics within the present limits 
of Montreal, and which at the time formed the subject- 
matter of Principal (later Sir William) Dawson's mono- 
graph. 

An interval of over sixty years elapsed between Jac- 
ques Cartier's expeditions and Champlain's first coming 
in 1603. A great change had taken place. Stadacona 
and Hochelaga had disappeared, and the tribes along the 
shores of the St. Lawrence were no longer those of Huron- 
Iroquois stock, but Algonquin. The various details of how 
this transformation was effected are a matter of mere sur- 
mise, and the theories advanced as to the cause are too 
uncertain, too conflicting and too lengthy to find place here. 
What is certain is that meanwhile a deadly feud had 
sundered the Hurons and the Iroquois. The Hurons Proper 
were now found occupying the northern part of what is at 
present Simcoe county in Ontario, with the neighbouring 
Petun or Tobacco Nation to the west, and the Neutrals to 
the south-west. The hostile tribes of the Iroquois held 
possession of that part of New York State bordering on the 
Mohawk River and extending westward to the Genesee, if 
not farther. The Algonquins, who now inhabited the 
country abandoned by the Huron-Iroquois, along the lower 
St. Lawrence, were in alliance with the Hurons Proper. 

Champlain, with a view of cementing the already 

existing friendship between the French and their nearest 

neighbours, the Algonquins and Hurons, was led to espouse 

their cause. Nor was this the only object of his so doing. 

Bands of Iroquois infested the St Lawrence, and were a 

serious hindrance to the trade which had sprung up between 

•Faiiion, 1. 136, the Hurons and the French.* In 1609, he, with two French- 

137 - men, headed a party of Algonquins and Hurons, ascended 

the Richelieu River to Lake Champlain, named after him 

by right of discovery, met the enemy near what is now 

Crown Point, where, thanks to the execution wrought 

by his fire-arms, to which the Iroquois were unaccustomed, 

•champlain. won or) July the 30th an easy victory.* A second successful 

verdisre'ed. encounter with the Iroquois took place, on June 19th 1610, 

(^),™i96 8 at Cap du Massacre, three or four miles above the modern 

<3 ">- town of Sorel * 

♦ Id. ib. 210 lu "J' nl ouin. 

(358J-217 (365). Though this intervention of Champlain was bitterly 

resented by the Iroquois, and rankled in their breasts, their 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 433 

thirst for vengeance and their hatred for both French and 
Huron were intensified beyond measure by the expedition 
of 1615. This was set on foot in Huronia itself, and, headed 
i>y Champlain, penetrated into the very hearl of the Iroquois , s eeClark . a 
country. There the invading hand on Octoher 11th attacked map. sceni™. 
a stronghold lying to the south of what is now Oneida Lake, Rei"ci™ P ed i . 
or. to be precise, situated on Nichol's Pond, three miles ci;'«?itS?id 
east of Perryville, in New York State.* "■ »■ 

The time of this raid, so barren in good results for the 
Hurons, coincided with the coming of the first missionary 
to Huronia, the Recollet Father Joseph Le Caron. He and 
Champlain had set out from the lower country almost to- 
gether, the former between the Gth and 8th of July, the latter 
on the 9th. In the beginning of August, Champlain, before 
starting on his long march to the Iroquois, visited him at 
Carhagouha; and on the 12th of that month (1615) piously champlain, 

■ t t s* ti -■• Y OVAL'S. 1..H 

assisted at the first mass ever celebrated in the present verdt 
Province of Ontario. This event took place within the 
limits of what is now the parish of Lafontaine, in the diocese 
of Toronto. 

The history of the Hurons from this date until their 
forced migration from Huronia in 1649 and 1650 may be 
summarized as one continuous and fierce struggle with the 
Iroquois. The latter harassed them in their yearly barter- 
ing expeditions to Three Rivers and Quebec, endeavouring 
as skilful strategists, to cut them off from their base of 
supplies. They lay in ambush for them at every vantage 
point along the difficult waterways of the Ottawa and St. 
Lawrence. When the Hurons were the weaker party they 
were attacked, and either massacred on the spot or reserved 
for torture at the stake; and when they were the stronger, 
the wily Iroquois hung upon their trail and cut off every 
straggler. At times the Hurons scored a triumph, but these 
were few and far between. Thus things went on from year 
to year, the Hurons gradually growing weaker in numbers 
and resources. Meanwhile they received but little help from 
their French allies, for the colonists, sadly neglected by 
the mother country, had all they could do to see to their 
own safety. But a time came when the Iroquois found their 
adversaries sufficiently reduced in strength to attack them 
in their homes. In truth, they had all along kept war 
parties on foot, who prowled through the forests in or near 
Huronia if not to attack, save some isolated bands, at least, 
to spy out the condition of the country, and report when the 
Huron villages were all but defenceless through the absence 
of the braves away on bunting expeditions or purposes of 
traffic. 

The first telling blow fell on Contarea (var. Kontarea. 
Kontareial in June, 1642. This was a populous village of 
the Arendarrhonons or Rock elan lying to the extreme east. 
and one of the strongest frontier posts of the whole country 
(Rel. 1642: Queb. ed. 74. 1 col.; Clev. ed. XXIII., 105. Ref. 



434 THE REPORT OF THE Xo. 41 

1644: Queb. ed. 69; Clev. ed. XXVI., 175. Rel. 1656: Quel). 
ed. 10, 1 col.: Clev. ed. XLIL, 73. Rel. 1636: Queb.'ed. 94, 
2 eol. ; Clev. ed. X., 95. Cfr. lb. Queb. ed. 92. 2 col. ; Clev. 
ed. lb. 83). Neither age nor sex was spared, and those who 
survived the conflict were led off into captivity, or held for 
torture by slow fire. No particulars as to the mode of 
attack or defence are known as there was no resident mis- 
sionary, its inhabitants never having allowed one within 
its pale. It had even more than once openly defied the 
Christian God to do his worst. Contarea stood about five 
miles south-west of the present town of Orillia. 

It may be of interest to note here that all the great in- 
roads of the Iroquois seem to have proceeded from some 
temporary strategic base established in the region east of 
lakes Couchiching and Simcoe, and to have crossed into 
Huronia at the "Narrows" so accurately described by 
Champlain. 

The next village of the Rock Clan which lay nearest 
to Orillia, close by the Narrows, was St. Jean Baptiste. Its 
braves had sustained many losses after the fall of Contarea. 
but the outlook became so threatening in 1647 that its 
inhabitants abandoned early in 1548 what they now con- 
sidered an untenable position, and betook themselves to other 
Huron villages which promised greater security. 

By this move, St. Joseph II. or Teanaostaiae, a village 

of the Attinquengnahac or Cord Clan, was left exposed to 

attacks from the east; nor were they slow in coming. At 

early dawn, on July 4th of the same year 1648, the Iroquois 

bands surprised and carried it by assault. Once masters 

of the place they massacred or captured all whom they found 

within the palisade. Many however by timely flight had 

reached a place of safety. The intrepid Father Antoine 

Daniel had just finished Mass when the first alarm rang 

out. Robed in surplice and stole, for the administration 

of the sacraments of baptism and penance, he presented 

himself unexpectedly before the stream of inrushing savages. 

His sudden appearance and fearless bearing over-awed them 

for an instant and they stood rooted to the ground. But it 

was but for an instant. Recovering themselves they vented 

their fury on the faithful missionary who was offering his 

life for the safety of the fugitives. Shot down mercilessly, 

every savage had a hand in the mutilation of his body, 

which at last was thrown into the now blazing chapel. 

This diversion, the shepherd's death, meant the escape of 

»Rei.iM9: many of his flock.* The neighbouring village of Ekhion- 

oiev b 'ed d ' 85; dastsaan, which was situated a little farther towards the west. 

xxxiv. 86 et shared at the same time the fate of Teanaostaiae.* 

•id. ib. of. Rel. On March 16th of the following year St. Ignace II. and 

164,'icoi. cfev. St. Louis, two villages attended from Ste. Marie I., the local 

ed. xiv. 27. een tre of the mission of the Ataronchronons (Rel. 1640: 

Queb. ed. 61, 2 col.; Clev. ed. XIX.. 129, but with faulty 

translation), (i.e. The People beyond the Fens), were in 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 435 

turn destroyed (Rel. 1C49, iii: Queb. ed. 10; Clev. ed. 1 
The former, lying aboul six miles to the south-easl of Fori 
Ste. .Marie [., was attacked before daybreak. Its defenders 

were nearly all abroad on divers expeditions, never dream 
ing that their enemy would hazard an attack before the 
summer months. Bressani says that the site of this 
village was so well chosen and its fortifications so admir- 
ably planned that, with ordinary vigilance, it was impreg- 
nable for savages, lint the approach was made so stealthily 
that an entrance was effected before the careless and un- 
watchful inhabitants were roused from their slumber. Two 
villagers only 'escaped butchery or capture, and half-clad 
made their way through the snow to St. Louis, three miles 
nearer to Fort Ste. Marie I. and there gave the alarm. The 
missionaries Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, then 
present in the village, refused to seek safety in flighl with 
the other non-combatants pleading that it was their duty 
to remain to baptize, shrive, and comfort the dying. After 
a desperate resistance on the part of the mere handful of 
defenders when compared with the thousand attacking 
savages, this second village was taken and destroyed, while 
the captives were hurried back to St. Ignace to be tortured. 

What the two captive missionaries endured is simplj 
indescribable, and appears to be unparalleled in the Long 
catalogue of martyrdoms, undergone for the Faith, in the 
annals of God's Church. The Iroquois were adepts in the 
diabolical art of inflicting the most excruciating tortures 
by fire ever devised, and still of so nursing the victim as 
to prolong to the utmost his hours of agony. Their hatred 
of the teachings of Christianity was evinced on this occasion 
by the boiling water thrice showered on the mutilated mis- 
sionaries in derision of Holy Baptism, and by their jeering 
words to the sufferers to be beholden to their tormentors 
for baptizing them so well, and for affording them greater 
occasion to merit more and more, through their sufferings, 
the joys of heaven according to the doctrine preached, for. 
it must be remembered that, many apostate Hurons were 
mingled with the Iroquois invaders. 

Father de Brebeuf, a man of powerful build, long 
inured to suffering, and who by his unconquerable zeal even 
in the midst of the flames had drawn upon himself tie- 
fiercest resentment of the heathen, succumbed after four 
hours of torture on the evening of .March Kith. Father 
Gabriel Lalemant. of a frail constitution, in spite of all his 
suffering, survived until the following day. 

As they dwelt further wesl ami northwest no attack £ b JJ2[?. d j| t | 
thus far had been made on the One-"White-Lodge* Clan at cop. p. m 
St. Michel fScanonaenrat .), nor on the Bear Clan (Attig-Queb. ed.'so, 
naouantan,* var. Atinniaoenten*), who occupied the region xiv.*M7? T 
now forming Tiny Township, and whose principal strong- oulb^'n 
hold was Ossossane or La Conception. At that time this i coi.': clev. ed. 

\ W I V 1 30 

village was almost wholly peopled by fervent Christians. ' 



436 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

When the news reached them of the disasters befalling their 
country they immediately took action. On the morning of 
March 17th a party of three hundred warriors, hastily 
gathered from Ossossane and Arenta (Ste. Madeleine), posted 
themselves in ambush in the neighbourhood of the stricken 
villages while awaiting reinforcements. Their advance 
party, however, fell in unexpectedly with some two hundred 
of the enemy who were reconnoitring in force in view of an 
attack on Fort Ste. Marie I. A skirmish followed in which 
the Huron detachment suffered severe loss and was driven 

ed.'to"i : c?° ! eb ' back t0 within si g ht of the French Fort.* 
12 i c'oi; Meanwhile the main body of the Bear Clan had suc- 

xxxiv.' lgi- ceeded in intercepting a strong force of Iroquois, whom 
they compelled to seek shelter within the palisades of St. 
Louis, left intact when the village was destroyed. After 
an obstinate struggle the Hurons forced an entrance and, 
not counting the slain, captured about thirty warriors. Scar- 
cely had they time to congratulate themselves on their success 
Queb 1 ^ 9 ^- w hen the whole bulk of the Iroquois army,* amounting yet 
a. v ed. ib'. to nearly a thousand braves,* was upon them, and they in 
*id". ib. turn found themselves beleaguered within St. Louis, whose 

defences taken and retaken within a few hours could now 
, I(1 jb offer but slight protection.* 

Though reduced to about one huudred and fifty fight- 
ing men the courage of the little band of Christians was 
not shaken. The battle raged not only throughout the re- 
mainder of the day, but, as frequent sorties were made, and 
as renewed assaults followed each repulse, the uneven con- 
test was prolonged far into the night. By sheer weight of 
numbers, and owing more than all else to the great advantage 
the Iroquois had in being equipped by the Dutch with fire- 
*w. ib. arms,* the little garrison was finally overcome. The inrush- 

ing horde of Iroquois found barely twenty Hurons alive 
within the ramparts, most of them wounded and helpless. 
This victory cost the invaders one hundred of their best, men, 
and their leader, though he still lived, had been stricken 
*id ib down.* On the other hand, the loss was an irreparable one 

for the Christian braves of Ossossane and Ste. Madeleine 
Avho perished to a man. 

On March 19th a sudden dread, wholly inexplicable, 
seized upon the Iroquois- and they beat a hurried retreat 
!?- 1 1 ! i 2 Q y eb ' from the Huron country.* An old Indian woman, who 
ciey.ed. escaped from the burning village of St. Ignaee II., tardily 

brought to St. Michel (Scanonaenraf) the news both of the 
disaster and of the precipitous withdrawal of the victorious 
Iroquois. It seems inconceivable that no inkling of the 
formidable events, which were being enacted less than six 
miles from their village, should have reached this Clan 
sooner, unless it be attributed to the measures to intercept all 
communication taken by the astute invaders, who in this 
particular, as in all others showed themselves consummate 
tacticians. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 437 

No sooner were they apprized of the situation than 
seven hundred braves of the One- White-Lodge set out from 
Scanonaenrat in hot pursuit of the retiring enemy. For 
two days they followed the trail, but whether it was thai 
the rapidity of the retreat outstripped the eagerness of the 
pursuit, or that the much heralded avenging expedition 
was but a half-hearted undertaking from the very outset, 
the Iroquois were not overtaken.* On their return to Hur-*R. 1649 q 
onia the braves of Scanonaenrat found their country on< li'ia: 

wide expanse of smouldering ruins. Every village had been 
abandoned and given over to the flames, lest it should serve 
some future day as a repair for the dreaded Iroquois,* for*id. ib. q 
other events had taken place since their departure. 1 'n,' 

Forty-eight hours elapsed before Ossossane the erst- 197 - 
while centre of the flourshing mission of La Conception, 
heard of the annihilation of its contingent. The news 
reached its inhabitants at mid-night, March 19th. Tt lay 
but ten miles further west than St. Louis, and a cry went 
up that the enemy were at their doors. The panic spread 
from lodge to lodge, and the old men, women and children, 
a terror-stricken throng, streamed out upon the shores of 
Lake Huron. The bay (Nottawasaga) was still ice-bound, 
across it the fugitives made their way, and after eleven long„„ , , , 
leagues of weary march reached the Nation ot the retun. (Martin) 93. 

"A part of the country of the Hurons," writes Father 
Ra^ueneau at this date,* "lies desolate. Fifteen towns ^ «« . , , 
have been abandoned, their inhabitants scattering whither j c ^iv I< i97* d ' 
they could, to thickets and forests, to the lakes and rivers, 
to the islands most unknown to the enemy. Others have 
betaken themselves to the neighbouring nations better able 
to bear the stress of war. In less than a fortnight our 
Residence of Ste. Marie [I.] has seen itself stripped 
bare on every side. It is the only dwelling left standing 
in this dismal region. It is most exposed now to the in- 
cursions of the enemy, for those who have fled from their 
former homes set fire to them themselves to prevent their 
being used as shelters or fastnesses by the Iroquois." 

Reduced to these straits the missionaries resolved to 
transfer Ste. Marie I., the principal centre of the whole 
Huron mission, to some other place more out of reach of the 
Iroquois. Their attention was at first directed to the Island 
of Ste. Marie, now Manitoulin,* but a deputation of twelve J^ 1 ^ , 
chiefs, on the part of the remnants of the nation, pleaded »^ev. k. 
so long and eloquently in favour of the Island of St. Joseph 205 -20-.' 
fAhouendoe), promising to make it the Christian Island, 
that in the end it was chosen (Id. ib. Queb. ed. 27, 2 col. Cf. 
Rel. 1f>r>0, 3, 1 col.; Clev. ed. XXXV., 82). Already a mis- 
sion had been besrun there in 1648 (Rel. 1649: Queb. ed. 26, 
2 col., 27, 1 col.; Clev. ed. XXXIV., 205), and Father 
Chaumonot had just succeeded in leading back to its shores 
manv who had sought refuge among the Petuns (Id. ib. 29, 
1 col.; Clev. ed. Ib. 214). 



438 



THE REPORT OF THE 



No. 41 



»Rel. 1649: 
Queb. ed. 30. 2 
col.; '^lev ed. 

XXXIV. 223- 
225. 

Rel. 1660: 
(Jueb. ed. 3,1 
col ; Clev. ed. 

XXXV. 81 83. 



»Rel. 1650: 
IJneb. ed. 3. 1 
col. : Clev. ed. 
XXXV- 83 
•Id. ib. 2 col.: 
Clev. ed. 85. 

*Lettres de 
Marie de 
l'lncarnation 
I 116. 



*Rel. 1650, iii: 
Queb. ed. 8: 
Clev. ed. 
XXXV. 106. 



«Rel. 1650, iv: 
Queb. ed. 16; 
Clev. ed. 
XXXV. 146. 



♦Ragueneau's 
letter. 1656. 



On may 15, 1649, the whole establishment of Ste. Marie 
I., with its residence, fortress and chapel, was given over 
to the flames by the missionaries, who, with an overpower- 
ing feeling of sadness and regret, stood by and witnessed 
the destruction in one short hour of what had cost ten years 
of labour to effect; while the promise of a year's rich 
harvest was also destroyed.* •■ 

On the evening of June 14th the migration to St. 
Joseph's Island was begun on rafts and on a small vessel 
built for that purpose. In a few days the transfer was 
completed, and none too soon, for a few belated stragglers 
were intercepted by lurking bands of Iroquois.* 

Port Ste. Marie II.. was commenced* without delay 
and was completed by November 1649.* It was situated 
not far from the shores of the great bay on the eastern 
coast of the island, where the little that modern Vandals 
have spared of its ruins is still to be seen, as are the foun- 
dations of Ste. Marie I. on the River Wye. 

But the year was not to end without further calamities. 
Two Hurons, who had made good their escape from the 
hands of the enemy brought word that the Iroquois were 
on the point of striking a blow either at Ste. Marie II. or 
at the Petun villages in the Blue Hills, then called the Moun- 
tains of St. Jean. The Petuns were elated at the announce- 
ment, for they were confident in their strength. After 
waiting patiently a few days for the onslaught at Etharita 
or the village of St. Jean, their strongest bulwark on the 
frontier nearest to the enemy, they sallied forth in a south- 
ernly direction, a quarter from which they expected their 
foes t<> advance. Coming, as was their wont, from the 
east, the Iroquois found a defenceless town at their mercy. 
"What followed was not a conflict but a butchery. Scarcely 
a soul escaped, and Father Charles Gamier, who had 
begged his Superior as a favour to leave him at his post, 
was shot down while ministering to his flock. Etharita was 
taken and destroyed on the afternoon of December the 7th.* 
Father Noel Chabanel had been ordered to return to Ste. 
Marie II., so as not to expose to danger more than one 
missionary at the post. He had left the ill-fated village a 
day or so hefore its fall; but to his way to St. Joseph's 
Island, near the mouth of the Nottawasaga River was struck 
down by an apostate Huron, who afterwards openly boasted 
that he had done the deed out of hatred for the Christian 
Faith.* The mission of St. Mathias or Ekarenniondi, the 
second principal town of the Petun Nation, was carried on 
unmolested until the spring or early summer of 1650* 

Meanwhile the condition of the Hurons on St. Joseph's 
or Christian Island was deplorable in the extreme. If the 
bastions of Ste. Marie., built of solid masonry seventeen 
feet high, were unassailable for the Iroquois, these neverthe- 
less held the Island so closely invested that any party of Hur- 
ons setting foot on the mainland for the purpose either of 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 439 

hunting or renewing their exhausted supply of roots or acorns, 
for they had been reduced to such fare and worse, were set 
upon and massacred. Nor were the fishing parlies less 
exposed to inevitable destruction. The [roquois were ubi- 
quitous and their attack irresistible. Hundreds of HUTOnS 
were, in these endeavours to find food, cut off by their 
implacable foes, and perished at their hands in the midst of 
tortures. Finally, so unbearable had become the pangs of 
hunger that offal and carrion were soughl with avidity, and 
mothers were driven, in their struggle to prolong Life, to 
cut even the flesh of their offspring.* « Kel „ ,_, , , 

"With one accord both the missionaries and what sur ;;;j ®xx\ 
vived of their wretched flock, convinced thai sued a fright- i83-i»9. 
ful state of things was no longer endurable, came to a final 
determination* to withdraw forever, the ones from the 'soil [.!i : '-l, , '..;!"eiev b ' 
endeared to them by so many sacrifices and watered with "' l '" ! ' jr 
their sweat and very blood: the others from the land of 
their sires, which they had, not through any want of bravery 
but rather through lack of vigilance, unity of purpose and 
preconcerted action, shown themselves incapable of defending. 

The last missionaries had been called in from their 
posts, and on June 10th the pilgrim convoy pushed off 
from the landing of Ste. Marie II., and Huronia became a 
wilderness, adopted by no tribe as a permanent home, but 
destined to lie fallow until the ploughman, more than a 
century and a half later, unread in the history of his adopted 
land, should muse in wonderment over the upturned relies 
of a departed nation. 

The exile party was made up of sixty Frenchmen,* in *Premi6reMis8. 

* v i Csr'vvon ''49 

detail: of thirteen Fathers, four lay-brothers, twenty-two 
donnes, eleven hired men, four boys and six soldiers. The 
number of Hurons in this first exodus did not much exceed » ReUS80 .Q Ueb . 
three hundred,* and their purpose was to pass the remainder ed.w,i cot 
of their days under the sheltering walls of Quebec. Mid-xxxv.'iM, 
way on their downward journey they met Father Bressani 's LL al1 1 
party of forty Frenchmen and a few Hurons.* These had *£ e \g% 
set out from Three Rivers on June 7th,* reaching Montreal < x '^« 1 - ' 
on the 15th, and were hastening, with supplies and addi- 
tional help,.to the relief of the Mission. It was already too^" lr " ' ,fs '" 
late. Informed of the appalling events of the preceding 
twelve-month, and of the utter ruin of the Huron country, 
they turned back and both flotillas in company proceeded 
eastward. They reached Montreal safely, and on July the 
28th, 1650, landed at Quebec after a journey of nearly fifty 
nays. ,,i .. 

The Neutral Nation or AttiSnndaronk (jar. AttiSand- cier. «3 
arons, Atiraguenek, Atirhangenrets, Atliuoindarons. etc. ; journal d*i'<ifc 
modern : Attiwandarons), the third great branch of the Huron UJ 
family, whose country, as has been said, extended from the ' 
Niagara peninusla to the Detroit River and Bake St. Clair, 
had remained passive witnesses of the final struggle between 
the Iroquois on the one hand and the Hurons Proper and 



44.0 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Petun Nation on the other. In this they were but conform- 
ing to their traditional policy which had earned them their 
name. 

Mr. William R. Harris has advanced a plausible theory 
to account for this neutrality prolonged for years. Along 
the east end of Lake Erie, which was included within their 
territory, lay immense quantities of flint. Spear and arrow- 
heads of flint were a necessity for both Huron and Iroquois, 
so that neither could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy 
(Publications, Buffalo Hist, Soc. IV. (1896) 239). At all 
events, towards the middle of the seventeenth century the 
Iroquois stood no longer in need of such implements of war. 
Thanks especially to the Dutch they were fully provided 
with firearms, and this may be the reason of their readiness 
to pick a quarrel with the Neutrals as early as 1647. The 
Senecas had even gone so far as treacherously to massacre 
or take captive nearly all the inhabitants of the principal 
Aondironnon town, which, though situated beyond the 
Niagara River (see Duereux's Maps) then formed part of 
*R«i i6f8:Queb. t he Neutral Nation.* 

ed. 49. 1 col.; 

xxx vin 8i -^ Seneca Indian, who the previous winter had struck 

out alone on the war-path, as frequently happened in 
Indian warfare, had succeeded in slaying several of his 
enemies. Hotly pursued by a band of Hurons he was over- 
taken and made prisoner within the limits of the Neutral 
Nation, but before he could seek sanctuary on the mat of any 
Neutral lodge. This according to accepted usage was 
deemed a lawful prize. Three hundred Senecas dissimulat- 
ing their resentment, repaired to the Aondironnon town, 
and as it was in time of peace were given a friendly wel- 
come. They adroitly managed to quarter themselves on 
different families, so that a feast was provided in every 
lodge. This had been planned beforehand in furtherance 
of their treacherous design. When rejoicing was at its 
height, at a given signal, they fell upon their unsuspecting 
hosts who were unarmed, so that before any serious resist- 
ance could be offered, the Senecas had brained all within 
reach and had made off with as many prisoners as they 
could handle. The rest of the Neutral Nation ill-advisedly 
overlooked this high-handed proceeding, and continued to 
live on friendly terms with the Senecas, as if nothing had 
happened in violation of the peace existing between the two 

*r. 1648: Queb nations.* 

ed. 49; Clev. ed. 

xxxviii. But this was not an isolated instance of a national wrong 

inflicted on the Neutrals. Similar happenings marked the 

ed.' 6if* : co"f b ' autumn* of 1838. The Ouenrohronons, who until then had 

x'vli e j 3 - been acknowledged by the Neutral Nation as constituting 

an integral part of their federation, occupied the frontier 

«R. 1039: Queb * . «. T ' • • rpi 4.1. 

ed . 59, 2 coi_ ; t territory on the side near the Iroquois. Ihey may thus 
be presumed to have dwelt in one of the three or four vil- 



Clev. ed. XVII 
2"). 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 441 

lages beyond the Niagara River* in (lie region mapped by ')< ■JJ'M r '- 
Duereux as inhabited by the " Ondieronii, " and having for ciev. 'ed. x'xi. 
chief town "Ondieronius Pagus." 

These Ouenrohronons had hern maltreated and threat 
ened with extermination by their immediate [roquois neigh- 
bours, the Senecas. As long, however, as they could count 
upon the support of the bulk of the Neutral Nation they 
managed to hold their own; but when disowned, and left to 
their own resources they had no choice but to forsake their 

homes and seek an asylum elsewhere.* Having beforehand * Re > l6! i 

51 ii ■ Queb. ed 58 

assured themselves oj a welcome, they, to the number ol sixcoi.iciev. ed. 
hundred, set out on their journey to Huronia lying some* 
eighty leagues towards the north. There they were adopted 
by the Hurons Proper and assigned to different villages, 
the greater number, however, accepting the hospitality of 
Ossossane the principal town of the Bear Clan.* ,'.!; m^cou 

If ever a faint-hearted policy proved a short-sighted £J eTedxvn ' 
policy it was in the case of the Neutrals. They had basely 
sacrificed their outlying posts beyond the Niagara, and had 
entered into no compact for mutual defence with the Hurons 
and Petuns. There can be no doubt that with preconcerted 
action the three great Huron nations could not only have 
driven back the more astute Iroquois, but could have 
made their tribal territory unassailable, so admirably was 
it protected by the natural features of its geographical 
position, even had there been no thought of retaliation by- 
carrying the war into the heart of the Iroquois cantons. 

Their turn was now to come. The power of the Hur- 
ons Proper and the Petuns had been separately and effectu- 
ally crushed, and the restless ambition of the Iroquois 
yearned for fresh conquests. What brought about the final 
clash with the Neutrals is not recorded, but the Relation 
(1651, Queb. ed. 4; Clev. ed. XXXVI., 177) informs us ^"Jjjjgj 
that the main body of the Iroquois forces invaded their sept. 22.' p. i«'i; 
territory. They carried by assault two of the frontier xxxvi'. mi. 
towns, Teotondiaton* and probably Kanducho,* one of, cf R1611 . 
which too confidently relied on its sixteen hundred defenders. Queb. ed 
The first was taken towards the close of the autumn 1650, ciev." ed. xxi! 
and the second in the early spring of 1651. Bloody as had 20 '' 22 
been the conflict, the slaughter which followed this latest 
success of the Iroquois was something ghastly especially 
that of the aged and of the children who had not the 
strength to follow the enemy to their country. The number 
of captives was unusually large, consisting principally of 
young women chosen with a view of increasing the Iroquois 
population. The disaster to the Neutral Nation took- on 
such proportions that it entailed the utter ruin and desola- 
tion of the country. Word of it soon reached the most 
remote towns and villages and struck terror into every 
breast. Hastily all abandoned their possessions and their 
mt\ fatherland. Self condemned exiles, they (led in con 
sternation far from the cruelty of their conquerors. Famine 



442 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

followed in the wake of war, and though they plunged into 
the densest forests, and scattered along the shores of far- 
distant lakes and unknown rivers, in their efforts to sustain 
life, for many the only respite to the misery which pursued 

ed:i, 6 2co?" eb ' them was death itself -* 

\xxvu77 As tor tll0se oi " tlle lIln ' ons Proper, who, when their 

own country was laid waste, had in a longing for quiet for 
the remainder of their days, chosen the Neutral country as 
their home, they were merged in the common ruin. Some 
met death on the spot, others were carried off into slavery, 
a few escaped to the Andastes, or directed their flight to- 
wards the'reraote west, while a certain number journeyed 

*r. i65i: Queb. down to Quebec and joined the Huron colony already 

raev' 2 ed?'" ; established there.* 

XXXVI.' 179. 

VIII. MISSIONARY PRIESTS WHO LABOURED IN 

HURONIA. 

In the three following tables the names of priests only, 
and not of lay brothers, are given. The one exception is 
that of Gabriel Theodat Sagard, a Recollet lay brother 
who, as first historian of the Iluronia of bis time, could not 
well be omitted. The names of the Jesuit lay brothers, of 
don lies, and even of most of the hired men and boys, and of 
a few of the soldiers, may be found in the work on the Huron 
Indian Village sites issued by the Archives Department of 
the Provincial Government of Ontario. 

Table I. gives the names of all the missionary priests 
in alphabetical order with dates of arrivals and departures. 
The numbers preceding the names refer to Table II. and 
III., and serve to show where each missionary was stationed 
in any given year. 

Table II. is a list of missionary stations from 1615 to 
the first taking of Quebec in 1629. The numbers in the 
vertical columns refer to the list of Fathers in Table I., 
thus: number •">. placed in the column under 1623, means 
that Father Nicolas Viel was in that year, 1622, at Toanehe 
I., otherwise St. Nicolas. 

Table III. covers the interval between the return of the 
missionaries to Iluronia in 1631 and the breaking up of the 
Mission of Huronia in 1650. EKample : 7, placed in the 
column of 1640-1641, shows that Father Jean de Brebeuf 
was in the Neutral country at that time. 



1907 



BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 

TABLE I. 



443 



Missionaries. 



9. 
10 

11 



13, 
14 

15 

16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 



Recolletg. 

La Roche de Daillon, Joseph de 

Le Caron, Joseph i 

Poulain*, Guillaume 

Sagard, Gabriel Th£odat 

Yiel. Nicolas 



Jesuits. 



Bonin, Jacques. . . 
Brdbeuf, Jean de. 



Sojourn. 



Arrival. 



Departure. 



August ]W, Summer of 1628 

Summer of 1615 Mav 20 1616 

1623 June 1624 

1622 Autumn of 1622 

August 20 1623 June 1624 

August 1623 Summer of 1625 



Bressani, Francois Joseph 

Chabanel, Noel 

Chasteliain, Pierre 

Chaumonot, Joseph Marie. 

Daniel, Antoine 

Daran, Adrien 

Davost, Ambroise 

Du Peron, Francois 

Gamier, Charles 

Garreau, Leonard 

Greslon, Adrien 

Jogues, Isaac 

Lalemant, Gabriel 

Lalemant, Jerome 

Le Mercier, Francois 

Le Moyne, Simon 

Menard, Rene 

None, Anne de 

Pijart, Claude 



27. Pijart. Pierre 



28. Poncetde la Riviere, Jos. A. 



29 Ragueneau, Paul .... 
30. Raymbault, Charles. 



Bej inning of Sept. 1648 

August 1626 

August 5 1634 

September 7 lo44 

Early Autumn.. . . 1 G4 r > 

September 164S 

September 7 1644 

August 12 1636 

September 10 1639 

After August 5. . .1634 

August 1638; 

Beginning of Sept. 1648 

August 23 1634, 

September 29 1638 1 

Autumn 1641 

August 13 1636 

September 7 1644 

Beginning of Sept. 1648 

September 11 1636 

Beginning of Sept. 1648 

August 26 163S 

" 13 1635 

September 20 1638J 

August 14 I'll 

August 1626 

Begin' g of Aut'mn 1640 

August i7 1635 

September 1631 

Early in Sept 1639 

September 12 1639 

Autumn of 1645 

September 1 1637 

August 14 1641 

Early Autumn ...1640 



June 10 1650 

End of June 1629 

Begin'gof Sum er 1641 
Slain March 16. . .1649 

End ..f June 1648 

August 1649 

Slain December «. 1649 
June 10 1650 

" 1650 

Julv22 1636 

Slain July 4 1648 

June 10 1650 

July 27 1636 

Earlv Summer.. . .1641 

June 10 1650 

Slain December 7.1649 
June 10 1650 

'• 1650 

June 13 1642 

Slain March 17.. .1649 

August Iti45 

June 10 1650 

" 1650 

" 1650 

June 1627 

June 10 1650 

End of June 1637 

Early in June 1638 

Summer of 1644 

iugust 1640 

June 10 1650 

August 1640 

June 10 

June 13 1642 



* Le Clercq (I. p. 345) says that Poulain spent some time in the Huron country 
but his assertion is borne out by no other author. At the time indicated above he 
was with the Nipissing Indians, as would seem from p. 219 et. SS. (Id.) 



444 



THE REPORT OF THE 
Table ll. 



No. 41 



MISSIONARIES IX HURONIA BEFORE THE FIRST TAKING OF QUEBEC 
BY THE ENGLISH, FROM 1615 TO 1629. 

The figures refer to the Alphabetical List of Missionaries. 



Missions. 


1615 


1616 


1622 


1623 


1624 


1625 


1626-27 


1627-28 


1620 


Carhagonha,* S . Joseph .... 


2 


2 




2 


2,4,5 


5 


1 
1 

1 
1 

1,7,25 


1, 7, 25 










«*4 






















2 












S. Gabriel, La Rochelle§ 






4 
5 
















7 

















* The Arontaen of the Relations. It must not be confounded with any of the 
Huron villages which bore the name of St. Joseph at the time of the Jesuit 
Missions. 

X Father Guillaume Poulain never set foot in Huronia Proper, but remained 
with the Nipissing Indians. 

§ Its French name La Rochelle, identifies it with the Ossossaneor La Conception 
of a later period. 

(.4) Algonquins. (.V) Neutral Nation. 



1907 



lU'KKAr OF ARCHIVES. 



445 



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a 

E 



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ed - 



Wl ai:i ii. 



446 



THE REPORT OF THE 



Xo. 41 






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0Q QC 0Q 0Q H EH 



PART SECOND 



MIGRATIONS OF THE HURONS AFTER 
THEIR DISPERSION 

At the present day there are but three groups of Indians 
of Huron stock extant. One at La Jeune Lorette, near 
Quebec, the second in the neighbourhood of Sandwich, 
Essex County, Ontario, and the third ,on the Wyandot 
Keservation in the State of Oklahoma, the late Indian Ter- 
ritory. 

The Quebec group is made up principally of the des- 
cendants of the Cord Clan of Huronia Proper (Rel. 1657: 
Quel. ed. 20, 2 col.; Clev. ed. XL1II. 191), and of not a few 
Mohawks (Rels. Ineds. I. 158; Clev. ed. LVII. 25, 52. LX., 
69). The Tohontaenrat, of the old village of Scanonaenrat 
or St. Michel, and a considerable part of the Rock Clan had 
as early as 1650 or 1651 gone over bodily to the Senecas 
{Journ. des Jes. 161; Clev. ed. II.1T/. 141, 143; Rel. 1651: 
Quel. ed. 4-5; Clev. ed. XXXVI. 179), while the remainder 
of the Rock Clan cast their lot in with the Onondagas, and 
the Bear Clan with the Mohawks (Rel. 1657: Queb. ed. 20, 
2 col.; Clev. ed. XLIII. 189-191), immediately after the 
massacre by the Iroquois of a number of Hurons on the Island 
of Orleans, May 20, 1656 (Rel. 1657: Queb. ed. 5-6; Clev. 
ed. XLIII., 115-117). This accounts for all the clans of 
Huronia Proper save the Ataronchronons, who need not be 
considered as they were but a congeries of other clans, 
who. in the latter years of Huronia 's existence, had, in 
small detachments, moved nearer to Fort Ste. Marie on the 
Wye, and had occupied the country mainly to the north- 
east of Mud Lake, whence they derived their name of 
"People who dwelt beyond the Fens." 

The group now residing in the vicinity of Sandwich, 
Ontario, are the remnants of the Petun or Tobacco Nation, 
with possibly a slight intermixture of Neutrals, who, after 
many vicissitudes, had been induced to leave Michilimaki- 
nac when Detroit was founded. 

The third group, now settled on the Wyandot Reserva- 
tion, Oklahoma, are the descendants of that portion of the 
Detroit Petuns who. under the war-chief Nicolas, broke 
from those of the Assumption .Mission between 1744 and 
1747, and made Sandusky and other parts of Ohio and 
north-eastern Indiana their home. 

The once powerful Neutrals no longer exist as a dis- 
tinct tribe. They have been completely merged in other 
Indian tribes either Huron or Iroquois. The Relations 

[447| 



448 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

and other contemporaneous documents refer to them seldom 
and but briefly in the years following the great dispersion. 
Nor must this seem strange for the Relation 1660 {Quel, 
ed. 14, 1 col.; Clev. ed. XLV., 241-243) makes the sweeping 
assertion that the Iroquois, on a flimsy pretext, "seized up- 
on the whole nation, and led it off in a body into dire cap- 
tivity to their own country." Without taking this too 
literally we find in it an examination of the little said of 
them, and precisely on account of these rare references it 
seems advisable to deal with them first. 

I. EXTINCTION OP THE ATTIWANDARONK OR 
NEUTRALS DURING THE GREAT DISPERSION. 

John Gilmary Shea devoted a few pages to this van- 
ished tribe in a paper contributed to Schoolcrafts' "History 
and Progress of the Indian Tribes" (IV. 204). Some of 
his references are not easily verified, while on the whole the 
paper is incomplete. What follows comprises nearly every 
reference to the nation in the records of the time. 

1651.— The "Journal des Jesuites" (150; Clev. ed. 
XXXVI., 118), under the date of April 22, 1651, epitomizes 
the rumours afloat in Quebec relative to what was then 
happening in the west. It was said that 1,500 Iroquois had 
invaded the Neutral country and had captured a village. 
The Neutrals, headed by the Hurons of old St. Michel, had 
fallen upon the retiring Iroquois and had captured or 
slain two hundred; but that a second Iroquois force of 1,200 
braves had re-entered the Neutral country to avenge this 
loss. 

A second entry in the Journal of April 26, (151; Clev. 
ed. Id. 120) reduces the number given of the first Iroquois 
expedition to 600 warriors, who apparently had not been 
entirely successful since 100 had returned during the sum- 
mer to seek revenge. The arrival of four Neutrals at 
Montreal on May 27th, with their budget of news was deemed 
of sufficient importance to find place in the Journal under 
date of July 30th (157; Clev. ed. XXXVI., 133). A still 
later entry of September 22nd (161; Clev. ed. Id. 141, 143) 
records the fall of the Neutral town of Teotondiaton, the 
Teotongniaton or St. Guillaume of the Relations, and the 
devastation of the Neutral territory; while it further modi- 
fies the previous announcement concerning the Hurons of 
St. Michel, stating that both they and the remnants of the 
Rock Clan had gone over bodily to the Senecas. 

1652. — Rumours more or less conflicting continued to 
find their echo in Quebec. On April 19th, 1652, an entry 
in the Journal optimistically rehearses the news brought 
on March 10th by an escaped Huron captive, to the effect 
that the Neutrals had formed an alliance with the Ondastes 
against the Iroquois, that the Senecas, who had gone on 
the war-path against the Neutrals, had suffered so serious 



1907 P.UREAU OF ARCHIVES. 449 

a defeat that tlie families of the Senecas were constrained 
to flee from Sonnontouan, and betake themselves to Onionen, 
otherwise Goioguen, a Cayuga town (Journ. des Jes. 166- 
167; Clev. ed. XXXVII. 97). 

The general dispersion of the Neutrals, following close 
on their disasters at the hands of the Iroquois, is described 
in Relation 1651 {Quel. ed. i. 2 col.; Cl( v. ed. XXXVI., 
177) ; but the direction of their flighl is not indicated save 
by the words: "they fled still further from the rage and 
cruelty of the conquerors," which means, no doubt, that 
the general trend of their precipitous retreat was towards 
the west. The great number of prisoners carried off by 
the Iroquois is mentioned particularly, and especially of 
the young women led into captivity, and destined to become 
the wives of their captors. 

1653. — There is mention made of a solitary Neutral 
boy, of fifteen or sixteen, captive among the Onondagas, 
baptized by Father Simon Le Moyne (Rel. 1654: Queb. ed. 
14,. 1 col.; Clev. ed. XLL, 10.3). But the Journal this year 
has a most important entry concerning the Neutrals, which 
would go to show that they were still as numerous as the 
remnants of the other tribes of Hurons. An independent 
band of Petuns had wintered, 1652-1653, at Teaontofai ; 
while the Neutrals, numbering eight hundred, had passed 
the winter at Skenchioe. in the direction of Teochanontian. 
They were forming a league with all the Upper Algon- 
quins. Their combined forces were already one thousand 
strong, and all were to foregather in the autumn of 1653 
at Aotonatendie, situated in a southerly direction three 
days' journey beyond the Sault Skiae [i.e. Sault-Ste-Marie] . 
(Journ. 183-184; Clev. ed. XXXVIII., 181). As the 
Relations elsewhere state that a day's journey was between 
eight and ten leagues Rel. 1641 ■. Queb. ed. 71, 2 col.; Clev. 
ed. XXI., 189) the position of Aotonatendie might be deter- 
mined pretty accurately were it not for the expressions 
"beyond the Sault Skiae" and "in a southerly direction" 
which are at variance. If "beyond the Sault," the direc- 
tion must be west, and consequently on the shores of Lake 
Superior. If we take "beyond" as meaning at a greater 
distance and "towards the south," the spot indicated should 
be located on the western shore of Lake Michigan. 

1657. — Among the Onondagas there were three sodali- 
ties, one for the Hurons Proper, one for the Neutrals and 
one for the Iroquois (Eel. 1657; Queb. ed. 48-49; Clev. ed. 
XLIV., 41). 

1630. — In an estimate of the strength of the Five 
Nations at this date, the Mohawks are credited with not 
more than five hundred warriors, the Oneidas with less than 
one hundred, the Cayugas and Onondagas with three 
hundred each, and the Senecas with not more than one 
thousand, while the greater part of their fighting men were 



450 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

a medley of many tribes, Hurons, Petuns, Neutrals, Eries, 
etc., (Bel. 1660: Queb. ed. 6-7; Clev. ed. XLV., 207). 

1669. — Father Fremin mentions the presence of Neu- 
tral Indians among the Seneeas, and informs us that the 
village of Gandongarae had no inhabitants other than 
Neutrals, Onnontiogas and Hurons Proper. (Rel. 1670 : 
Queb. ed. 69, 2 col; Clev. ed. LIV. 81). 

1671. — In the village of Iroquois Christians, then called 
St. Xavier des Pres, and which stood at that time about 
three miles below the Lachine rapids on the south bank of 
the St. Lawrence, there were besides Iroquois, Hurons and 
Andastes a number of Neutrals (Bel. 1671 -. Queb. ed. 12-13; 
Clev. ed. LV., 33-35). 

This seems to be the latest mention in the old records 
of the Attiwandaronk, once the most numerous of the three 
great Huron tribes, and occupying by far the most exten- 
sive and most fertile territory. Their name was obliterated, 
but their blood still courses in the veins of many a reputed 
Iroquois or Huron. 

II. MIGRATION TO QUEBflC. 

The writers of the Relations have left us more than one 
retrospect of the wanderings of the Hurons. These may 
be found, in order of time, in Relation 1656: Quebec 
edition, 41, 2 col; Cleveland edition XLII., 235;— 1660; 
Quebec 2, 2 col., 14, 1 col.; Cleveland XLV., 187, 243;— 
1672: Quebec 35-36; Cleveland LVL, 115;— Girault 's Mem- 
oir of 1762; Cleveland LXX., 205. The most helpful in 
the matter of research are the two last mentioned, the 
retrospect of 1672 for the migrations in the west, and that 
of Father Girault for the Hurons of Lorette. 

1640. — About ten years before the great dispersion a 
good number of Hurons Proper had, with Indians of other 
tribes, taken up their abode at Sillery near Quebec, which 
mission was established permanently in 1637 (Girault, Clev. 
ed. LXX., 207). 

1649-51. — Years of the great dispersion. 

1650. — On June 10th, upwards of three hundred Hur- 
ons Proper abandoned their country and in company with 
sixty Frenchmen, including the missionaries, set out for 
Quebec (Bel. 1650: Queb. ed- 1, 2 col, 26, 1 col; Clev. ed. 
XXXV., 75, 197-199; Bagueneau to the General, Queb. Aug. 
17th, 1650, MS. p. 35). The French party was made up of 
thirteen priests, four lay brothers, twenty-two donnes, eleven 
hired men, four boys and six soldiers (Carayon-Prem. Miss. 
249; Clev. ed. XXXV., 23). The entire party, save a certain 
number of Hurons who remained over at Three Rivers (Bel. 
1652: Queb. ed. 10, 2 col; Clev. ed. XXXVII., 180), reached 
Quebec July 28th, 1650 (Bel. 1650: Queb. ed. 28, 1 col; 
Clev. ed. XXXV.. 207; Jovrn. des Jes. 142; Clev. ed. Id. 50). 
Four hundred Hurons camped under cover of the French 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 451 

fort {Bel. 1650: Qucb. cd. 2, 1 col.; Clev. ed. Id. 77), in the 
immediate vicinity of the Hotel Dieu hospital {Rel. cit. 
Quel. ed. 51. 1 col; Clev. ed. XXXVI., 59). 

1651. — They removi to tht Island of Orleans. On 
March 29th, the Unions moved from the town to the Island 
of Orleans, in sight of Quebec. The deed of the land to he 
occupied by them was signed by Eleonore de (irandmaison, 
the widow of Francois de Chavigny, on March 19th, and 
Father Chaumonot, their missionary took formal possession 
of it on the 25th (Journ. des Jes. 149; Clev. ed. XXXVI; 
117; Cf. Bel. 1652: Quel. cd. 8; Clev. ed. XXXVII., 168; 
Bel. 1654, 20 et ss.; Clev. ed. XLI., 137). Thereupon all 
the Hurons, who had previously settled at Sillery joined 
those of Quebec and on March 29th, moved to the Island. 
Their sojourn there lasted until June the 4th, 1656 (Girault's 
Mem. Clev. cd. LXX., 207). Five or six hundred is the 
rough estimate given in a subsequent Relation (1660: Queb. 
ed. 14, 1-2 col; Clev. cd, XLV. 213) of their number at that 
time. 

On September 26th, news reached Quebec that thirty- 
six canoes of Hurons were on their way from the west to 
join the new settlement {Journ. des Jes. 162; Clev. < d. 
XXXVI., 143), and their safe arrival is recorded in Relation 
1651, where they are described as Christian Indians, com- 
ing from Ekaentoton, now Manitoulin Island, and manning 
about forty canoes (Queb. ed. 7, 1 col; Clev. ed. XXXVI., 
189). 

1654. — On April 28th, the greater part of the Hurons 
who had at different times settled at Three Rivers joined 
those at the Island of Orleans (Girault, Clev ed. LXX., 
205-207). 

1656. — On Saturday, May 20th, forty canoes of Mo- 
hawks land stealthily on the Island and surprise the Hurons 
who were at work in their fields. There were seventy-one 
either killed outright or taken prisoners, and among the 
latter many young women (Bel. 1657: Queb. ed. 5-6; Clev. 
ed. XLIII., 117). 

The Hurons move back to Quebec. On July 4th, the 
Hurons abandon the Island of Orleans and again seek 
shelter at Quebec. Their sojourn on the island had lasted 
from March 29th, 1651 (Girault, Clev. ed. LXX., 207). 
After this fresh misfortune, the Hurons sue for peace which 
is promised by the Mohawks provided they consent to settle 
in the Mohawk country the following spring, there to live 
together as one people (Bel 1657: Queb. ed. 19, 2 col.; 
Clev. ed. XLIII., 187). . 

1657. — One hundred Mohawk warriors set out from 
their country in the spring of 1657 to carry out the agree- 
ment, thirty of whom enter the town of Quebec, and in 
presence of the French Governor, summon the Hurons to 
follow them. A day and the following night were passed 
in consultation. The Clan of the Cord, former inhabitants 



452 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

of the mission of Teanaostaiae, or St. Joseph II., in old 
Huronia, positively refuse to leave Quebec and thus separate 
themselves from their French allies. The Rock Clan, or 
Arendarrhonons, the former mission of St Jean Baptiste, 
reluctantly choose the Onondaga country for their future 
home, while the Bear Clan half-heartedly resolve to throw 
in their lot with the Mohawks (Rel. 1657: Queb. ed. 20; 
('lev. ed. XLIII., 187, 191) these latter Father Simon Le 
Moyne, the "Ondesonk" of the Indians, volunteered to 
accompany. 

On June 2nd, fourteen Huron women and many little 
children embarked in the canoes of the Mohawks and set 
out with them for their newlv adopted country (Journ. des 
Jes. 215; Clev. ed. XLIII., 49). 

About fifty Huron Christians of the Rock Clan leave 
Quebec on June 16th for Montreal, where they are to await 
the arrival of the Iroquois flotilla which was to transport 
them {Bel. 1657 ■. Queb. ed, 23, 2 col.; Clev. ed. XLIII., 207). 

July 26, this same party, with Father Ragueneau, set 
out with a band of fifteen or sixteen Senecas and thirty 
Onondagas for the country of the latter. On August 3rd, 
while on the way, seven Huron Christians were treacherously 
set upon and murdered, and the women and children were 
made captives (Eel, 1657: Queb. ed. 54, 55; Clev. ed, XLIV., 
69, 73). Elsewhere it is said all were massacred, meaning, 
probably, all the men of the party {Bel. 1658: Queb. ed. 15, 
2 col.; Clev. ed, XLIV.. 217). "For other mention of this 
treacherous act see passim the same Relation (Queb. ed. 2, 
2 col.; 5, 1 col.: 10; Clev. ed, Id. 155, 165, 191). 

August 21st, a party of Hurons, of the Bear Clan, left 
Quebec to join the Mohawks under the impression that they 
were to be adopted into the tribe (Bel. 1658: Queb. ed. 9, 2 
col.; Clev. ed. XLIV., 189). 

August 26th, Father Le Moyne followed with the second 
party of the Bear Clan (Id. ib.). Both these bands, in viola- 
tion of the most solemn pledges, were reduced to the vilest 
and most oppressive slavery (Id, : Queb. ed. 13, 1 col.; 
Clev. ed. 205). 

1660. — The Hurons continued to reside in Quebec under 
cover of Fort St. Louis, which the Sieur Louis d'Ailleboust 
de Coulonge had completed for their special protection. 
The position of this "Fort des Hurons" may be seen on the 
copy of a plan of Quebec, 1660, in the Report on Canadian 
Archives for 1905, Part V. facing page 4. 

Towards the close of the winter 1659-1660, forty chosen 
Huron braves went on the war-path. At Montreal, they 
joined forces with Adam Desormeaux Bollard (Notary 
Basset's records — four autograph signatures — beginning 
Oct. 12. 1658). who, with his sixteen heroic companions, not 
only held in check for ten days at the foot of the Ottawa 
Long Sault, two hundred Onondagas and five hundred 
Mohawks, but also, as the sacrifice of his life saved the 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 458 

colony from destruction {Bel. 1660: Queb. ed. 14 et ss.; 
Clev. ed. XLW, 245; Jown. des Jes. 284; Clev. ed. Id. 157). 

1668.— In the Relation 1638 (Queb. ed. 25, 1 col; I 
ed. LII., 19) it is affirmed thai between the years 1665 and 
1668 more than two hundred Iroquois came to the Huron 
mission at Quebec and received instruction, sixty of whom 
were baptized. It is not stated explicitly thai thej joined 
the colony. On the contrary, from the wording of the pas- 
sage it would rather seem that they were transient visitors, 
remaining, however, long enough to be thoroughly instructed. 

The Hurons removt from Quebec to Beauport. — Father 
Giraidt (Clev. ed. L.Y.Y.. 206) speaks of this next removal 
thus: "When the Hurons left the Island of Orleans they 
came to live in Quebec. They remained there until the 
month of April 1668, when they removed to Beauport, where 
they stayed about a year" The Relations note that at 
this date their mission of the Annunciation, for so it was 
called, was greaty reduced in numbers, and that having 
become convinced that peace with the Iroquois was assured 
they left the fort, which occupied a large open space in 
Quebec, and withdrew to the woods a league and a half 
from the town. Their object in so doing was to cultivate 
the land so as to be self-supporting, to have their own vil- 
lage and, so to speak, start a new settlement (Rel. 1669 : 
Queb. ed. 23-24; Clev. ed. Id. 229). This site, says Father 
(haumonot, was known as Notre Dame des Neiges, and 
belonged to the Society of Jesus, and adds that it was 
between Quebec and Beauport a short league from the 
town. (Chaumonot. Autobiographie) , 174. 

1669. — They leave Beau-port for Cote St. Michel, Notre 
Dame de Foy. — Father Girault (loc. cit.) proceeds: "After- 
ward, towards the spring of 1669, they settled at the Cote 

de St. Michel where they remained until December 

28th, 1673." This new station of their choice was distant 
one league from Quebec (Bel. 1671, tith of Ch. IV. Queb. 
ed. 7. 1 col.: Clev. ed. LIV., 287), and was situated in the 
midst of a French Settlement (Bel. 1672: Queb. ed. 2, 1-2 
vol.; Clev. ill. LY.. 249). Their numbers now stood at 
something over two hundred and ten (Rels. Ined. I. 296; 
Clev. nl LY11I.. 131). It will not be out of place here to 
remark that, among the French population of Canada, the 
word cote does not necessarily imply a rise in the land or 
a hillside; much less a coast or water front, but simply the 
highway on which the farms of the settlers front, and on 
which their homesteads and outhouses are generally built. 
As for the origin of the name "Notre Dame de Foy," it is 
thus explained in the Relations. In 1669. a statue of the 
Madonna was sent from Europe to the Jesuit Superior, it 
was carved out of the self-same oak as the miraculous 
statue of Notre Dame at Foy, a hamlet near the town of 
Dinant, then the Liege country, now in the Province of 
Namur. Belgium. The understanding was that it should 



454 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

be placed in the Huron chapel, though it was the Bishop's 
intention to have the chapel dedicated to the Blessed Virgin 
under the title of the Annunciation (Bel. 1670: Queb. ed. 
22, 1 col.; Clev. ed. LIU., 131; Cf. Rel. 1671 : Queb. ed. 7, 
1 col.; Clev. ed. LIV., 287 ; Eels. Ined. I. 149; and especially 
Autob. Chaumonot, 174-176). The wish of the Bishop was 
carried out (Rel. 1670: Queb. ed. 15, 1 col.; Clev. ed. LIII., 
97), the village, however, for a long time bore the name of 
Notre Dame de Foy, and was constituted the centre of the 
parish of that name by Mgr. de Saint-Vallier, September 
18th, 1698. It now goes by the name of Sainte-Foy, the 
original appellation of M. de Puiseaux's fief. , 

1373. — Abandoning Notre Dame de Foy, the Hurons go 
to (old) Lorette. — As the Huron colony was at this time 
steadily expanding, owing both to the great influx of Iroquois 
Christians, especially from Tionnontoguen, the chief town 
of the Mohawks (Clev. ed. LVIL. 25), and to natural 
increase, the missionaries determined to move from Notre 
Dame de Foy, where they were cramped for land and had 
little forest growth for fuel, to a more commodious site one 
league and a half further in the forest. There they planned 
to build a chapel modelled on that of Our Lady of Loreto, 
Italy (Rels. Ined, I. 295; Clev. ed. LVIII., 131, 149; Cf. 
Clev. ed. LX., 68-81). The location was one league and a 
half from Notre Dame de Foy, and three leagues from Quebec 
Eels. In. I. 305; Clev. ed. LVIII., 147). However, for 
some time after the removal of the village the Indians con- 
tinued to cultivate their fields at Notre Dame de Fov (Rels. 
In. I. 296; Clev. ed. LVIII., 131). Including the late 
accessions from the Iroquois, the population now reached 
three hundred (Eels. In. II. 71; Clev. ed. LX., 26. 145). 

This last change of position is thus recorded in Father 
Girault's memoir: "They (the Hurons) remained there (at 
Cote St. Michel) from the spring of 1669 to the 28th (sic) 
of December of the year 1673. Thence they went to live 

at Vieille Lorette, where they remained until the 

autumn of 1697 (Clev. ed. LXX., 207). 

1674. — The corner-stone of the Chapel was laid by the 
Superior of Quebec, July 16th, 1674, and the structure was 
blessed on November 4th, of the same year (Eels. In. I. 309- 
310; Clev. ed. LVIII.. 155, LX., 85) under the title of Notre 
Dame de Lorette (Rels. In. II. 14; Clev. ed. LIX., 81). 

1697. — From Old Lorette they move to New Jjorette — 
Their last Migration. — "Finally" says Father Girault, 
"from the autumn of 1697 till the present year 1762 [date 
of his Memoir] the Hurons have lived at Jeune Lorette. 
Jeune Lorette has no dependencies. It is only a small 
piece of land in the Cote Petit St. Antoine, seigniory of St. 
Michel. On it the Jesuit Fathers, to whom the seigniory 
belongs, allowed the Hurons to settle, towards the close of 
1697" (Clev. ed. LXX., 207). And there they have 
remained till the present day. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 455 

1711. — Under date of November 5th, 1711, Father 
Joseph Germain, writing from Quebec, sends this report, 
through the General of the Society, to the Propaganda 
concerning the Hurons of Jeune Lorette: "This mission is 
three leagues from Quebec ami is made up of Hurons who 
are instructed by two of our Fathers, d'Avaugour and de 
Descouvert (sic). These Indians are very fervent Christ- 
ians, who are exceedingly assiduous at public prayers in 
their church and at private prayers in their cabins; constant 
in attendance at Holy Mass and in frequenting the Sacra- 
ments, in which they participate often with a devotion both 
tender and solid; they strictly observe the commandments 
of God and of the Church, and lead most exemplary lives" 
Clev. ed. LXVL, 203-205). 

1794._On October 10th, 1794, two days after the death 
of Father Etienne Thomas-de-Villeneuve Girault, the last 
Jesuit missionary of the Hurons near Quebec, Reverend 
Joseph Paquet, a secular priest, was appointed as his suc- 
cessor. (L'Abbe Lionel St. Georgi Lindsay, Notre Dam< dt 
la Jeune Lorette, 1900, 281), and on November 15th, the 
Bishop of Quebec authorized the purchase of the land of 
Michael Bergeoin dit Langevin, for the site of the parish 
church (Id. ib. 282). 

1795. — The Bishop, in April, 1795, gives his consent 
to the building of a presbytery with a chapel annexed, and 
on December 2nd, the work being completed the chapel was 
blessed (Id. ib. 282', 283). 

1796. — On October 6th, the limits of the parish were 
determined, and a pastoral letter assigns as patron St. Am- 
brose. The dimensions of the parish were six miles square. 
This took in parts of the old fiefs of Gaudarville, St. Gabriel, 
LAncienne Lorette and Charlesbourg (Id. ib. 282. 290). 

1815. — Bouchette in his Topographical Description of 
the Province of Lower Canada, has this to say of La Jeune 
Lorette and its population at this date: "The Indian vil- 
lage of La Jeune Lorette, between eight and nine miles 
from Quebec, is situated on the eastern side of the River 
St. Charles, upon an eminence that commands a most 

interesting, varied and extensive view The number 

of the houses is between forty and fifty, which on the 
exterior have something like an appearance of neatness; 
they are principally built of wood, although there are some 
of stone. The inhabitants are about two hundred and fifty, 
descendants of the tribe of the Hurons, once so formidable 
even to the powerful Iroquois, etc." (409-110). 

1827. — The regular canonical erection of the parish of 
"St. Ambroise de La Jeune Lorcllc" took place on September 
18th, 1827 (Lindsay. Id. 290). 

1829. — Wenwadahronhe or Gabriel Vincent, third chief 
of the Hurons of Lorette died on .March 29th, 1829, aged 57. 
He was the last full-blooded Huron, with absolutely no inter- 
mixture in his line, it is said, from the time of the exodus from 



456 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

Huronia in 1650. He was also the only Indian at Lorettewho 
had reared his family in the language of his forefathers, 
the younger inhabitants of the village, at that date, speak- 
ing the French language and not understanding their own 
{Quebec Star, April 8, 1829, quoted by the Abbe Lindsay, 
op. cit. 269). 

1835. — Civil recognition of the St. Ambrose Parish, 
was granted on October 9th, 1835, under the administration 
of Lord Gosford (Id op. cit. 282). 

1845. — On May 21st of this year, there were among 
the Indians residing at Lorette sixty-one men, sixty-two 
women, and sixty-eight children who were rightful recipi- 
ents of the "King's Gifts." Down to as late a date as 
1854 it was customary to distribute such gifts among most 
of the families of the village. In this latter year this dis- 
tribution of promiscuous articles was abolished, and a 
subsidy for the maintenance of the resident pastor and of 
the village school was substituted for it (Lindsay, op. cit. 
273-274). 

1861. — Father Julius Tailhau. S. J., who resided at 
Quebec at that time, states that in 1831 the Iliirons of Lor- 
ette numbered two hundred and sixty-one (Sec his Memoire 
sur les moeurs, etc. par Nicolas Perrot, 1864, p. 311). 

1901. — The official census, May 1901, gives four hundred 
and forty-eight souls as the population of the Huron village 
of La Jeune Lorette. The tribe is still in possession of 
three reserves : the village itself which covers thirty acres, 
the "Quarante Arpents" reserve, which despite its name 
contains one thousand three hundred and fifty-two acres, and 
finally the Rocmont Reserve, in the county of Portneuf, 
which is nine thousand six hundred acres in extent (Bulh I in 
des Recherch.es Historiques, cited by Abbe Lindsay, op. cit. 
275 I . 

•I ESUIT MISSIONARIES OF THE HURONS 
AT QUEBEC. 

1650—1790. 
Pierre Joseph Marie Chauinonot, June 10, 1650 to Sept. 19, 

1655; 
April 23, 1658 to June 2, 

1662; 
September, 1663 to July 23, 

1665; 
Oct. 3, 1665 to 1692. 

Leonard Garreau in 1652. 

Pierre Raffeix in 1663, and in 1699. 

Martin Bouvart 1674 to 1676 inclusive. 

Francois Vaillant de Gueslis. . . 1675 to 1677 " " 

Claude Chauchetiere in 1678. 

Nicolas Potier 1679 to 1683. 



1907 BUREAU OF ARCHIVES. 4.57 

JESUIT MISSIONARIES OF THE 1IURONS AT 
QUEBEC. — Continued. 

I'ii'rre Cholenec 1683 to 1688. 

Philippe Pierson iu 1687. 

Julien Garnier in 1688 and from 1691 to 

1 895. 

Jacques de Lamberville in 1689, 1690 and in 1698. 

Michel Germain de Couvert... from 1691 to 1712. 

Pierre Lagrene in 1695, 1702 and 170:1 

Pierre Millet in 1696 and 1697. 

Louis d'Avaugour from 1706 to 1715 inclusive. 

Pierre Daniel Richer from 1715 to 1760 " " 

Pierre de Lauzon in 1716 and 1717. 

Armand de La Riehardie from 1725 to 1727. 

Nicolas de Gonnor from 1735 to 1737 and 

from 1740 to 1742. 

Pierre Poticr from Oct. 16, 1734, to June 

24, 1744. 
Jean Baptist e Francois de Sal- 

leneuve from 1749 to 1754. 

Etienne Thomas-de-Villeneuve 

Girault from 1755 to 1790. 

SECULAR PRIESTS WITH THE .HURONS OF QUEBEC. 

1794—1909. 

Rev. Joseph Paquet from Oct. 10th, 1794 to Aug. 

17. 1799. 

" Michel Amyot from 1799 to 1801. 

" Francois Ignace Ranvoyze from Sept. 10, 1801 to 1805. 

" Antoine Bedard from 1805 to 1817, and 

from 1819 to 1824. 
" Francois Germain Rivard 

Loranger ' from 1817 to l s l'>- 

" Thomas Cooke from 1824 to 1833. 

" Louis Theophile Fortier. . from Sept. 29. 1833 to 1843. 

" Francois Boucher from 1S43 to Dec. 4. issn. 

" Guillaume Giroux from Voh. 1870 to December 

1880 as Assistant. 
Prom Dec. 4, 1880 to Sept. 

1 881 in charge, 
from 1881 to Oct. 1904 as 
P. P. 

" Cleophas Giroux from Oct. 1904 and is still 

in charge. 



458 THE REPORT OF THE No. 41 

CHIEFS OF THE HURONS OF QUEBEC. 
1650— 

1. Shastaretsi, who died when the Ilurons lived at Old 

Lorette. 

2. Ignace Tsawenhohi "The Vulture." 

3. Paul Tsawenhohi, who died at New Lorette. 

4. Thomas Martin Thodatowan. 

5. Jose Vincent. 

6. Nicolas Vincent Tsawenhohi, who was the nephew of the 

preceding. He was recognized after his election at the 
"Great Council Fire" of the Kanawokeronons, or 
Iroquois of Caughnawaga. In 1819, called before the 
committee of the Quebec Legislature, he explained the 
procedure followed in the election of the Grand Chief. 

7. Simon Romain Tehariolian, acclaimed at the Great Coun- 

cil Fire of the Hurons, July 17th, 1845. 

8. Francois Xavier Picard Tahourenche, succeeded as Grand 

Chief in June, 1870. He had been War Chief from 1840. 
He died in 1883. 

9. Maurice Sebastien Aghionlian was elected in 1883. From 

the date of the passing of the Indian Bill in 1880, its 
prescriptions have been followed in the appointment 
of both the Chiefs and Grand Chiefs (Lindsay, op. cit. 
pp. 265-266). 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Original Sources. - Thwaites, Thr Jrsu.it Relations and Allied Document* 
(Cleveland, 1890-1901) ; Matrin, Relations des Jesuites (Quebei 1858); Relatii w Iniditet 
(Paris, 1861); Champlain, Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France (Paris. 1632); Laver- 
diere, QSuvres de Champlain (Quebec, 1870); Bressani, Brevi Relation! (Macerata, 
1653). ami French tr. by Martin (Montreal, 1852); Etagueneau Memoires touchant la 
mort ei les oertus des Peres Isaac Jogues, etc., MS., with affidavits as to reliability 
(Quebec, 1652); Laverdiere and Casgrain, Le Journal des Jesuits (Quebec, 1H71); 
Car ay on, Premiere Mission des Jtsuites an Canada (Paris, 1864); Martin, Autobio- 
graphic <lit I'. Chaumonot et son complement (Paris, L885); Shea, ta Vu du Pere Chaii- 
monot eerite pur lui-me~ne (New York, 1858); Charles Gamier, Copi\ d< tes lettres 
(Contemporary MS.), written from Huronia, 1637 19; MS. copies of Letters from thr 
Missionaries of Huronia to the General, 1636-50; Sagard, Le Grand Voyage au pays det 
tturons (Paris, Tross reprint, 1865); Eist. du Canada depuis 1615 (Paris. Tross reprint, 
1866); Le Clercq Premier Etablissement, etc. (Paris, 1691); Ducreux, Historia Cana- 
densis Libri Decern (Paris, 1664); Charleroix, Hist. <h- /,</ Nouvelle France: Journal 
Eist. d'un voyage dins I'Amer, Septcntr. (Paris, 1744), tr. Shea (New-York, 1866-71); 
Allegambe and Nadasi, Mortes Illustres (Rome, 1657) ; Tanner, Societas Militans (Prague, 
1675); Yen. Marie de I'Incarnation, Les Lettres, 1632-1642 (Paris. 1876); Legislature de 
Quebec, Docs, relatifs a VEist. de la Nouv.-France, 1492-1789 (Quel.ee, 1883-1885); 
Margry, Decouvertes, 1614-1754 (Paris. 1879-88) ; Colden, Hist, of thi Fur Nations of 
Can.. 1720-1784 (New York, 1902; Potier, Journal (MS., Hur. Miss, of Detroit, 1743-48), 
with a collect, of letters transc. ; Elementa Gram. Euronica 'MS., Detroit. 1745); 
Umlicrs Euron. (MS., Detroit, 1751); Sermons en langne huronne (MS.. Detroit, 
1746-47). 

Modern Works. — Shea, Hist, of the ('nth. Missions among thi Indians (New York, 
1855); The Cath. Ch. in Colonial Hans (New York, 1886); Hi**. Sketch of tin Tionon- 
tntis or Dinonriadirs now rutlnl ]Y tjnndots in Eist. Mag.. V. 262; Winsor, Narrat. and 
I'nt. Eist. of Amer., IV., 263-290; Martin, La Destruction des Illinois in Ubum Lit 
teraire de T.o Minerve (Montreal, Dec. 1848), 333; Mooney, Indian Missions Vorth of 
Mexico in Handbook of Amer. hols. (Washington. 19n7); Harris, Early Missions in 
Western Canada (Toronto, 1893) ; de Rochemonteix, /.• s ./■ 5. 1 1 la Nou oelle-Frani < < Paris, 
1895); James, The Downfall of the Hur. Nat. (Ottawa, 1906); Faillon, Eist. dt la 
colonie francaise en Can. (Paris, 1865); Ferland, Cottrs d'Eist. du Can. (Quebec, 1882); 
Garneau, Hi**. du Can. (Montreal, 1882); Campbell, Pioneer Priests in N. Imer. (New 
York. 19(18); Parkman. The Jesuits in N. Amer. (Boston, 1868); Coyne, The Country of 
thr Neutrals (St. Thomas, <>nt., 1895); Jones, fendake Ehen, Old Huronia (in pre 
paration); Identification of St. Ignace II. and of Ekarenniondi in Ontario Archmol. 
Report, 1902 (Toronto, 1903); Martin. Le P. Jogues (Paris. 1873); Le P. Jean dt Bre- 

hruf (Paris. 1877), tr. Shea (New York, 1885); Oihand, le P. Etirnn. dt Carheil (Paris, 

1891); Hunter. Sites of Eur. Villages in Simcoe County, Ontario, in the Townshii i I 
Tiny (1899); Tay (1900); Medonte (1902); Oro (1903) ; N. andS. Orillia (1904); Flos and 
Vespra (1907) (Toronto); Dooyentate (the Indian Peter Clarke) Orig.and Traditi 
Eist. of the Wyandotts (Toronto, 1870); Schoolcraft, His*., Condition and Pro pects ••! 
thr Ind. Tribes (Philadelphia, 1853-56); Pilling. Iroquoian Languages (Hur. of Ethn., 
Washington, 1888); Slight. Indian Researches (Montreal. 1884); Ont. Archceol. Reports 
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1899, 59-60, 92-113, 124-151; 1900; Harris, The Flint Workers: a Forgotten People. 



33 a. n. [4591 



INDEX 



Comprising many of the more Primitive Huron 

words cited in the derivations. Signer 

means the same as ; or equivalent to. 



A, many meanings; with an s denotes 
magnitude, with aia, suffix, diminii 
tiveness, 174-175. 

Aandsiara, a porringer or porcelain bowl, 

212. 

Aai or Aiai, to cut, cleave or break, L86. 

«. c c c 

Aarent, to open or have an opening, 134. 

t c 

Aar8an, to draw or take in a net, 45. 

Aa8, to row or paddle; aaSi, to come or go 
in a canoe; aaSiti, to go in a canoe to, 
203. 

Aataentsic or Eataentsic, a Huron deity. 
42S-429. 

Abbreviations us^l, xx. 

Achen, to be bad, worthless, spoiled, etc., 46. 

Achia, the mouth, 18S. 

Achiendasse, Fr. Jerome Lalemant's name, 
309. 

Achiondi or Achrondi, to make, to adjust, 
to fit, to adorn, etc., 209. 

AcliionSacta, a wire hracelet, 210. 

AchionSendii. to polish, scour, 209. 

AchionSendlta. a tube like a pea shooter, 
210. 

Achirigouans, Algonquin tribe, west of 
Huronia towards Sault Ste. Marie 
(Rel. 1646), 355; classed among the 
tribes on the northern and eastern 
shores of L. Huron, (Eel. 1648). 370. 

Addenda, 415; contents of, 417. 

Admiral, The. a French ship, 346. 

Aen, to be prone, prostrate, felled, stretch- 
ed out; Aentonnion. many to be ditto, 
200; to be, to exist, 166. 

Aen, to see, 166. 

c e 

Aenha, tent poles, 195. 

c ? 

Aenons, a Huron chief. 1S7. 



. to In' white, 179. 
A. Mit, cast mi shore, stranded, 200. 

c 

Aenta, a pole, post, staff. I'tr., 195. 

c 

Aeta, (better iseta) finger nail, daw. 210, 

Aghionlian, a chief of Quel Hurons, 158 

Ahautsic, 382, 384-386. 

Aheskara, a game of straws, 213. 

Ahiaton, to write, 1S9. 

Ahiochia or aioehia, the elbow, 201. 

c c 

Ahihat, to be bent, tortuous, winding, 201. 

c 

Ahona, in compound words, a canoe; ia 

c 

when alone, 178, 185. 

Ahonta, a thicket, underbrush, brambles. 

C 178. 

Ahondihronnons, or Aondironons, 323; Bee 
Ondieronii. 

AhonoSan, to draw a canoe out of water, 45. 

Ahouenda, an island ; ahouenda, a string of 
fish, calf of the leg, 172. 

Ahouendoe Island, = Gahoendoij, 6, 167, 
172; = St. Joseph's Is., and (modern 
name) Charity or Christian Is., 172. 
Derivation, 172, 419-420; 8endat 
(Wyandot) from same root, 419-420; 
lies opposite Khinonascarant. 41; site 
of Ste. Marie II. on it, 6,263; coloured 
sketch of, in distance, 12a; faulty 
tradition relating to. 122; Ossossanii 
refugees move thither from I'etun 
country, 379, 382; Fort Ste. Marie II 
begun 397; completed, 383, 43^; a 
bastioned enclosure also built for the 
Hurons, 397; its site certain. 6 7: its 
strength, 7, 3!)7 ; more regular than 
Fort Ste. Marie 1.. 7: visited by F 
Chazelle, S. .1.. in 1844; descriptio 



4iil 



4C2 



Index. 



fortification (1S55) by F. Martin, 7; 

plan of fort, 7; his coloured sketch of, 

12b. Mission; begun (1649), 438, 383, 

385, 386, 3S7, 391, 392, 393; island 

threatened. 394; 396, 397, 398, 399; 

(1650), Final exodus, 401-402, 438- 

439. See Ste. Marie II., Synoptical 

Tables. 407 or 446. 
Ahsenta (akSenta), small fish, or simply 

fish, 202. 
Ahuntsic, village near Sanlt-au-Recollet, a 

name historically and grammatically 

wrong. 387, cf. 382-386. 
Aiai, to cut, cleave, break, 177, ISO. 
Aia\on, to shoot birds, to spear fish, 194. 
Ai'andaee, a young Huron Christian. 304. 
Aiguillon; Duchess of. obtains grant from 

Richelieu for the construction of Fort 

Ste. Marie I., 333. 

A'i'o or Ario, to beat, kill or capture. 15(3. 

c c 

Akenra, a fir or spruce grove, 140. 

Akense, to look at, to watch, to consider, 
1S9. 

Ak*anake, any nation with language differ- 
ing from the Huron. 419. 

AkSara. a kettle lid, 211. 

c 

Albany (Orange), the Dutch at, help 
Bressani to escape. 3 11. 

Algonquins, theirs not the language of 
Stadaeona and Hochelaga in Cartier's 
time; but Cham/plain found them oc- 
cupying the shores of the St. Lawrence; 
the Lower Algonquins. or Montagnais, 
became his allies. 432; shared in his 
victories over the Iroquois on L. 
Champlain (1609) and at Cap-au- 
Massacre or C. de Yictoire (1610), 
432, 276 ; Upper Algonquins. in 
his time, mingled freely with the 
Petnns (1616), 273, 422; were 
not sedentary, 71, 73; about 1641, 
were driven from Upper St. Lawrence 
by Iroquois, 71, 336; generally win- 
lered in Huronia. 71. 73, 326, 343, 344, 
364, 366, 373 ; also, among the Petuns, 
356; with whom they quarrelled but 
were reconciled later. 356. 363. Haunts 
of the Upper Algonquins in 1647, 364; 



names of tribes and localities they 
occupied on the shores of L. Huron, 
370-371; some Relations all but silent 
concerning them, 361 ; an Algonquin 
wizard maltreats F. Claude Pijart. 361- 
362; a retrospect of what relates to 
them from 1640 to 1644, 352 355; a 
gap .to fill, 361-362, 364; after, 370, 
377, 387, etc. Two places witli Huron 
names in Algonquin territory, 163 166. 
Mission: Began, 78, 319; (1640) 319, 
325; (1641) 78, 326, 330; (1642) 332, 
333, 336; (1643) 339-340; (1644) 341, 
344; (1645) 345, 348, 351-355; (1646) 
355, 356; (1647) 361-362, 364, 370, 
371; (164S) 376, 377, 3S0; (1649) 
387, 388, 389-391, 394. 397-399. See 
Synoptical Tables; 405-407 or 444-446. 
Iu 1653 they form a league with 
scattered Hurons, 449. 

Algonquin Shore Line; Old, geological 
term, 19, 111, 162. 

Allingham, E. H., farm, 67. 

All Saints = Kandoucho, Neutral village, 
323. 423. 

Alps, Cicero likens them to a rampart, a 
natural system of defence with the 
Rhine as a "fossa," 107-108. 

America; North, what part occupied origin- 
ally by Huron-Iroquois tribes unknown, 
421. 

Amikouek, Algonquin tribe on north-east 
shore of L. Huron, 370. 

Amyot; Charles, a hired man, 401. 

Amyot; or Amiot, Jean, a donne, drowned 
with Francois Marpuerie (1648) ; bad 
spent his boyhood at Ste. Marie I., 310, 
321. 327, 334, 338. 342. 347. 

Amyot; Rev. Michel, witli Quebec Hurons 
(1799-1801), 457. 

Anaouites, Lacus, or Cranberry Lake, 83, 
150, 265; derivation, 203. 

Anatari, probably Thorah Is., in L. Simcoe, 
205; derivation, 240. See Ducreux's 
map, 6 pi. 

Andachkhroeh. where great Neutral chief 
resided; Rrebeuf there in 1640, 324 n. 
Synoptical Tables, 406. 



[ndex. 



it;:: 



Andaouan, v. to be comfortably warm, 52. 

Andaskara, the ham or inner part of the 
knee, 213. 

Andastes, Indian tribe akin to the Huron, 
ll-~; some Eurons take triune among 
them. 442; a few at Si. Xavier des 
Pres. 450; Neutrals in league with 
(1652) 448. 

Andatara. a bead. 211. 
186. 

Andatsa, a kettle; iandatsia, a small one. 

c : 

Audioes, sand hank or sand white ( .' | 192 

193. 
Anderson, William, farm, 243. 
Andeskara, an icicle, 213. 
Andiata (and(g)iata) a bridge. 61. 
Andiatae, -ta.-tac, Huronia, 150; on a 

stream near a lake. 150; si to between 

Ekhiondastsaan and Ossossane, lt^. 

149. loll; derivation. 150, 17(1, ef. 61; 

belonged probably to Bear Clan, 151 ; 

feast at. 77. See Table 262. Cf. 150 

Pi- 

Andich(r)a, or Andechia, ice, 213. 

c , c 

An(d)niont, v. to suspend, to hang, or be 

c 

suspended, 212. 

And8ch(r)a, a beaver or wild cat skin, etc., 
1H4. 

Anenatea, see Anonatea. 

Anendaonactia, see Arendaonatia. 

Angels, see following: 

Anges; Notre Dame des, Recollet convent. 
Quebec, 288. 

Anges, Notre Dame des. Neutral village, 
= "N.D. Angeloru," of Duereux'a 
general map, approximate site, west of 
the Grand River, (Int., ML':'.. 423; title 
of the mission in the Neutral Country, 
forty villages, 319, 322-324; 328; see 
Neutrals. 

An(g)iiieneeronnon (Potier) The Mohawks. 
265. 

An(g)nionkara, a cliff, or bluff, 212. 

Angoutenc, Huronia, variants, derivation, 
131; distance from Ossossane; Site. 132. 
262; fortified; visited and inspected; 
Indian remains found, 133; no Christ- 
ian name known. 147. 



AngSara, the Little Rapids, 211. 
AngSira, a fish tail, notch in an arrow, 202. 
Annapohs. i Port Royal) 269, 270, 287. 
Vnnen .' where I Whither I etc., 17.'!. 175, 

176. 
V.nnenk»en, or Annenhoin, a sack for crain, 

185. 
Annent. annentra, etc., the beach, strand, 

211. 
Vnnonstara. pebbles, gravel, 211. 
Annhata (better Stac'ta), log, firewood, 205. 
Annhi, v. to be crowded, etc., 203. 
Aniion, to watch, take rare of, etc., 173. 
Annona, five different meanings according 

to siyns and accents, 112. 176, 181. 
Annonchia, a cabin ; iannonchiaia, a small 

cabin. 186 
Annonehiara, Fr. Francois du 1'eron's 

name, 309. 
Annunciation, mission of Quebec Hurons, 

453. 164. 
Anonatea, Huronia. variants, derivation, 

112; approximate site, 142, Table 262; 

same distance from Ihonatiria as 

Oenrio, but west of the latter. 142. 
Anonatra. same as preceding. 
AnSennen, Fr. Antoine Daniel's name, 309. 
Anthoine, Dom, 269. 
Anthony River. Nipissing Distr., 166. 
Aochra8ata (Potier) or Hatichra8ata, The 

Algonquins, 265. 
Aonchia (akonchia) a village, 196. 
Aondecliote. Fr. Paul Kagueneau 's name. 

310. 
Aondironnon. Neutral tribe, 323; town a 

scene of butchery by the Senecas, 367. 

i in. 441. 
Aontsenta. a fish hook. 190. 
Aosa, leaves of corn stalk, 182. 
Aotonatendie, possible site, 149. 
Aouan. to belong to. one's own, 29. 
AouandoK, Brebeuf's host, 56. 
Aouasanik, Algonquin tribe on north-east 

shore of I,. Huron. 370. 
Aoueatsiouaenronons, Algonquin tribe, liv- 
ing on the shores of the inland sea, 355. 
\~-asti. v. to be good, beautiful, 174. 
Avati. v. to bend. 201. 



464 



Index. 



Asen-atsi, (Potier) La Galette, i.e. Pres- 

cott, Ont., 265. 
Abendoe, see Ahouendoe. 
Asi, to be girt, encircled, 190. 

c 

ASinnon, v. to draw, drag, etc., 188. 

Apostles; Mission of The, see Petun. 

Ar or Ara — 1. to rise (as the sun, etc.) ; — 
c c 

2. to be or to place within; — 3. to paint, 

depict, etc.; — 4. to place on top, over, 

above, 208, 211; — 5. to wear as a 

covering, — to strike, wound. 211 ; Ara 

(without the iota subscript) to appear 

floating, 211; Ara or Are, a bird to be 

nesting, 212. 

Ara. a list of some words ending in, 211. 

Araksa, sun, sunbeam, a ray, 197. 

c 

Arao, or Aro, to chop wood, 152. 

c c 

Arara, to set snares, nets, for birds. 211. 

c 

Archaeological Eeport, Ontario, (1897-98) 

record of ovoidal stone marked "1641" 

found, 324 ; correction to be made in 

Report (1902), p. 109, 217. 

Archives. Ottawa; Canadian, (1905), Huron 

fort in Quebec (1660) marked on map, 

p. 4, Part V., 452. St. Mary's College, 

Montreal. 395. 

Areennati, where there is a river's mouth, 
c < 

134. 

Aronda, a rock, 232; with different signs 
six different meanings, 144. 

Arendaonatia or Anendaonactia; derivation; 
divers meanings of Arenda, 144; vari- 
ants; site conjectural, 145; no Christ- 
ian name known. 147. Table, 262. 

Arendaronons (Eel. 1640, 90; 1644, 99); 
Arendacronons (Rel. 1641. 67) ; Aren- 
daenhronons (Eel. 1642, 82) ; Aren- 
daenronnons (Eel. 1648, 49) ; = Rock 
Clan, one of the four divisions of 
Hnronia, on the eastern frontier, 68, 
70, 72, 76. 307; derivation; no reason 
known for this appellation, 72, cf. 144; 
allies of Champlain, 76; who remained 
longer among them than among the 
other clans, 68, 70; two principal 
towns; Contarea, 331, 433. q. vid., 
and St. Jean Baptiste, 70, 76. q. vid.; 
why not evangelized from the first, 
76 ; mission started among them, 317 ; 
they meet with reverses, 70, 367. 



For missions see St. .Jean Baptiste. In 
1650-1651, many went over to the 
Senecas, 447, 448; in 1657, those at 
Quebec reluctantly consent to join the 
Onondagas, 452. 

Arenha, tree top, tip, branch, 58. 

Arensa, a string of beads, 212. 

Arenta, — te.-tet. Derivation, 134, cf. 176, 
= Ste. Madeleine, Ste. Magdeleine, 
"S. Magdalenoc, " Ducreux 's map, 6 
pi., 134, 147; defective outline on map, 
5; site, 134; very old plantation of 
exotic cherry trees there; no exhaustive 
search made, 135. See Ste. Madeleine. 

Arethsi, Site, 151, 152, 262; Derivation; 
Indian remains found on site, 152. 

Argall; Capt. Samuel, 288. 

Arha or arhaha (atraha), woods, forest, 
190, 192, 212. 

Ari, v. something cooking, ripening, or 
cooked, ripened, 205. 

Arihiai, v. to tear up. 186. 

ArchSa, an affair, news, a public donation, 
186. 

Arioo, Fr. Pierre ( 'hastellain 's name, 309. 

Ariti, v. to cook, to dry, to bring to matur- 
ity. 233 n. 

Aro, v. contracted from Arao, to chop, cut 
wood, etc., 152. 

Aron, v. to space, to place at intervals, etc., 
152. 

Aron or Karon, v. to lay across, athwart, to 
obstruct, etc., 52, 53, 195, 314 n. 

Aronhia. sky, air. Heaven, the heavens, blue, 
371. 

Aronhiatiri; Fr. Joseph Marie Chaumonot's 
first Huron name, 350 ; derivation ; = 
Neutral name Oronhiaguehre, 371 ; 
derivation, 372 ; akin to the Iroquois. 
372-373. After Brebeuf's death he 
bore the name Eehon, 420. 

Aroni or Aharoni and arai, v. to be pierced, 
etc., 2°02. 

Arontaen = Karontaen. = Carantouan, 52; 
= Carhagouha = Taruentutunum, 53 ; 
and adjacent to Khinonascarant, 42; 
Derivations: Arontaen, 52-54; Karon- 
taen, 52; Taruentutunum, 53; and 
Cahagouha, 52, 190; the latter used 
indiscriminately by Champlain for 



Index. 



hi', 



Carantouan, 51, 53, cf. 52; distance to 

II atiria, 51 ; to Tondakhra, 54; to 

Khinonascarant, 10, 42; to Thunder 
Bay, 42. site 51, 54; to i !ahiagu« or 
st. Jean Baptiste, 66 67 ; no Christian 
name known, 117. Table, 262. 

\, ,,,,!,,, a tree in the water used as a bridge 
to cross a stream, a bridge, 172. 

Arrivals in Huronia: (1615) first mis 
ary, 271; (1623) 277, (16: 

( „;;;;;, 298; (1635) 299 J I LI 

(1637) 304; (1638) 308; l H " 
(1640 ) 319; (1641) 325; (1642) 
:ai; (1643) 337; (1644) 340; (16 
346; (1646) 355; (1647) 362; (1648) 

375. 
Ashbeds, most reliable indication of village 
sites 121, 249, 260; some lots on which 
they have been found; w. half 7 eon. 
IV." Med.. 19; — 20, con. XVII. Tiny, 
45. _ e . half 19, con. XX. Tiny. 55; 
_'w. half 23, 24, con. XII., Oro, 67; 
w. half 7. con. XII 1.. Oro, s2 ; — w. 
half 11, con. III., Tay, 103; — 15, con. 
IV Tay, 113; — 4, con. IX. and X., 
Tay, 153; - 10, con. XIII. Tiny, 140; 
—53, con. I., Flos., 149; — e. half 15, 
con. Ill-, Med. 161, etc. -- A village 
site of one year's duration could leave 
but slight traces of ashbeds, v.g. St. 
Ignace II., 121. 

Askara, bedding, mats, etc., 212. 

Askarent, opening of the mouth, 188. 

Askikouanehronons, old Huron name (1640) 
for the Nipissings, 325; more modern 
name (1745) SkeskSateeronnon (Potier) 

266. 

Assumption mission of Detroit or Sandwich 

Hurons; Chief Nicolas breaks away 

from, 447. 
Astiskoua, a Huron Chief of Teanaostaiae, 

94. 
At. v. to stand erect, to remain the same. 

179; At. without the iota subscript, v. 

something to be inside, within. 134. 
Ata. extremity, end, etc., 56, 193. 
ktai, v. to be brightly coloured, dazzling, 

'l7S. 
Atatie. along, skirting, v.g. a river. 56. 

Ataronchronons, a medley of Beveral elans 
gathered in Tay Tp., 147. 314; den- 



on, 31 I ". ; Ste. Marie I 

mission, 89, 90, 93, 97. 313 314, 434. 
Itchougue, Algonquin tribi i tore 

of 1.. Huron, 370. 
Uechiategnon, a demon haunting 

houaronnon,, now Randolph Hill, 

eoe I '<>.. L36 ; derival ion, 137. 

\t,-t.i n, \ to Liave many doubles, 

ley, Ont., 200. 
Vtihsendo, or Atih8endarac, The Huron-. 

419. 
Atinniaoenten, 435; = Attignaouantan, q. 

vol.. 

\i in. v. to support . Bustain, prop up, 371. 
AtisiaSan, v. to press, wring, squeeze out, 

lis. 
At, i. \. to freight, to load; passiv. it. 185. 
Aton, v. ti '■ ,: "l" away, grow 

less. el.-.. 54. 

Atontrataronnons, Algonquin tril f the 

Upper St. Lawrence previous to 1641, 

71, 336, 339. 
Atsiara, blacking, or black pigment, 212. 
Usistaehroi , Mascoutens = Fire 

Nation, enemies of the Petuns, 224, 

265, 350, 371, 122. 
Attignaouantan, Atinniaoenten. 435; Atti- 

gouantans, 65; = Hear Clan, 314, ef. 

420 one of the four divisions of Hur 

,,„,;,; i„ 1657, many join the Mohawks, 

417. 452. 
Attinguenongahac, Clan oi the I ord, 

,,,- tne i„„ r divisions of Huronia, q. 

vid. 

Vttisandaronk, meaning people almost ot 

the same tongue. 119; the Neutrals. 

139; or Attiwandaronk, et. al. var., 
us. 450. See Neutrals. 

.\0.„ v to dry, to 1 bee me dry. 195. 

Auhaitsique, name of Pr. Viol's little 

Huron eompa n according to Sagard, 

283- Ahautsic, according to LeClercq, 
282; the former preferable, 286; his 
Christian name I'. a.- : 284 ! 

mean ing of Huron name. 2-1; various 

accounts oi the drowning of. at Sault- 
au-Becollet, 2f ! "' Alm " 

tsie a misnomer historically and gram 
matically. 286-287. A, -la"" 

f the occurrence, 281 Viel. 

Auoindaon. a Huron chief. 42. 



4.66 



Index. 



Authenticated, MS. 1652, its origin, 252; 

it completes the Relation of 1650; oue 

page .it' it (276) phototyped, 253, pi. 
Aux Glaises, Riviere, Quebec, formerly R. 

Marguerie, 341. 
Avaugonr, Fr. Franc;oiR Louis tl* ; with 

Quebec Humus (1706-1715), 457, 455. 

Back River or R. des Prairies, 282. 
Bacon; .iEgidius or (lilies, 348, 356, 357, 

365, 378, 384, 396. 
Barcelo; DD.; Bev., L. M. A., 241. 250. 
Baron; Simon, surgeon in Huronia, 311; 

31, 299, 300, 301, 302, 3.05, 310. 
Hark strips fur cabins. 303, 353. 
Hair; Duncan, farm, 161. 
Base Hine. in reconstruction of map of 

Huronia. 15. 
Bass Lake. 81; not Champlain's Little 

Lake. 82, 83, 84. 
Bastien; Chief; last of Quebec- Hurons who 

spoke the language, 171. 
Bastille; The, 306 

Bastions, See Fortifications, Fort; in 1635, 
de Brebeuf taught the Hurons the use 
and advantage of, 105; in use at 
Ossossane, 106; see Diagram 306; at 
Ste. Marie II., both for the Fort and 
Huron village, 7, 397; at Ste. Marie 
I., 10; by implication at St. Ignaee 
II.. 105-106; expressions in the Huron 
language prove that they were known, 
127 n. 
Baths; Vapour or steam; used by the 
Indians; sweat boxes. 157-160; pos- 
sible sites of. 161-163. 
Bawtree; Dr.. S2. 

Bear flan; Attignaoiiantan, to the north- 
west of Hock (Ian, 75. 70, 84, 435; 
accused of Brusle's death and of Fr. 
Viel's, 285 ; Ossossane centre of their 
mission, q. vid., 314; not exposed to 
attacks of Iroquois, 435; their braves 
from Ossossane and Ste. Madeleine are 
annihilated while striving to succour 
St. [gnace II., and Fr. Louis, 436; 
occupied Tiny Tp.. 435 ; adopt the 
fugitive Ouenrohronons, 441 ; in 1657, 
many join the Mohawks, 447, 452. 
Beauport. Quebec, occupied in 1668 by 

Quebec Hurons, 453. 
Beausoleil Island. = Prince William Henry 
= Schiondekiaria Island, q. vid.. 28, 
205, 266. 



Beaver River. Out., 256. 

Beaver skins, 280. 

Beckwith Island. Faith Is., 43 n., 5.3. 

Bedard; Rev. Antoine, with Quebec Hurons 

(1805-1817), 457. 
Begg's; Mr., farm, 153. 
Belgium; Foy, a village of, 453. 
Bell ; Franklin, farm. 25. 
Bells; substitute for church, 337. 
Bennett; William, farm. 103. 
Bergevin dit Langevin; Michel, his land 
purchased in 1794, for Huron church 
at Lorette, 455. 

Bernard; , a donnS, 37S, 3S4, 397. 

Biard; Fr. Pierre. 269, 270. 

Bibliography after p. 459. 

Bill; Indian. Legislative enactment of 1880, 

45S. 
Birch; F., of Wodehouse, 261. 
Black River. Simeoe Co., see North. 
Blue Hills, after 1639, home of the Petuns, 
220, 422, 438; = Mountains of St. 
Jean or of the Petuns. 223 ; eastern 
limit of their country. 221. 225. 239, 
243, 24S, 255, 260, 261, 400. 
Boesme, see Le Boestne. 
Boivin. Charles, a donne, 321. 326, 334, 338, 

342. 347, 357, 364, 378, 384, 396. 
Bonaventttre. Recollet ; Bro.. with Fr. 
Jacques La Foyer at L. Nipissing 
( 1024). 275. 
Bone-pit, see Ossuaries; 139, 162; never on. 
or close to a village site save when the 
village antedates bone-pit. 45. 249, see 
coloured sketch (1S55), 94. 
Bonin ; Fr. Jacques, (1648) sets out from 
Three Rivers for Huronia, 376; mis- 
sionary there. 377. 379; (1049) 384, 
385, 386, 392, 396. Synoptical Tables, 
404. 407. or 443. 446. A long letter 
of his on Brebeuf and Lalemant 's 
martyrdom mentioned by Ducreux. 
3S6; named by Yen. Marie de l'lncar- 
nation as bearing witness to. 386. 
Borgne de l'lle; Le, Algonquin chief, 285. 
Boucher. Claude, a donne, 321, 327. 334. 

339. 342, 34S, 365, 37s, 384, 396 
Boucher. Rev. Francois, with the Quebec 

Hurons (1843-1880). 457. 
Boucher. Mr. of Penetanguishene. 1848, 

relics found by. 8. 
Boucher. Pierre, a donne. 321, 327. 334, 338, 
242. 347. 



[ndex. 



Boursier dil Desforges; Joseph, a dot 
355, 357, 365, 378, 384, 397. 

Boutard; Fr. Chas. Garnier's letter to Rev. 
Fr. Pierre (1649); gives distance 1"' 
tween St. Louis and St. [gnace II .. 
109. 

Bouvard; Fr. Martin, with Quebec Hurons 
(1674-1676), 456. 

Boyer; .loan, a hired man. 401. 

Boyle; David, curator of Prov. Museum, 
Toronto, lit:;. 319, 324. 

Brant Co., Ont.. 323, 123. 

Brebeuf, Father .Iran de, (1625) sails from 
Dieppe; arrives at Quebec; failure of 
propose. I start for Huronia, 287, 288, 
289; (1626) departure for Huronia 
arrival there — at Toanche I., 290, 291; 
(1627) 292, 294; (1628) 294, 295; 
(1629) 295, return to Quebec— fall 
of the town — sails for Europe, 296, 
207; (1633) Canada restored to tin- 
French; returns to Quebec, 207: 

(1634) leaves for Huronia — arrives 
at ruins of Toanche I. ; at Toanche 
II., or Taendeouiata, 29S, cf. 56, 
57, 59; was superior of Huron 
missions, 298; builds Ihonatiria, 200. 
cf. 26— visits the Petuns, 299, cf. 313; 

(1635) 299; (1636 Francois Margnerie 
visits him, 301; (1637) 302, 305; 
(1638) 307, 30S, 310; Fr. Jerome 
Lalemant succeeds him as superior of 
the mission, 309; (1639) 316; (1640) 
320, 322, 324,— starts for the Neutrals 
with Chaumonot, 319, 423— return. 324, 
20; (1641) 325, goes down to Quebec- 
absent until summer of 1644. 325, 328; 
(1644) returns to Huronia. 340, 341, 
343; (1645) 347, — at Tangounen, 348, 
(1646) 357, 358; (1647) 364, 366-368; 
(1648) 377. 379; ( L649) his capture. 
101, 109, 124, 380; his death. 380-381, 
135, cf. mi, 115, 386 388, 391, 128; 
his remains. 101, 109, 121. 380; see 
Synoptical Tables, 404. 106 107, or 
143 146. Search for the site of his 
martyrdom. 12 1 ; — found, 125 12s. 

Nbtabilia: Eehon, his Huron name, 
187, 120; extract from letter. May 20, 
16:17. of topographical importance, 36, 
278; his strange illness foretold by a 
magician, 89-90, 91, 93; breaking of 
his left collar b 324; gives distance 



Of < Olltarea from Ihonatiria. 81, s I ; 
present when Ossossanc and St. [gnace 
II. were fortified, 105, 366; finds 
HuroE i areleas in .1. fern i 
lates failure of Le Borgne's eml 
285; Ins estimate ot the religion o 
Hurons, 128, 130, 131; not certain 
that Gabriel Lalemant witni 
death, 386. 

His Life, by Fr. Felix -Martin. 
S.J., 114-115, 289; his life given in 
the authenticated Ms. of 1652, 252. 
Portrait, 380a. 

Bressani ; Fr. Francois Joseph; (1644 

captured bj [roq 9 on way up to Hur- 

a, 340, 346; tortured, 346, 358; 

ransomed by Dutch al Orange; 
for La Bochelle, France, 341, 346; 
returns to Canada. :; I 1 ; ( 1645) ar 
rives in Huronia, 346, 347, 355; 
I 1646) 357, 358; I L647) 364, 373;' 
i L648 1 goes down to Quebec, 374 ; 
returns, 375, 377; (1649) again to 
Quebec, 383, 384, ::ss : [ ea ves Montreal 

to return to Huronia; i ts thi 

treating convoy of all the Fathers ami 
Hurons. 401 ; turns back and ai 
panics them to Montreal. 102. Not 
abilia: (lives information on site of St. 
[gnace 1 1.. 121 ; his account of the 
taking of, 105; distance he gives of 
St. Louis from Ste. Marie I.. 102; of 
St. Louis from St. [gnace II . LOS 
strength of fortress of St. [gnace II.. 
345, 105; on the government of the 
Hurons. 426; his Breve Relatione, 113. 
Synoptical Tables. 404 [07, or 1 13 1 16. 

Brokovski; J. C, of Coldwator. 10. 121, 149. 

Brouet; Ambroise, a lay brother, (16 
347; ( 1646) 357; (1647) 364; I 1648 
:;7s; i L649) 384, 392, 396. 

Brown; Andrew, farm, 122. 123, 126; 

Robert, 157. 

Bruce Co., Ont., 235, 285, 371, 422; map 
of 235; Ducreux's outline of Penin- 
sula corrected, 228. 

lirusle: Etienne, -'s. - ,. 

Buchanan; Donald, farm. B2, 84; Frank, 
farm. 82. 

Buffalo, X.Y.; two ivtun village Bites 

south east of. 322; i e between it and 
the i. en, -sec Riv., 123. 



-tcs 



Index. 



Burel; Gilbert, a lay brother, (1626) 288; 

(1633) 298. 
Burlington Bay. Out.. 323. 

Cabins; dimensions of Huron; number of 
fires in, 424; number of persons to a 
fire, 22.",. 

Cabot's Head, headland in Out., 229. 

< !aen ; Enteric de, 297. 

Caesar, 107-108. 

Cahiague = St. Jean Baptiste, Huronia. q. 
vid., 68, 69; nothing in common with 
Coutarea, 77, 81, 82; Derivation, 194, 
176; distance to Couchiching Lake, 
65, 66; to Carhagouha. 65, 66. 67; to 
St. Ignace I., 88. Site of Cahiague 
Landing, the "port" of St. Jean 
Baptiste, 67, 68-69; of St. Jean 
Baptiste or Cahiague itself, near 
Hawkestone, 69-70. Tables: 262, 263. 
For mission See St. Jean Baptiste. 
Notabilia: In Champlain's time, Ca- 
hiague, with two hundred rather large- 
sized lodges, was the principal town, 
271; lie goes thither, 272, 273; spends 
more time there than elsewhere, 68. 

( aldaria, Huronia, See Ducreux 's inset 
maps. 6 pi.; no mention elsewhere; not 
= Chandeleur, i.e. Candlemas, which 
would suppose Candelaria; nor cal- 
caria, a limekiln ; nor does it refer to 
a lake, 154; refractory as a Huron wind, 
155-156; quite amenable as a Latin 
one; meaning kettles or hot baths, 
much in vogue among the Indians, 157; 
mentioned and described in old re- 
cords, 157-158. This would explain the 
shallow pits, 160. cf. 157; the Waver- 
ley group of pits. 160. 161, 162; the 
Vasey group, 161. 162; the former 
tallies better with the position of Cal- 
daria, 162; which word is used by 
Ducreux himself on his general map to 
denote the Chaudiere or Kettle Falls 
near Quebec, 163. 

Campbell, Jr.; Matthew, farm, site of St. 
Ignace II., q. vid.. 126; east half of 
lot 4, con. VII. of Tay Tp., 126; 104, 
125, 126; a little short of two leagues 
from the ruins of Ste. Marie I., 110, 
111; and about three miles from the 
Newton Farm, site of St. Louis. 111. 
See map of Tay Tp. at end of volume. 



Campbell; John, bro. of Matthew, Sr., farm, 
123; Matthew, Sr., farm, 123; Syl- 
vester, farm, 99. 

Canada, taken by the English, 1629. and 
retroceded to France, 1632, 297; first 
mass said in, 269 ; all the Huron 
nations, save a few Neutral villages, 
within the Province of Ontario in the 
17th century, 422; missionaries of 
religious orders required in, according 
to Sagard, 288. 

Candlestick; fused base of, or of crucifix, 
found on Flanagan Farm, site of St. 
Joseph II., 21; verification 250; See 
plate, tig. 1, 21. 

Canso; Fr. Ennemond Masse at, in 1611, 
287. 

Cap-au-Massacre, near Sorel, Que.. 432 
( Anthrandeen — Sagard ; Kontrande^ en 
— Journ, des Jes.) = Cap de Victoire; 
location of latter, 276; Sagard passes 
there, 1623, 279. 2SS ; a bartering place, 
288. 

Capuchins. Mathurin enters their order, 328. 

Carantouan. Huronia, See Arontaen, Car- 
hagouha; 51, 52, 53. 262; Derivation, 
52; site, 51, 54; distance to Tondakea. 
54. 

Carayon, Fr. Auguste, editor of La Prem- 
iere Mission, 36, 149, 27S, etc.; a 
mistranslation to be noted in, 344. 

Carhagouha, Huronia, = Carragouha (Le 
t'lerq). 190, 274; = the St. Joseph of 
the Recollets, 41 , 42, 43, 46, 405 ; = Car- 
antoiian, 53 ; = Karontaen, = Arontaen, 
53, 54, = Taruentutunum. 53 ; same 
distance as Arontaen from Ihonatiria. 
51; distance from Khinonascarant, 51. 
42; from Cahiague, 66, cf. 67, 69; 
from Thunder Bay, 42, 44, 45. Deri- 
vation, 190; Site, 44-45, 51, 54. Tables: 
262; 405 or 444. 

I'arheil; Fr. Etienne de, his MS. of Huron 
Roots, 1S6 ; chooses the Huron idiom 
for his standard work, 418; the Our 
Father in Seneca, 430. 

Carmaron, faulty spelling, probably for 
Kerenaron, 58; = Karenhassa, q. vid., 
49. 58. 61; derivation, 58; site. 59; 
Table, 262; distance to Otoiiacha. 49. 
62. 65; Champlain visits it. 65, 270. 



Index. 






Caron; Jean, a donne, 355, 35", 365, 378, 

384, 397, 
Carscadden, farm, in*r\i]>ii><l h\ Sylvester 

Campell, 99. 
('artier; Jacques, his chaplains in l 

269; first to meet the Iluron-Troquois 

tribes at Stadacoua and Hochelaga; 

his lists of words from their language, 

432. 
Carton, or Charreton ; Francois, a lay 

brother, 288. 
Cartron, Carteron; Daniel, a domic, 342, 

348, 356, 357, 365, 378, 384, 396. 
Casselman; Zaehariah, farm, 98. 
Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum: 1640, 

320; 1641, 326; 1642, 333; 1643, 338; 

1644, 341; 1645, 347; 1646, 357; 1647, 

364; 1648, 377; 1649 and 1650, 384; 

during the summer and autumn of 

1649, 392; after the destruction of 

Etharita, 396. 
Cauchon, or Cochon; Pierrot (Petrinus), 

a hired man, 334, 339, 342, 348. 356, 

358. 
Caughnawaga, an Iroquois Christian village 

above the Lachnie Rapids, 458; = 

Ganna8age (Potier), or Sault St. Louis, 

265; when situate three miles below 

the Rapids was called St. Xavier des 

Pres, 450. 
Caulmont; Jacques, a donne, 378, 384, 397. 
Cayuga, Ont, 323, 423. 
Cayugas, one of the Five Nations. 265. 4 IN. 

449. 
Cedar Point, or Clover Pt, Simcoe Co.. 41. 

67, 189, 190. 
Cemetery; A, laid out at Ste. Marie I.. 

1642, 333. 335; others in Huronia, 337; 

at Ste. Marie II., 8. 
Census of the Hurons, in 1639-1640. 78, 424- 

425. 
Chabanel. Father Noel (Natalia), (1644) 

arrival in Huronia, intended for the 

Algonquin missions, 340, 342. 343; 
(1645) 347. 355; (1646) 357. 359; 
(1647) 364, 366, 373; (1648) 377, 379. 

380; (1649) 384, 387, 388; ordered to 

return from Etharita to Ste. Marie TT.. 

on St. Joseph's Island, 393. 394. 395, 
438; the day St. Jean was destroyed 

he passed through St. Mathias, 234; 

account and diagram of his route. 235. 



393 ; i i > t - i . i- :iw ii from it. 

hov i he I trail and his 

converged, 2.'.7 ; when he was I. 
25o, 393; incorrect date given in [{ela- 
tion of L650, 393; where lulled, 250, 
438; by whom, 252. 393 39 i 3 why, 
252. 396, 138; photographic Eai 
of Ragueneau's affidavit, faces 253. 
See synoptical table's, 404, 107 or 443, 
nil. 

Chambers, Daniel; farm viewed, 123. 

Champlain, Samuel de — (1603) his i 
coming tn < !anada ; finds the St. 

renci upied by Algonquins; why he 

■ poused the cause of the Surons, then 
on Georgian Hay, 432; (1609) with 
Hurons and Algonquins won first 
victory over Iroquois near Crown 
Point; aroused hatred of that nation; 
L. Champlain named after him, 132; 
(16111) with the Montagnais and Al- 
gonquins won a second \ tctorj < lap de 
Victoire, 276, 432; (1615) sets out for 
Huronia, by Ottawa R., L. Nipissing, 
French R., and Tarry Sound, 270; 
where he landed, 17; not at Thunder 
Bay — but Otouacha i.e. Toanchl I., 61, 
65; thence to Carmaron, 65, 270; his 
Carmaron an impossible Huron wind. 
what it might stand for. 58-59; re- 
turns, thence to Touaguainchain, to 
Tequenonquiaye (name, 278); to Car 
hagouha; visits Fr. Joseph l.e Caron, 
Recollet, 65, 270, 279; the arrival of 
the lirst missionary synchronous with 
Champlain 's expedition, 133; assists at 
the erection of a cross and at the 

mass ever said in Ontario, 271, 433; a 
"Te Deum," 272; goes to Cahiague" 
(name, 194) from Carhagouha, 272: 
gives the distance between the two 
places, 53. 65. 66; uses indifferently 
the name Caranteiian for Carhagouha, 
53; describes in unmistakable- terms 
Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching, 66; his 
line of march, 66; his "Little Lake" 
is Couchiching not Bass Lake, 6 
66, 82, B3, 84, 434; gives its distance 
from Cahiague. 66; tarried at 
town. ON; its name no lunger in use 
after Champlain 's time, Ii'. 1 ; explains 
how the Hurons levy war. 127; starts 



470 



Index. 



with his Huron allies to invade the 
Iroquois country. 272; duration of the 
expedition; back at Cahiague, 272. 
(1616) rejoins Fr. Le Garon at Car- 
hagouha, 272; visits the Petun Nation 
and the Cheveux Releves; returns to 
Carhagouha, 273; passes the winter 
with the Huron tribes; a forty days' 
journey down; arrives at Sault St. 
Louis, at Quebec, 274; sails for France, 
275. (162:!) sends embassy with the 
missionaries returning to Huronia, 276; 
(1627) gives exact year of de Noue's 
leaving Huronia, and of other events 
during the autumn, 293; (1629) tells 
of the arrival at Quebec of the French 
colony from Huronia. 296; and of 
Brebeuf whose proficiency in Huron he 
extolls; relates his parting with the 
Hurons and his promise to return, 296, 
297; is summoned to surrender Quebec 
and capitulates, 297; (1633) named 
governor of New France; sails from 
Dieppe, arrives at Quebec with de 
Brebeuf, 297; (1642) Fr. Charles 
Raymbault's tomb beside that of 
Champlain, 232. 

Change of Village sites every ten or twelve 
years, 26; Chaumonot says every seven, 
315. 

■Chapel or Church: At St. ignace I., 360; at 
St. Jean (Petuns) and at Ekarenniondi, 
356; St. Joseph's at St. .Marie [., 91; 
335, 337, an indulgence attached, 93, 
94; at St. Michel, 333; at Ossossane, 
310, 315, 327; the chapels in Huronia 
enlarged in 1643; there were six in 
1644, 341. At St. Joseph II.. Tean- 
aostaiae, 21, 375. 

•Charity Island. 172. See Ahouendoe. 

Charlebourg. 455. 

Charlevoix, Fr. Pierre Francois Xavier de, 
282, 285. 

Chastellain or Chastelain, Fr. Pierre, his 
Huron name Arioo; (1636) arrival in 
Huronia. 360;— 301, 31; (1637) 302, 
303. 305. 307; (1638) 307, 309; (1639) 
316; (1640) 320. 321; (1641) 326. 
329. 98, loii; (1642) 333. 334, 335; 
(1643) 338, 339; (1644) 342, 343; 
(1645) 347, 348; (1646) 357, 358; 
(1647) 364, 365, 366; (1648) 377, 379; 
(1649) 384. 385, 388. 392, 396; see 



Synoptical Tables, 404, 406-407, or 

443, 445-446. 
Chastillon — a soldier at Ste. Marie I., 379. 
Chat or Erie, Nation of; Erieehronon, 291, 

223. 

Chauehetiere, Fr. Claude, a missionary 
with the Quebec Hurons in 167s, 456. 

Chaudiere Falls (Quebec) named on Du- 
creux 's general map ' ' Saltus Cal- 
daria?." 163. 

Chaumonot, Fr. Joseph Marie, his first 
Huron name Aroniatiri, 350; = his 
Neutral name Oronliiaguehre; meaning 
of, 371; his second Huron name Eehon, 
Brebeuf 's during his lifetime. 420; 
(1639) arrival in Canada, 315; in 
Huronia, 314; describes Ste. Marie 1., 
Lake Isiaragui (Mud L.) and surround- 
ings, 9; 315, 316, 317, 423; (1640) 
with Brebeuf visits Neutrals, 20, 319, 
320, 322, 324; (1641) 325, 326, 329; 
(1642) 334, 335; (1643) 338, 339; 
(1644) 342, 343; (1645) 347, 350; 
(1646) 357, 359; Aronhiatiri, his 
first Huron name, 350, 360; (1647) 
364, 366, 367, 368, 373; his Neutral 
name, 371; his second Huron name. 
120; 374; (1648) 377, 379; (1649) 
382, 383, 384, 388, 392, 396; (1650- 
. 1655) with the Quebec Hurons, 456, 
451; (1655-1656) at Onondaga, minis- 
ters to the Contarea captives there, 77: 
(1658-1662), (1663-1665) and (1665- 
1692) with the Quebec Hurons, 456. 
See Synoptical Tables, 404, 406-407, or 
443. 445-446. Notabile: Asserts that 
the Huron language was the mother of 
all the Huron-Iroquois dialects, 418. 

Chauose, Fr. Francois Le Mereier's Huron 

name, 309. 

Chavigny, Francois de, 451. 

Chazelle, Fr. Pierre, in 1S44. visits Forts 

Ste. Marie I., and II., 7. 
Cherokees, 418. 
Cherry Trees, "C'erisiers de France," near 

site of Arente. 135. 
( hiaandaSati. on the other side of the 

river. 217. 
Chihouatenhoua. Joseph, 26, 27, 91, 315. 
Chin. Cape, Ont., 229. 



Index. 



471 



Chionkiara, region near the mouth of the 
Severs B., S3, 205, 265; derivation, 207, 
cf. 206-213 ; meaning, 2 13. 

< bion8acta, a fork, 210. 

Chion8endita (osa8a saottak8a a down 
sheath or ease, 210. 

ChionSoindita, a small tube, 210. 

t Iholenec ; Fr. Pierre, with the Qui bi 
Hurons, 1683 1688, 457. 

Chorography, Suron, 22. 

Christendom Buy, 9. 

christian Island, see A houendoe. Site of 
Ste. Marie II.. 6, 263, 383, 397; .1 i 
vation of Huron name, = Gahoendoc, 
172; mentioned 41, 265, 386, 420; 
origin of name Christian, 437; sur- 
viving Hurons and missionaries seek 
shelter there (1649) 4:1s: threatened by 
the Iroquois, 223; mentioned, 41, 265, 
386, 420; finally abandoned, 401, 139. 
Coloured sketch (1855) 122 a. 

Church, see Chapel; that of St. Joseph at 
Ste. Marie II., had a special indulj 
from Urbain VIII., 93-94. 

Cicero styles the Alps a rampart ("Val- 
lum") and the Rhine a moat ("fos- 
sil"), viewing them as natural de- 
fences, 106-107. 

Clark, Gen. John S., 154. 

Clarke, Peter Dooyentate, his version of the 
expulsion of the Hurons. 421 422. 

Cleland Farm, The, the probable site of 
Kkhiondastsaan, 149. 

clover or Cedar Point. 41, 07. 189, 190. 

Oochon. see Cauchon. 

Cockburn Point. 41. 

Col.lwatcr. the fourth stream from \V. on 
Duereux's inset map, 20: 5, 6, 83, 170; 
Bay, ■",. 83. Mentioned, 5, 149, 105. 

Colpoy's Bay, 22s. 

Communications between Quebec and llur 
onia frequently interrupted from the 
beginning, 132; none in 1647, 362. 

Compagnie (de Rouen). Messieurs de la, 
271, 287. 

Compound Words in Huron. Photographic 
facsimile from Potier's Grammar, on 
the Compounding of words, 191; in 
endless number and variety; most words 
in use begin with a consonant, root- 
words with a vowel, 169; perplexing 



prefix* - . etc., pn domin: ti iots so 

.•ed difficult ti i gate, 170. 

oni i pt ion, La, a Huron village m 
sec i ni for distano 

= St. Gabriel of the Recollets, 36, 105, 
= Quieuindohian = Tequeunoikuaye, 
36, 378 = Tequenonquiaye, 37, 
La Rochelle = I Issossane, 25, 36, 105; 

. I 1623 1 a Recollel miss tndi 

title of St. Gabriel, 278, 105, or 
III ; ( 1637 | mission established, 302; 

Fathers re ve to, 303, 305; i Ll 

307, 309; Chapel built, 310; I 1639), 314; 
dence withdrawn, I 17. 315, 316, 
317. 31N; the chapel to lie 
315; (1640). 321 322; (1641). 329; 
I 1642), 335; (1643), 339; 15, Si 
(1644) 343; | 1645) 349; the residence 
restored, 345; (1646), 359; (1617'. 
366, 368, 350; (1648), 379; (1649), 
abandoned, 385; its inhabitants flei to 
the Petuns, later to Ahouendoe Island, 
382, 135. See Tables. 406-407 ..r 145 
446. For Site, etc., see Osso ae; St. 
( labriel. 

Conjugations, Five Huron; signs of, 182. 

Contarea, Lacus, Lake Semple, 26.".; nothing 
in common with town. 63, 74 75. 

Contarea, town of the Rock Clan. 76; vari- 
ants, 73. Derivation, "Where there is 
a Little Lake." 74, 331. Position: 
not near L. Contarea, 74. 75, 77; a 
frontier town. 80; in 1641, the principal 
bulwark of the country. 75; at the 
very opposite extremity from 
.it iria. 76; the last villagi (towards 
the east), 7." 76; Contarea was not the 
Huron name for St. .lean Baptist' 
must the two towns be contused. 77-81 ; 

the latter existed s e 

destruction of the former, B0, si. 367; 
Histance: It was a day's journey from 
llionatiria or from the I . 75. 

Its destruction: Summary. 331; 433' 
131: Contarea was threatened by the 
Iroquois in the winter ot' 1641 1612. 
75, 80; the frontier town, whose i 
is not mentioned, utterly destroyei 
June or .Inly. 1612. was identical witli 
Contarea, 80; both described as notor- 
- for their impiety and aversion for 
the Faith: the nameless fro 



472 



Index. 



town, "le plus impie, " openly defied 
God 's wrath and vengeance. 80 ; Con- 
tarea had never received instruction 
from the missionaries on account of 
its deep-rooted aversion for the Faith, 
77; both said to be on the frontier far 
removed from the headquarters of the 
missionaries, 75, 80; Chaumonot finds 
the Contarea captives among the Onon- 
dagas, in 1655, chastened in spirit, not 
such as they were when he labored 
among the Rock Clan, 77; St. Jean 
Baptiste village still standing in 1647; 
allusion to the disaster of Contarea, 
367; Contarea not the village destroyed 
with St. Joseph II., 149. Site: 81-82, 
331, 434; See Synoptical Table, 262. 

Cooke, Rev. Thomas, with Quebec Hurons 
(1824-1833), 457. 

Cord, Clan of the, Attiquenongnahae ; 
Teanaostaiae or St. Joseph II., its 
chief town, 15, 314; why so named not 
known, 72; Ekhiondastsaan probably 
belonged to, 149; after dispersion at 
Quebec. 447. 

Corn, fields of corn on St. Joseph 's Is., 393 ; 
popped corn used by the Hurons, 183 n. 
Indian corn. 161, 295, 296; corn-hills. 
161; corn-pit, 157. 

Corpus Christi, feast of, when kept, 304. 

Cote, meaning of the term in names of 
places in Province of Quebec ; cote St. 
Michel, 453. 

Coton. R. Fr., Provincial of France. 287. 

Couchiching Lake. Champlain 's "Little 
Lake." 63. 65, 66, 81, 82, 83; fishing 
place and weir at Narrows, 65, 66, 83; 
the lake farthest east on Dueroux's 
map, 83 ; he omits to mark the Nar- 
rows, 5; the Iroquois raids from that 
direction. 434; mentioned, 72. 81. 420. 

Coulson's Corners, 161. 

Country of The Hurons, 421 ; respective 
territories of the three great Huron 
Nations. 422-423. (See Huronia Pro- 
per, Petun Nation and Neutral Nation.) 

Couture. Guillaume. a clonne, 321. 326; 
captured with Fr. Jogues. 332; had 
gone down witli him, 332, 334. 

Convert, Fr. Michel Germain de, with the 
Quebec Hurons (1691-1712), 457. 455. 



Cranberry Lake, = Lacus Anaouites of 

Duereux, 365; mentioned, 25, 420. 
Creator, The, belief in Youskeha or Ious- 

keha, 428. 
( 'reemore, 243. 

Cripps. Yillars, farm, site of St. Michel, 25. 
Crooks, Edward and Wilson, farms, 103. 
Crosses erected, 271, 337. 
Crown Point, vicinity of, (Champlain 's first 

victory) , 432. 
Crucifix, fused metallic stand of, found on 

site of St. Joseph II., 20, 250; plate, 

21, fig. 1. 
Cuoq, P.S.S., l'Abbe (Lexique Iroquois), 

170, 372, 373, 432. 

Dablon, Fr. Claude, his estimate of number 
of Huron-speaking Indians, 424. 

D 'Ailleboust de Coulonge, Sieur Louis, 452. 

Daillon,* Fr. Joseph de La Roche de, Re- 
collet; (1625) sails from Dieppe, ar- 
rives at Quebec, 288 ; delay in pro- 
ceeding to Huronia, 285-286, 288; 
i 1626) sets out for Huronia, 289; 
arrives there; at Toanche I.; goes to the 
Neutrals, 290; at Ounontiraston, 291, 
323; returns, 292; (1627) his letter, 
45. 290; (1628) leaves Huronia for 
Three Rivers, 294. Mentioned, 56, 
423. See Synoptical Tables: 404, 405, 
or 443, 444. 

Daniel, Fr. Antoine, his Huron name AnSen- 
nen, 309; (1633) comes to Quebec 
from Grand Cibou, 297; (1634) sets 
out from Three Rivers for Huronia, 
298 ; at Teandeouiata or Toanche II. ; 
at Ihonatiria, 299; (1635) 299; (1636) 
goes down to Quebec, 300-301; (1638) 
returns to Huronia, 308 ; at Ossossane. 
309; (1639) at St. Jean Baptiste, 317; 
(1640) 320; at St. .Tospeh II., 322. 
324; (1641) 326. 329; (1642) 333. 
336; (1643) 338, 339; (1644) 341, 
314; mistranslation of an important 
passage, 345; (1645) 347, 351; (1646) 
357. 359, 360; (1647) 364, 368, 369; 

* He was of the noble house of the seigneurs "du 
Lnde" (Martin. Vie de Bn'beuf, 1877. p. 24). LeLude 
is a small town in the present Department of La 
Sarthe The correct form of the Father's name is 
Joseph de La Roche de Daillon; see Gtierin's Encyclo- 
pedic UnivcrecUe, Paris. 1S86, sub. voc. Lude, Le. Vol. 
IV.', p. 1129 : and Daillon, de, Vol. III., p. 60S. 



[ndex. 



473 



(1648) his death, L5, 374 375; Park 

man 'a aci rit of, 21-22; [ndian tradi 

tion at fault, 122. Life sketch in "Au 
thenticated MS., of 1652," 252. See 
Synoptical Tables, 104, 106 107 or 143, 

445-441!. 

Daran, Fr. Adrien; (1648) arrives in Etur 
onia, 375 376, 377; ( L649) 384, 388, 
389, 394, 396, 398; | L650) goes down 
to Quebec with the other missionaries, 
401. See Synoptical Tables, 404, 107, 
or 443, 446. 

Dault's Bay, 27, 37. see coloured sketch, 
22a. 

David, Reeollet, Fr. Didace, 209. 

Davis. Captain, farm, 07. 
James, 161. 

Davost, Fr. Ambroise; (1633) cornea to 
Quebec from Grand Cihou, .197; (1034) 
starts from Three Rivers for Huronia ; 
arrival there. 298, 299; (1635) at 
Ihonatiria, 299; returns to Quebec, 
300. 301 ; (1043) dies on his passage 
to France. 300. See Synoptical Tables, 
404. 400, or 443, 445. 

Dawson. Sir William, monograph on Indian 
relics. 432. 

Deer flan. (Petuns) 224. 234, 303, 370. 

Demon. Atechiategnon, 130; demon wor- 
ship. 137. 

Departures from Huronia: (1610) 273; 
(1024) 280; (1625) 282: (1027) 293; 
(1628) 294; (1020) 205; (1636) 300; 
(1037) 303; (1038) 307; (1040) 319; 
(1041) 325; i 10421 332: (1643) 337; 
(1644) 341; (1045) 340; (1646) 355; 
(1047) 302; (1048) 374; (1049) 383; 
(1650) the final exodus. 401. 

Derivation of Huron names (see Compound 
words); remarks on, 109; their nmlti 
plicity, 109; difficulty in decomposing, 
170; Potier's manuscript volumes on 
the language a great help, 170-171. 

Descouvert, see Convert, de. 

Desforges. see Boursier. 

Desfossea . two brothers of the name, 

378, 379. 

Des ffoiers or Des Noyers, Mods., 333. 

Pesroches, Telesphore, farm. 15. 

Detroit, 4 17; the river. 439; site of Fr. 
Potier's mission. 186. 



248; photo- 



Devil i Oqui or Oki I 128; L36; worship of, 

131. 
Devil's Glen, 242, 244, 

graphs, 2 17, 248. 
i dalects, see [roquois, Suron, etc 
Dieppe, 276, 287, 2ss. 297, 3 
Dionondaddies, Du ladies, etc. See Pel 

mis, 214. 
Dispersion (See Eurons, Huronia, I: 

lis. Proper, 381,387, 101, 150 156; 

Neutrals, IH 442; lis 150; Pel 

See Note at end of Table of < tontents, 

p. xviii. 
Distances, all taken as the crow flies, 1 1. 
Dollard, A. lam Desormeauz, 152. 

Dominique 299, 301, 305, 310, 311. 

Donnes, The, 311, 313, act of self-donation, 

334n. 

Dornaie, Francois, 321. 327. 334. 339, 342. 

348, 357, 365, 37s, 384, 396. 
Iio uar. I. or Douart, Jacques, 334, 338, 342, 

348. 357, 365, 368, 378. 

Douglas Bay = Thunder Bay, 11. 

Drinnan, James, farm, 45. 

Ducreux, The historian, Kr. Fran?oif ; was 
never in Canada, 155; his ins. 'I map 
6; its defects, 5; invaluable how. 
0; of earlier date than his general map 
Of 1660, 72; draught. '.I between 1042 
and L648, s7 ; his shore line near 
Hawkestone corrected, 69, 70; omits 
marking the outflow of L. Sinicoe at 
the Narrows, 5, 84; his outline of 
Bruce Peninsula, 228; his Caldaria, 
157. 102; gives the same name to the 
Chaudiere or Kettle Falls. It;:'.; his 
Lacus Contarea, 71; his maps 
suited. 8. 25, 28, 54, 70-72, S3, 88-89, 
121. 147. 155. 191, 323; his description 

of St. [gnt II., 107: mentions 

Bonin 's letter, 386 

Dufferin County. 2."..". 

Dune.lin. 243. 

I hi nn Farm. The. 1 10. 

Duntroon, In. lian Earthworks. 243. 

Du Pemn, Fr. Francois, Annonchiara, hi« 

Huron name. 300; (163S out 

from Three Rivers; arrival in Huronia; 



474 



Index. 



at Ossossane, 309; says first mass in 
its new chapel; his description of, 
gives number of Fathers on the mis- 
sion: gives distance from Ossossane to 
St. Joseph II.. 310, 27. 91; and from 
St. Joseph II., to St. Michel, 17. 25; 
i 1639) 316; ( 1640) 320, 321; (1041) 
goes down to Quebec and returns in 
the autumn, 325, 326, 328, ef. 331; 
(1642) 334, 33.1; (1(543) 33S, 339; 
(1644) 341. 343; (1G45) 347; at 
Scanonaenrat, 350; (1040) 3.17, 359; 
( 1647) 364; (1648) 377; (1649) 3S4, 
385, 388, 389, 390, 391, 302, 300, 398; 
(1650) returns to Quebec with the 
other missionaries. 401. See Synopti- 
cal Tallies. 404. 400-407. or 44.".. 445- 
446. 

Dn Plessis. Eecollet; Brother Paeifique; ir> 
1615, sails from Honfleur; arrives at 
Tadousac, at Quebec, 269. 

I in Pont (or Dupont), Robert, son of Pout- 
grave reconciled with Poutrmcourt, 270. 

Dutch, The, help Jogues to escape, 341: 
ransom Bressani, 340: supply the 
Iroquois with firearms, 3s], 430, 440. 

Dyer's Bay, 220. 

Ha (atea). water, liquid, 173. 
Earthworks, or intrenchment, 243. 254. 
Eataentsic, or Aataentsic, 428. 
Ecarenniondi, see Ekarenniondi. 
EchiaronniaSa. a large awl. 210. 
Eehon, Brebeuf's Huron name, later Chau- 

monot 's. 310, 420. 
Rhen, imperf. of the verb En, to be, was, 

the late, the defunct, 420. 
Eh8ae, village of St. Pierre-et-St.-Paul. 

223; derivation, 227; in 1030 principal 

and most remote town of the Petnns. 

224; site, 210, 225, 220, 265; Charles 

Gamier and Isaac Jogues visit it. 

(1030) 317; (1640) Gamier and 

Pierre 1'ijart. 322; destroyed, 1040. 

224. 
Ekaentoton, — touton = Manitoulin Island, 

265, 100. = Tsle de Ste. Marie. 377. 

= Kaentaton = Manitulain and Mani- 



toualain, 190; derivation. 198-200; Ft. 
Antoine Poncet its first missionary in 
1648; title of the mission, St. Pierre, 
71. 304, 370, 377, 3S0, 390-301; 
(1040) 3S7, 388, 300, 304. 300; (win- 
ter of 1040-1050) 300. Before moving 
to St. Joseph 's Island the Fathers had 
thought of Ekaentoton as a refuge. 
383, 437. In 1651, thirty six canoes of 
Huron refugees from there arrived at 
Quebec, 4.11. See St. Pierre. Synoptical 
Tables 4110 407 or 445 440. 

Ekarenniondi = Ecaregniondi, 231. = St. 
Mathias, a Petun village of the Deer 
Clan. 224, 220. 230-231, 234, 303; a 
landmark to determine the site of 
Etharita or St. Jean of the Petuns, 
220, 23(1; distance between them four 
leagues, 230. 200, 303; direction of one 
from the other, 233-235, 200. 363; 
derivation and pronunciation. 231-233; 
meaning "Standing Rock." 232 233, 
if. 231. Distance from the Nottawa- 
saga River, 326 n., 230-240. 200. Cha- 
banel passed through St. Mathias the 
day St. Jean was destroyed. 235; re- 
lative positions of the two towns ex- 
plained by the diagram of Thailand's 
route. 235; (1040) mission of St. 
Mathias begun. 350. 301; (16471 303. 
370; (1648) 3S0; (1040) 3S6. 393, 
304 305, 399, 400; comprised that of 
St. Mathieu, 225; (1050) 400-401. 
Unmolested by the Iroquois, 438. See 
Synoptical Tables. 406-407. or 445 440. 
Search for and identification of the 
"Standing Rock." 233. 241 24s. Two 
photographic views of, 247. 24S. Its 
exact site, 233, 24S. 205. 

Ekhiondastsaan, a village of the Clan of the 
Cord, 140: its correct spelling, 147; 
derivation. 14S; probable site. 140; An 
diatae lav between it and Ossossane. 
151 ; the nameless town destroyed with 
St. Joseph II.. 140, 375. 434. See 
Synoptical Table. 262. 

Ek8entondi'e, Huron name of Three Rivers. 
205. 



[ndex. 



IT.". 



Elements Grannnatica 1 Huronica 1 ; See 

Potier. 
Elgin County, 323, 123. 
Elisions, 177, 187. 
Klln.it s i lorners, Simcoe Co., 99. 
Kin\ clop&edis . The * latholic, 4 1 6. 
Enda, a fur robe, a dressed skin, L64, 180. 

e 

Endarahy, I63j a remote encampment; 

( llaude I'i.jart and Leonard ( ■•• 

winter there ( 1644), 163-164, 34 I. 
derivation, 164-165; approximate site, 
164. Synoptical Tables, 262, 106-407, 
or 445 440. 

Endi, v. to happen, to befall, etc., 209. 

Endiskara, a wheel, 213. 

Enditsa8innon, to trail a bait, to troll, 190. 

English; The; their Huron name Etior- 
aenchronon, 31 In. 

Enkara, a breech-clout, 213. 

Knksara. a blanket, 21 1. 

Ennenchia, the shoulder; ennencha, v. to 
carry on one shoulder, 190. 

Ensta, a bugle or elongated bead, 212. 

Enta, or en#ona, ;i portage, 190. 

Entara, a red filament or hair. 211. 

Entiai, v. to make a portage, 190. 

Eotongniaton probably = Teo1 liaton, 

411. cf. 324; = St. Guillaume, 323, a 
Neutral village, visited (1640-1641) by 
( haumonot and Brebeuf, 322 324, 123; 
captured by the Iroquois (1650), 441. 

Equivalents of modern places; Some Huron, 
265. 

Erie, Lake, 291, 323, 423, 440. 

Nation, Erieehronon, ilu Chat, Eories, 
291, 323, 450. 

|.; ssex County, Crat., 323, 423-, 447. 

Ei a prefix, relation of time or place, 55. 

E'ta i ateta I, a field, meadow . 201. 
Ethaouatius, Pagus, on N.E. shore of L. 
Simcoe, 200, 265; derivation. 201; --one 
name cm Ducreux's general map near 
presen! site of Peterborough, 
Etharita = St. -lean ( cles Petuns) or St. 
.lean PEvangaiste, 331, 356; the prin- 
cipal Petun town of the Wolf Clan, 
234 ; it and Ekarenniondi (St. Mat! 
the t >' o mi si important I rw ns of the 

34 AH. 



Petuns i 1647 i 16 

Site, scan! data. 225; m the i 

(Gre Co Ont.) 124; to w Inch it gave 

its name of St. .lean. 223 

to find site that of Ekarenni i must 

i foi ues ai arl . 

231, 234, 249, 256, 394 ; Etharita to Hie 
S.W., 234 235, 249; few oi no other 
villages near it, 249 
of, explained by diagram of Chabat 
route. '-■'.'>. I it to 

iver thi ti 19 249-259; pi 

ers for sea chers, 260. Syn iptici I ["able, 

265. Destruction, 237 238, 394, 13$. 

r,n M isa on, Sei SI Jean, Petuns.) 

Eti, in go or come, 215; Eti, i i 3i 

as a prefix, 216. 

I II ionnontateln oni ■ ■■ i i dial ion of I e 

Petuns aftei the Dispersion with many 

variants, 214; = Etionnontates, 216; 

derivation, 2 1 1 

Etionsara, or ChionSacta, or andatsanin- 

ionta, a kettle chain. 210, 211. 
El io8nda8oinendi Sngiai a Ti'Sskonehiai 

8nd(g)iara, the Ealls of Nit 
i Pot iei I 212; or m] h Sndgiara, 266. 
Etiorhenchronon, the Engl 
Etondatrateus P. i i e Pagus) Sit. 

vatii.n. 55, 265. 
Ktsi. to be drawn out, to stretch out, 1 ">l". 
Eugenia Falls. 255, view of, 256. 
Euphrasia Tp., 227. 

Exodus i Huronia, beginning of, 381; 

final; refugees meet Bressani and re- 
lief party, 101, (see Dispers 
Exoua< ndaen, Michel, 16, 
Expedition of 1615, Champlain's, •".:'.. 59, 
I ! 65, 66, 68, 27ii. 272. 27::. 27 1. 433. 
Parkman 's map of, 68 

Eaillon, P.SS . L'Abbe' Etiem e M 

Fairmount, <>nt.. 227. 

Faith Island = Beckwith, 13, n., 55. 

Fathers, I isl ot Recollet and Jesuit, on the 
i i|,| Huron Mission. 104 or 1 13; "here 
stationed and when, 405 407, or I 1 1 
i t.; ; chronological lisl ot Ji suit Pa 
and secular priests with tin 



476 



Index. 



Hurons I 1650 1904), 456-457; Huion 
appellations of some of the old Huron 
missionaries, 309-310, 371. 

Faute, or Feaute, Bro. Pierre, 383. 

Fens. Tlio People beyond the, = Ataron- 

chroi 314, 89, 90, 93, 97, 134; a 

medley of various clans. 447. 

Ferland, l'Abbe J. B. O., 102. 106, 111. 

Fetherstone Lake, Ont., 164. 

Feuville, or Freville, Bro. Jean. 401. 

Finisterre or Band's End of the Hurons = 
Tondakra, 54. 

Fire-arms. 381, 436. 

Tue Nation = Atsistaehronons = Mascou- 
tei s. nation at war with the Petuns, 
224. 265, 350, 371. 422. 

Fisheries and weir at Champlain's "Little 
Lake'' (near Orillia, Ont.), 65-66. 

Five Nations = Iroquois, q. vid. The; re- 
lative position of their country ami 
that of the Hurons; Parkman 's Map 
of. li; the "Long Lodge," 180; Hoi 
tinnonehiendi, "La Cabane Achevee, " 
isl ; their language derived from tin- 
Huron, lis-, strength of, in 1660, 440. 

Flag, French national, none before the 
Revolution. 114. 

Flanagan. Patrick; his farm, site of St. 
Joseph If.. 22; visited by Fr. -Martin 
in 1855; description of site; fused 
stand of brass crucifix unearthed there, 
19, 20, 250; sketch of, 2 1 ; position of 
farm and of village site. 20. 

Flesche, Messire Josse, at Port Royal 
(1610). 269. 

Flint, for spear and arrowheads', among 
Neutrals, 440. 

Flos Tp., 148, 262. 375, 422. 

Flotillas (see Canoes), 340, 139; Huron. 
3ii2. 362, 376. 383; Iroquois. 4.12. 

Fogget, Mr. P.. 261. 

Foley Tp.. Ont., 164. 

Folk-lore. 121. 

Forest. l'Abbe, of Orleans; MS. Life of 
Jogues, 307. 

Fort, grant for one in Huronia, 333; one 
built by Iroquois (1650) on mainland 
opposite Christian Ts.. .">."; at Ossossane, 



305; one built in Quebec for Hurons 
( 1660), 47,2. 

Fort Law (Osprey Co., Ont.) Indian relics 
found (here. 256-257. 

Fort Ste. Marie I.. Site; ruins still visible, 
8; position described in old records. 
8-9; visited by Fr. Chazelle in 1*47, 7: 
by Fr. Felix Martin in 1855, his minute 
description of, 9-10; plan as verified 
by author in 1899, 10; Martin's 
sketch of excavations in 1855, 1 2.1. 
Commenced about 1639,313; completed 
after 1642, 333; destroyed in 1649, 383. 
For Missions, etc., See Ste. Marie I. 

Fort Ste. Marie II. Site. 6; ruins visited 
by Fr. Pierre Chazelle in 1*44, by Rev. 
G. Fallen in 1845, by Fr. Felix Mar- 
tin in 1855; described by the latter; his 
plan of. 7-8; his coloured sketch of, 
12b. Completed Nov. 1649, 33,3.. 3,07; 
its strength, 7, 397. 

Fortier, Rev. Louis Theophile, with the 
Quebec Hurons ( 1833-1843), 457. 

Fortifieatiors (see Fort, Bastion, Fosse). 
Brebeuf (1635) taught the Hurons to 
add bastions to their. 105; fortified 
villages. 103; Angoutenc. 133: Carha- 
goulia. 65; Ossossane, 105-106, 306; 
St. Tgnace II.. 104. 105; St. Louis, 
lo:i. 109, 381, 136; St. Jean Baptiste, 
69; Ste. Marie I.. 0-10. 12a; Ste. Marie 
II.. 7-8, 12b., 307. St. Jean Baptiste. 
21. 

"Fosse profond " (formed by Nature) i. e.. 
a deep depression in the land 106. 104: 
not a deep ditch or trench, 106; Park 
man's rendering: a deep ravine; Fer 
land's, par de profondes ravines; 
Ducreux 's. fossa depressior; as natural 
barriers, Cicero styles the Rhine: 
Rheni fossam, the Alps: Alpium val- 
lum 106-108, Cf. 26. 

Foy, Notre Dame de. Origin of name 433 
454. 

France, no national flag prior to the Revo- 
lution 114; the A sound broad in west- 
ern parts of. 1^3; in 1632. Canada re 
troceded to. 207. 405. 



[ndex. 



47< 



Francois, Francis, Christian name of young 
Auhaitsic, Viel's companion 283-284; 
"jeune garcon Francois," i. e., "the 
boy, Francis," not "the young French 

boy, ' ' 2S3. 

Fremin, Pr. Jacques, quoted, 150. 

French or Frenchmen; Two with Champlain 
in battle (1609) near Crown Point, 132; 
cause of friendship of Hurons for, and 
enmity of Iroquois towards, 132 133; 
number of. in Huronia (1639), 315; 
five with Jogues on journey down ; 
three captured with him on way bach 
(1642) 332; Thirty-four in Huronia 
(1642). 335; forty two (in L646) 362; 
formed the garrison of Fort Ste. Marie 
T.. 376; seven went with Bonin to re- 
cover the bodies of Dalemant and Bre- 
beuf (1649), 386; forty in Bressani's 
relief party (1650), some with Garreau 
among the Petuns (1650), 401; number 
on St. Joseph's Is. 101; sixty all told 
among the refugees from Huronia 
(1650) UM. 439, 4.1H. 

French Colonists, 2ii; French-Huron dic- 
tionary. 2.".2; league (measure), eight 
of different lengths. 114; which one the 
author used in computing distances and 
why, 115; period, 67; Revolution, 115; 
traders, 55, 422. ef. 132; workmen, con 
vert a lodge into a chapel at St. Joseph 
II., 329; construct the fortifications of 
St. [gnace II.. 105; anil a handsome 
fame chape] at I )ssi.ss:ini ; . 310. 

French River (Ont. I, 65, 270. 277. 

Fresh-Water Sea, La Mer Douce = Bake 
Huron, :'.77. 301. 422. 

Frfiville, See Feuville. 

Fused base or stand of brass crucifix, Set 

• ! tlcifix. 

Gabriel, Bro. (See Pagard). 

Gagnenon (Sagard) a dog, an (g)niennon 
(Potier), 191. 

Gagnon, M. Philoas, 212. 

Gahoedoe Insula Gahoendoe, 172, 196, = 
Gahouendoe AhBen'doe Christian 
Is., 43". St. Joseph's Is.. 6, 3S3; de- 



rivation, 172, cf. 419; initial "G" a 
relic 01 Iroquois dialect. 101. See 

1 >ucreux's insel map, 6. 

Ganatiagi Sault-St-Louis or Caughnawaga, 
265. 

Gandongarae, Seneca village inhabited by a 
medley of tribes, 450. 

Gamier, Fr. Charles, his Huron Dai 
Saracha, 309; (1636) leaves Quebec for 
Three Rivers; thence to Huronia; arrival, 
300; at Ihonatiria. :101 ; (1637) 302: at 
Ossossane, 303, 304, 305; descriK 
bastions; he was beardless, 306 ; 
307. 309; (1630) journey to the Petuns, 
22(3-227, 228; among them 317, 
(1640)320,322,355; (1641 326;atSle 
Marie 1 , 319, 328; at St. Joseph II., 
329, 331 ; (1642) 333, 335 ; (1643 
338, 330; (1644) 341, 313, 345; 1645 
347. 349, 350; I 1646 355 with the 
Petuns, 230, 355, 357, 359, 360, 361. 369. 
cf. 224; (1647) 356, 361, 363, 36), 369; 
at Etharita 370 ; (.1648) 377, 37;' ; 1649 
383, 3S4, 388; destruction of Etharita. 
death of Gamier, 393 394, 395, 399,400, 

401, 43S ; See Synoptical Tables 40!, 106 

407, or 443, 445-446. Some excerpts 
from his letters, 26, 230, 304, 306. 328, 
336, 349, 355, 356, 359, 363, 383. Nota- 
bilia ; describes the original site of l.a 
Rochelle (Ossossane), 26 ; his biography 
in authenticated MS. of 1652, 252; little 
known of this missionary in Grey county 
of to-day, 258; speaks ( >f Fr. Garreau' a 
long illness, 352-353). 

Gamier, Henri, 26, 109, 310, 355, :!<:;. 3*7. 

Garnier, Fr. Julien, with Quel Hurons 

1688, 1691-1695), 457. 

Garreau, Fr. Leonard, (1644) arrives in 
Huronia Sept. 7th; intended for AlgOII- 
quil) missions, 340 ; summer ; 35] ; li 
for Algonqiiins at end of Nov 351; 
winter ( 1644-5) 353, 311 ; at Endai 
341, 344, 163-164; (1645) 347; spring: 
leaves camp to return May 7th, 35:1. 344 ; 
summer: 353, 351; autumn: falls sick 
on missiop ; hasty return; eightveight 
days' illness ; cortin prepared, 352-3 '■'■ : 
1646) 357; at Ste. Marie 1 . 358; in 
October, with Algonquin? among the 
Petuns, 355. 359, 361 ; wintei 
(1647)357; becomes missionary of l'enin- 
Hurons 356, 363, 364, 370, 373 ; i 
377, 380 : I 1649 3S4, 187, 388, 395, 399 : 



47S 



Index. 



remains alone among Petuns ; retailed 
the last of all the missionaries, 400, 401 ; 
(1650) all but wrecked crossing Notta- 
waeaga Bay 400. Returns with the 
others to Quebec, 401 ; (1656) his death, 
400, 401 See Synoptical Tables, 404, 
407, or 443, 446. 

Gauber, Bro. Louie, 334, 338, 342, 347, 357, 
364, 378, 384, 392, 396. 

Gaudarville, tief of, 455. 

Gaufeetre, Bro. Jean, 289. 

Genesee River, 323, 423, 432 

Georgian Bay, 5, 43, 55, 420. 

Germain, Fr. Joseph, reports on Hurons of 
Lorette, 1711, 455. 

Giant's Tomb Is. — Insula Ondiatana = 
Ondichaouan, 28-30, 266. See Ducreux 
inset map, 6. 

Giffar, Nicolas, 327, 334, 338, 342, 346. 

Girault, Fr. Etienne Thomas-de-Villeneuve, 
mrmoire on the Quebec Hurons (1755- 
1790), 456 ; his death, 455. 

Giroux, Rev. Cleophag, with the Quebec 
Hurons, (1904-1911), 457. 

Giroux, Rev. Guillaume, with Quebec 
Hurons ( 1870-1904 (, 457. 

Glenhuron, Ont., 243. 

Gloucester Harbour, Ont., 117. 

Gloucester Pool, Ont., 128. 

Goderich, Ont., 291. 

Goiogoinronnon, the Cayuga?, 265. 

Goioguen = Onionen, a Cayuga village, 449. 

Gonnor, Fr. Nicolas de, with the Quebec 
Hurons (1735-1737 and 1740-1742), 457. 

Gosford, Lord, 456. 

Goupil, Rene, 252, 332. 

Government, system of, among the Hurons; 
intolerant of restraint ; republic with no 
coercitive power ; ruled by persuasion, 
426 ; community, not individuals, res- 
ponsible for wrong done ; legislative 
bodies ; states-general ; councils ; chiefs 
for war, others for peace, all equal by- 
election : preeminence result of personal 
prowess or ability, 427 ; treaties made in 
name of chief, not of nation, 427-428. 

Grammar, Potier's Huron, facsimile of page 
1, De Litteris, 155 ; of Observanda in 
compound words, 191. 

Grand Cibou, 2y7. 

Grand River, 323, 423. 

Grand Trunk By., 117. 

Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons (Sagard), 
277, 281, 284. 



Grandmaison, Eleonore, widow of Francois 
de Chavigny, deeded land to Quebec 
Hurons, 451. 

Graveyard, at Ste. Marie II., 8; at Ste. 
I., laid out (1642) 333, 335; others in 
Huronia, 337. 

Greatrix, Joseph, farm, 152; William, farm, 
88. 

Greslon, Fr. Adrien, (1648) arrival in 
Huronia, 376, 377 ; ( 1649) 384 ; goes to 
the Petuns, 287, 392, 388 ; at St. 
Mathias, 395 ; invalid, recalled from 
396, 399, 400; abandons Huronia with 
the other missionaries, 401. See Synopti- 
cal Tables, 404, 407, or 446. 

Grey County, Ont., 226, 235, 291, 371, 422. 

Groseliers, M£dard Chouart des, 34S, 356, 
358. 

Groseille, Joseph, farm, 139. 

Gm'rin, Jean, a donnt, 326, 334, 338, 342, 
347, 357, 365, 378, 384, 397. 

Guiet, Jean, a donnc, 358, 365, 378, 384, 397. 

Haldimand County, Out., 323, 423. 

Hale, Horatio, 418. 

Hallen, Rev. G., at ruins of forts (1845), 7. 

Halton County, Ont., 323, 423. 

Hamilton, George, driver, 121 ; John, farm, 

124. 
Harris, William R., explanation of the 

neutrality of the Attiwandaronks, 440. 
Hatchets, a field of, 122. 
Hatichra8ata— AochraSata, Huron name of 

c 

Algonquins ( Potier) 265. 

Hawkestone, Ont., 63 ; like Cahiagm' three 
leagues from Couchiching Lake 66 ; 
Ducreux's shore line corrected moves 
site of St. Jean Baptiste to its vicinity, 
69, 70-73 ; mouth of creek site of 
Cahiague Landing, 67. 

Hazelton, IraT., farm, 122, 123. 

Heaven, heavens, sky, sky-blue=Aronhia, 
231, 430. 

Henry, a Frenchman, captive of the Iro- 
quois, 332. 

Hili-Dwellers= Highlanders = Khionnonta- 
teronon, 218; The former Hill-Dwellers 
= Etionnontateronnon - Tionnontater- 
onnon, 216, 219; the Petuns 214. 

Hillsboro, Ont., 423. 

Hinnon, Thunder, 188. 

Histoire Chronologique (1689) ( Le Tac) 38, 
277, 279, 2S1 ; de la Nouvelle France 
(Charlevoix) 282, 285; du Canada 






47!» 



(Sagard) 35, 275, 283, 286; de laColonie 
Francaise (Faillon) 43 1. 

History of the Hurons, an epitome, 431-1 •-. 
Before the Great Dispersion in 1650 
Previous to Jacques ('artier a blank; 
Stadaeona and Hochelatia ; Huron-Iro- 
quois dialect, 431 ; vestiges found in 
.Montreal; change between Cartier and 
Champlain's time; Algonquins inhabit 
shores of St. Lawrence ; allies of Hurons 
of Simeoe Cq. ; hostile Iroquois in N.Y- 
State; Champlain sides with formei 
first victory at Crown Pt.; second above 
Sorel, 432; invades Iroquois country 
(1615) ; synchronous with first Huron 
mission; fifty years' war with Iroquois 
Contarea first Huron stronghold to sue 
cumb, 433, 270-276; 75. 80, 331; St. 
Jean Baptiste evacuated ; St. Joseph II., 
St. Ignace II. and St. Louis destroyed ; 
FF. Daniel, de Brebeuf ami Gabriel 
Laleinant slain, 434-435 ; 367, 374, 380 ; 
contingent from Ossossane and Ste. 
Madeleine annihilated ; sudden with- 
drawal of Iroquois, 436 ; 381-382 ; 
Hurons of St. Michel in pursuit ; Ossos- 
sane abandoned; safety sought among 
the Petuns; Ste. Marie I., alone stand- 
ing; Christian or St. Joseph's Is chosen 
as a last refuge, 437 ; 382-383 ; Fort Ste. 
Marie II. established on the island : 
Petuns attacked : Etharita destroyed ; 
death of Charles Gamier and Chabanel, 
438; 3S3. 394; desperate condition oi 
St. Joseph's Is. 438-43'.) : 401 ; Hnronia 
abandoned forever; personnel of the 
fugitive band of exiles, 439 ; 401, 396- 
397. Neutrals meanwhile passive, 439 ; 
why called Neutrals; Iroquois seek a 
quarrel with ; indignities not resented ; 
their villages beyond the Niagara R. 
attacked, 440 ; Neutral country invade, 1 
and laid waste, 44L ; nation dispersed 
some Hurons Proper among Neutrals; 
with Andastes ; the bulk form a colony 
at Quebec, 442. 

After the dispersion in 1650: — Present 
location of three surviving groups, tirst 
the Hurons Proper, at Quebec, 4 !7 ; the 
second, descendants of Petuns, near 
Sandwich, Ont. ; the third, an offshoot 
of the latter, on Wyandot Reservation, 
Oklahoma, U.X.; Neutrals, as Mich, now 



extinct, 147; their footfalls in history, 
44.s. Hurons Proper move to Quebec ; 
Iroquois entice some, 151-452; Hurons 
with Dollard, 452 ; move to B 

to St. Michel, N. D. de i in ol 

latter name, 453 ; m< ive to Old Lorette 
chapel at ; and finally move to New or 
Jeune Lorette, 154; death of their 
last Jesuit missionary ; first secular 
priest, missionary ; presbytery and 
chapel built : limits of parish fixed ; 
Bouchette on Lor. tte . lasl full-blooded 
Huron, 455 ; civil recognition of St. 
Ambroise parish; the Kind's Gifts; 
population in 1861; actual possessions 

of Lorette Hurons, 156 : list of J 

missionaries of Quebec Hurons, 156; of 
secular priests, 157; partial list of Chiefs, 
458. 

Hochelaga, its probable site, 421, 431-432. 

Hodges, William, farm, 67. 

Hogg River, Ont., 5, 100, 103. 

HoIyAngels; Mission of The, see SS Anges. 

Honare^ennhav. Louis, Fr. Chabanel's mur- 
derer, 395, 253 plate. 

Honfleur, France. 269, 275, 293. 

Hope Island. ( »nt . 43. 

Hopkins, William, farm, 125. 

Hospital, see Ste Marie I. 

Hotinnonchiendi, The Iroquois Confederacy 
or Five Nations. The Finished or Com- 
plete Lodge, 180-181; Hotinnonchiondi 
(Potier) 265. 

Huet, Recollet, Fr. Paul, 275. 

Hunter, Andrew F., monographs on Bites 

marked by Indian village remains. 122: 
19, 25, 45, 55, 67, 81, 82, 88, 94, 98, 99, 
100, 103, 117, 134, 139, 147, 152, 153. 
154. 155. 1.57, 160, 161, 162, Ms'.'. 
Huron; —Cabins, see Lodges: Captives from 
Contarea among Onondagas i 1655), 80; 
and many others (1660), 450 ; -Names of 
some Quebec Huron Chiefs, 458 : Chor- 
Ography, 22 ; see Hnronia, Map : method 
followed in reconstructing map ot 
Hnronia, 6. 15, 22. 35, 36-37, 47. 104 et 
passim : Colony at Quebec, 1 12 
457 ; - Dispersion, 411-442 ; Equivalents 
for some modern names, 265 ; Families, 

fires, lodges (1639), 315; Fort within 
Quebec 1660 , 152 ; Government, q. 
vid. j—History, q. vid. : Language, q. 
vid. ; — Last full-blooded at Quebec, 



480 



Index. 



455 ; — Letters and Particles, see latter ; 
— Lodges, size, form, number oE fires, 
of families, 424 ;— Missions, q. vid. ;— 
Missionaries, Alphabetical list of, arri- 
val, departure, 403-404, or 442-443 ; their 
stations on the mission, 405-407, or 
444-446 ; — Name Sendat, its derivation, 
419-420 ; origin of name " Huron," 
420 ; name Atihsendo, or A'.ihsendarac 
=The Hurons, 119 ; Sendake - Hnronia, 
420; Indian names, of missionaries, 
309-310, 371-374, 452 ; of Places, 
with (U-rivatii.il, Hi7 (derivation of 
others given in discussing (heir sites) ; 
alphabetical list with sites, 262-265 : 
mission stations, 406-407, or 444-416; 
— Numerals, one to ten, 179 ; — Particles-' 
q. vid. ; — Population, q. vid. ; — Reli- 
gion, q. vid.; — Seminary at Quebec, 
300 ;— Strongholds (1615) Carhagouha, 
271 : on frontier, 75 ; Contarea first one 
destroyed (1642) 80, 238, 433 ;— Topo- 
graphy, authority on, 114; see Choro- 
graphy, etc. ;— Towns, last one to the 
south, 20; the five principal (1644), 81, 
341 ; Sites discussed (all first part of 
volume'); results; towns in Huronia 
Proper, 262-263 ; Petun sites, 264, 225,- 
348; Neutral, 319, 322-324, 422-423, 
425 ; — Words, spelling and pronuncia- 
tion of some, 183 ; — list of words ending 
in ara, 211; in iara and kara, 412. 
(See other Huron words alphabetically 
listed in their proper place. 
Huron- Iroquois 418, 421, 431, 432. 
Huron, Lake, 5, 63, S3, 111, 336, 370, 382, 
389, 390, 394, 400, 437 ; =" Fresh-Water- 
Sea" or "Mer Douce," 42, 66, 377, 
398 ; = Lake of the Hurons, 371, or Great 
Lake of our Hurons, Our Great Lake, 
341, 345, 353-354, 377; depth of near 
Thunder Bay [Sagard), 44. 
Huronia Proper (Cf. Country of the Hurons) 
Sendake ; Bendake! Khen = H. of old, 
literally H. that was, or Defunct H , 
402. 42(1 : styled in an indult of Urhain 
VIII. : Provincia Huronum, 94; its 
position, boundaries and extent, 5. 122 : 
its rivers and other characteristic fea- 
tures, 5, 6(>, 82, 84. 424 ; referred to as 
Kii island, 419, 420; Ducreux's inset 
map (facing p. 6) a contemporaneous 
tracing, 87: invaluable, 6; though im- 
perfect, 5-6, 69, plate, 69-70 ; Park- 



man's map of, 28 ; Fr. Felix Martin's 
two unfinished maps of, 18, 19; Theo- 
retical Reconstruction of Huronia 
(1898), 121n., 35; Reconstructed Hur- 
onia of the Relations (1906), 423; map 
at end of volume; map of Tay Tp. 
with village, !&. ; of Medonte Tp., 20 : 
of Oro Tn.. 66. 

Its distance from the Petun Nation, 
221-223 ; its relative position to, map 
235; no sharp lines of frontier, 221; 
low lying lands between it and the Blue 
Hills, 239 ; distance from the Neutrals, 
four or five days' journey or about forty 
leagues (Cf. Rel. 1641, p. 71, 2 col., and 
Rel. 1648, p. 46, 1 col.). 81 ; Kandoucho 
the nearest town, the Aondironons the 
nearest Neutral clan, 323. 

Its position relative to the Five 
Nations, see Parkman's map, 6. Its 
History, Missions. Population, Villages, 
q. vid. ; Europeans present in 1640, 320 
(See Cat al. Personorum for each yean ; 
its various Clans after the Dispersion, 
447; desolate state after March. 1649, 
382, 437; totally abandoned, 401-402, 
430. 
Hurons, The i See History. Huron, Huronia), 
— AtiSendo or AtiSendarac, 419, a de- 
cadent race ; once bad clearer idea of a 
Supreme Being, 431 ; first contact with 
Europeans, 431 ; their place in the great 
Huron-Iroquois Family, 418; origin of 
the word Huron, 420 ; their earliest 
known habitat, 421 ; beginning of their 
reliable history, 422 ; Hurons, Petuns 
and Neutrals, the three great Huron 
groups ; their respective territories, 422- 
12", ; their common appellation in 
Huron, 419-420 ; Algonquins mixed 
freely with them ; position of the coun- 
try of the Hurorrs Proper, 422 : Incau- 
tious and unwary, compared with the 
Iroquois, 127; Country, Government, 
Language, Migrations, Missions to, Reli- 
gion, q. vid. ; Dispersion and migrations 
of Hm-. i^s Proper. 381, 387, 401, 450- 
456; of Neutrals, 441-442. 44X-450 ; of 
Petuns, See Note in Table of Contents, 
p. xviii ; present location ot their sur- 
viving groups, 417. For Quebec Hurons, 
See Lore.te. 
llussey, John P., oldest pioneer in North 
Simeoe Co.; accompanied Fr. Felix 



Index. 



181 



Martin, S .T in his explorations in I 
witnessed the finding of the partially 
fused brass stand of crucifix, 19, 250. 

I, ill cinn j ■. j^it ion. v., to lie alone. 1 1 e piently 
with a final ha, ilia to be the only one, 
146; in compound words "i" also ex- 
presses fullness, Hit; initial, diminutive, 
186. 

la. a Canoe— ahona in compound words, 185. 

Iahenhouton, Huron Village; Derivation; 
Site, 14(i. 

Iara, list of words ending in. 212. 1 
prep., on, above, over, 212. 

Ihonatiria St. Joseph I., 15, 28, Tit: De- 
rivation. 1S5; Chief Aenons' plea bears 
out its correctness, 187; Site (See Dia- 
gram II. 30) 30-31, 262-263, 106-407 ; 
Parkman and Fr. Felix Martin astray as 
to its position ; why, 28 ; distance from 
St. Joseph II ; from Ossossane, 30 ; to 
Khinonasearant, 31, 42, to Arontaen, 51 
(see Diagram IV., 50) ; to Contarea, 
81, 84, 331 (See Diagram V., 64) ; 
to Oenrin, 141, 142 ; to Amonatea, 
1 I.! : 142 ; near Teandeouiata, 56. 
57. 141; and Karenhassa, 59; having 
in view Giant's Tomb Island = Ondi- 
chaouan = Insula Undiatana, 2s : see 
half-tone, view from bluff, 31 ; Site, 30, 
31, 263 iSee Diagram II. 30pl.) ; (1634) 
mission centre established at, 2!t;t, 57. 
cf. 26 ; (1635) 299, 300; (1636) 300, 301 ; 
(1637) 302, 305; (1638)307; residence 
transferred, 17, 30, 303, 304, 305, 308 ! 
village depopulated by contagion, 30S. 
See Synoptical Tables, 406 or 445. 

lle-aux-Coudres, 269. 

Incarnation, Yen. Marie de 1', 3S6, 398. 

Indian Occupancy, Indications of, 121, 122: 
many near Ste Marie I , 113. 

Indian Territory, U.S. now Oklahoma, 
Wyandot Reservation in. 417. 

Indiana. I'.S. (1744-1747) ami Ohio, Chief 
Nicolas' band in, 447. 

Indians, a shelter for. at Ste. Marie 1.. 11^ 

3-i. :;:>i 385. 
Instruments for taking altitudes, objects of 
superstitious awe, 228. 

Invasions of Huronia. all by way of Orillia, 

238 239, 434. 
lo. in compound words beautiful, grand, 

l' I. HO. 



Ion or Aon v. to reach, to arrive at. the 
former alone enters into composition, 
the latter in COtnp , to take hold of, 207. 

lon.li. in mm]!., some point to project, to 
stretch out. etc . 232, cf. 21S, 

londiati. to lengthen out. etc , 232. 

Dora, v , here is a nest, 206. 

[ouskeha or Youskeha, a Huron deity, 128 

Iris i Settlement 1855) in N". Simcoe, Ont, 
is. 

Iroquois The Five Nations Hottinnonchi- 
endi the " Long Lodge, I'he Fin- 
ished or Completed Cabin." 1S1-1M' : 

e federated nations were tie 
hawks, Onondagas, Oneidas, Ca; 

and Senecas, I 19 ; and a sixth later, the 
aroras, IIS. Unions the oi 
.. 4 1 s. Champlain invades their 

country, 272, 133; its position relative 

I" Huronia. 6 and map ; their enduring 

hatred for the French. 432433; their 
raids into Huronia always from the east, 
238-239, 260, hit. 138 : skilled in strategy, 
109 IL'ii, 433, 134, 136. Their numi 
strength in 1660, -1 19. I ior|ii,,iv ( '|,r .- 
at Old Lorette, 153, 15 1 ; their Christian 
villiage at St. Xavier dt - Pres Caugh- 
uawaga) 450, 458. Their Language 

derived from the Huron. 207, 11* 
traces of it in older Huron names, DM ; 
Cuoq'8 Dictionary of, 170. 207. 373, 
132; root-words much involved in 
pound words, 170; "g" often supplants 
the Huron " i ". 191, 198 : initial " s", 

207; Iroquois wools correspondii 
Huron verb Ahaon (Iahaon . to carry, 
to have on or about ise f, 

lsiaragui, Lake, Tsirargi Tsiaragui Mud 
Lake. Simcoe Co., < tnl , 9-10, 98, 265, 
447, Lac Bourbeux, 197 : Derivation, 
1!)7 : Fr. Chaumonot lands at out i 
9, 197 ; in w inti i a short cut fron 
Marie 1. to St. Francis Xavier. 97, 335. 

isle de Sie Marie, Manitoulin Is. See 
Bkaentoton. 

Isolation, during contagion not enforced, 99. 

It. verb, to ship, embark, take on hoard ; 
o passive of Atit. ls5. to load, freight. 

Jamay, Recollet, Fr. Denis, 269, 270, 

Jeffcot, Rev. M. J., 241 

Jesuit Relations, 12 I ; Tabic of C 

of the Quebec, and Cleveland Kditions : 
from 161 1 to 1636, 108 ; 16 > ; | ; l 409 ; 



48-2 



Index. 



1640-1646, 410; 1646-1653, 411; 1653- 
1665, 412; 1665-1672, 413. 
Jesuit's Stone, The, (1641) 324, n. 
Jesuits, The, Why they entered on the 
Huron Mission (1626), 287; Quebec 
taken, 1629, they leave Canada ; l.nt 
return in 1633, 297; re-open the Huronia 
Mission, 1634, 298 ; abandon it, 1650, 
401-402, 439. Alphabetical list of those 
on this mission ; arrivals and departures, 
204 or 413 ; stations year by year, 405- 
407, or 444-446; list of those with the 
Quebec Hurons, 456. For names of 
Coadjutor Brothers, See Catalogus Per- 
sonarum from 1640 to 1649. 
Jesus, Isle of, 285. 

Jogues, Fr. Isaac Jogues = Ondessone, 310 ; 
copy from authentic portrait, :-;: J ,2a. ; 
Statute, 332b. ; (1636) starts from Three 
Rivets, arrives in Huronia, 30] ; (1637) 
302, 305; (1638) 307, 310; (1639) 317; 
journey to the Petuns with Charles 
Gamier, 223, 224, 226-227, 228, 355; 
(1640) 320, 321 ; (16411 326; to Sault 
Ste. Marie with Raymbault, 328, n.,330, 
354 ; | 1642) to Quebec, rapture on return 
trip; his companions; correct dates, 
332, 327, 337. See Synoptical Tables, 
404, 406-407, or 443, 445-446. Biography 
and letters in Authen. M.S. 1652, 252. 
Joseph, Fr., See LeCaron, Recollet. 
Joseph, Frank, farm, 94. 
Journal des Jesuites, 166, etc. 
JourneV, Cne, i.e. one day's journey, its 
length according to the Relations, 81, 
226. 

Kaentoton --- Kkaentoton Isle Ste. .Marie 

Manitoulin Is., 198-199. 
Kanawokeronons, Caughnawaga Indians, 

458. 

Kandoucho All Saints, Neutral village 
nearest to the Hurons, 223, 423; des- 
troyed probably with Teotondiaton 

(1650), 411. 

Kaontia Kaotia ste Anne ; Derivation, 
196; Site, distance from Ste. Marie I., 
98-99; contagion of 1639 began at, 197, 
98. See Synoptical Tables, 262, 263 ; for 
Mission, See Ste. Anne. 

Kasatsaestak, a large fork, 210. 

— Kara, words ending in, 212. 



Karenhassa, probably r=Carmaron ; Deriva- 
tion, 58-59 ; distance from Otouacha • 
Site, 59, 61. See Table 262. 

Katon, to bend, to curve, 155. 

Ke, ske, nde, suffix, 195. 

Kent, Co. Ont., 323, 423. 

Kettles, Caldaria on Ducreux's inset map, 
157; Hurons got their first large kettles 
from the French, 158 ; Kettle Falls (near 
Quebee)on Ducreux's general mapSaltus 
Caldariae, 163; used instead of hells 
337. 

Khiiioi)scarant=Qnieunonascaran, 40, 187= 
St. Joseph (of the Recollets), 37-42 ; De- 
rivation, 187 ; a second, 190 ; the second 
apex of Sagard's Triangle, 37-40 ; dist- 
ance from Ihonatiria, 31, 42, 51. sec 
Diagram II., 30 ; to Carhagnuha, 33, 42; 
to Thunder Bay, 42-45; to Ossoesane, 
41; toToanche I., 47, 56; it had a land- 
ing place, 42. Site, 41 ; See Table, 262. 
Mission: (1615) 271 ; (1616) 272; (1623) 
277, 278, 279, 281; (1624) 281 ; (1625) 
282. 
Khioetoa = St. Michel, village of the Neut- 
rals, the farthest west, 323, 423. 
Khiondaesahan, probably=Ekhiondastsaan, 

q. vid., 147. 
Khionnontateronnon, one of the many 
names of the Petun or Tobacco Nation, 
222.314, 328; congeneric appellations ; 
Derivation and meaning, 214-219 ; a de- 
fective derivation amended, 217, 220 ; 
the name indicative of their former 
home, 219. 
Kichkagoneiak, a friendly Algonquin tribe 

on S. Shore of L. Huron, 371. 
King's Gifts, The, to Lorette Indians, 456. 
Kirk, David an. 1 Lewis, (1628)294. 
Kontarea, 73, 74, 75, 79, 331, = Contarea-, 
q, vid. 

\a, hie, haec, hoc, (this); \a or e\a or 
de\e, hie, hue. lute, bine, (here, hither, 
thus far, hence), 190, 196. 

I.achine Rapids, 450. 

Da Conception, see Ossossanc 

Lacrosse, 427. 

Lado'iceur farm, 140. 

Latitau, Fr. Joseph Francois, 15S. 

La Fontaine, Simeon Co., Ont., 134, 140; 

first Mass celebrated in Ontario (1615) 

in parish of, 271, 433. 



[ndex. 



IS3 



La Foyer, Recollet, Fr. Jacques de, with the 
Xipissi gs 1624 |, 275. 

LaGalette, Prescott, Out, Atsenatsi, 205. 

Lagrenc, Fr Pierre, with the Qui 
Hurons (1695, 1702-1703), 457. 

Laidlaw, < teorge E., 55. 

Lajeunesae's Corners or Lupine's, misnamed 
Ahuntsic, 286-287. 

Lake; Champlain on his way to the "Nar- 
rows" passes along the shore of a Little, 

65, fiii ; it was three leagues from 
Cahiague, 65, 66, 82; the greater lake 
(Simcoe) empties into it af the Narrows, 
where there were weirs and a great 
fishing place, 66, 82 : description he 
gives tallies with L. Couchiching only, 

66, 82; not Bass Lake, 82-83; for other 
lakes, see under their names ; see 
( Intare. 

Lalemant, Fr. Charles, Superior of Canada 
Missions (1626), 287, 288, 289, 293 295 

Lalemant, Fr. Gabriel (Nephew of Charles 
and Jerome), cousin of Joseph Antonie 
Poneet, 391 ; I 1648) starts from Quebec, 
370 ; arrives in Huron ia, 375 : 377 ; 
(1649), 379; captured with de Br. bent 
at St. Louis and tortured at St. Igance 
II., 101, 104, 109, 124, 380; death, 104, 
115, 128, 380-3SI. 435; not certain that 
he witnessed the death of Brebeuf, 38(5 ; 
Search for site of martyrdom, 121; found, 
125-128; biography in Anthem MS. 
1652, 252; portrait, 380b See Synopti- 
cal Tables, 404. 407. or 443, 4415. 

Lalemant, Fr. Jerome = Achi« , ndoss6, 309; 
(1638) leaves Three Rivers for Huronia, 
308; arrival 309; Superior of Huron 
Mission, 309, 313; (1639) 313; merges 
all the residences into one, 313, 315 ; 31»> ; 
(1640) 319, 320, 322, 425; (1641) 325, 
320, 329, 418 ; ( 1642) 331, 3 12, 333, 335 : 
11643) 337, 338, 339 ; (1644) 340; reuse- 
to be Superior, 341, 342 354; leaves 
Huronia, 34(i ; Superior of all Canada 
Missions, 345. See Synoptical Tables, 
404, 406-407, or 443, 445-446. Notabilia: 
gives distance of SI Michel to St. Joseph 
1 1., 17 ; mentions St. .lean Baptiste as the 
most populous town of the Rock Clan, 
OS ; letter of Sei t 21, 1643, SO; in his 
Kel. 11)40, Ste. Marie I is styled " maieon 
de St. Joseph." 93 : gives distance of 
the mouth of Niagara from Huronia, 
291-29:'; attributes decrease in Huron 



population to war. 425 J Hurons ig 
ant of a Creator or of Providence, 

Lambert, Rustache, a 357. 

Lamberville, Fr. Ja< ques de, « ith 
Quebec Unions i 1689, 1690, 1898 . 157. 

Lambton, Co . Onl , 323, 371, 423. 

Landing Place nf Champlain in Huronia. m , 
of Toam he I . 61, cf. 17 ; of St. Jean 
Baptiste or Cahiague, 67, cf US, 69. 

Land's End of the Hurons, 54, 

Langevin, Michel Bergevin 'lit, 45- r >. 

Language see Iroquois, etc.). \ Huron- 

|UOis dialect spoken along ti I 

Lawrence R. in Jacques Cartier's time ; 
his two vocabularies, 431-432. The 
Huron, its pronunciation varied even in 
Huronia, 52 ; key to all Huron-lro 
dialects, the Petun the most archaic 
form 418 : wide in North 

America, 424 ; now a dead language at 
Lon tte, 169, 171, 455-456 ; a French- 
Huron dictionary, 172, 232, 119; o 
the Recollet's, 280 ird's vocab- 

ulary, III ; Fr. Pierre Potier's MSS. : 
Gramma . Radicals and Sermons, 170- 
171, 419; Cf. 52; his Radices 
566 noun loot-, 20 I an. I 970 verbal 
roots, 41S ; de Carheil's Roots, 186 : 

photo-facsimiles of two pages from 
Potier's Grammar : letters in u-o, then 
pronunciation, letters wanting, 155 ( 
58; the compounding of words, 191 

Synonyms compounded together, 71; 
but never two verbs, 189 : in compounds 
the noun comes first ; its final vowel 
is suppressed and the initial consonant 
of the adjective- or verb is elide. 1 : other- 
wise : either the la-t letter of the first 

word is suppressed or the first letter of 
the second word, 232-233 ; difficult to 
decompose ; multiplicity of Particli 
vid i 109-171. Both verbs and nouns 
classed in lixe conjugations ; Big] 
these; nouns indeclinable; "s" often, 
but not generally used to denote pi >ral : 
nouns unchangeable save in composition, 
182, 284 : pronouns likewise, 217. 

La Peltrie; Madame de. her eulogiam, 124. 

La I'ointe, i.e., north-western part of 
Huronia. 30, 42, 47, 146. 

Large, Dr. R. \V., contributions to Ontario 
I'rov. Museum. 157. 

I.a Ki.liar.lie, Fr. Armand de, with Qui 
Hurons (1725-1727 I, 157. 



4N4 



Index. 



I.a Roche de Daillon, Fr. Joseph de. See 
Daillon. 

La Rochelle, See Ossossane, Conception, La.; 
St. Gabriel. 

La Rochelle, France. 26. 

La Rousse Illustre ; Nouveau, 114. 

Laughead, William, farm, 67. 

Lausier, Losier or Lozier, Guillaume, a 
dome, 321, 327, 334, 339, 342, 347, 357, 
365, 378, 384, 397. 

Lauzon, Fr. Pierre de, with the Quebec 
Hurons (1716, 1617), -157. 

Laverdiore, L'Abbe, 61, 273. 

League of the Relations ; The, the French 
lieue: no uniform value ; eight different 
"lieues" varying from 3.268 to 5.849 
kilometres; 1. de terre, 114; 1. de 
marine, 1. d'une heure ; why Fr. .Martin 
uses kilometres and not lieues ; our land 
league nearest approach to the lieue 
il'inir heure ; adopted by the author, 
115. 

Le Boesrne, Bro. Louis, 378, 385, 397 ; = 
"Petit Louis," 376. 

Le Breton, Dom, Guillaume, 269. 

Le Caron, Recolletj Fr. Joseph (1615), sails 
from Honfleur ; arrives at Tadousae ; at 
Three Rivers, 269, 270 ; leaves for 
Huronia, 270; arrival, 271; at Carha- 
gouha, 270, 271, 38 ; first .Mass in Huron 
country ; Champlain present, 272, 38 ; 
(,1616) at Carhagouha ; in Petun coun- 
try. 272, 2T3, 27-1, 275 ; his dictionary : 
leaves the Hurons ; back at Three 
Livers ; at Quebec, 274 ; sails with 
Champlain for France, 275; (1617) re- 
embarks at Honfleur; arrives at Tadou- 
sae, 275; (1623) to return to Huronia, 
275-276; voyage up, 276: arrives, 35, 
277, 27!i ; at Carhagouha ; Viel and 
Sagard join him, 278-279, 36-37, 40; 
occupies bis former cabin ; description 
of, 279, 37. 38, 39; (1624) all three at 
Carhagouha ; leaving Fr. Viel in Hu- 
ronia, Le Caron and Sagard go down to 
Quebec, 2S0 ; village of Le Caron was 
called St. Joseph, 40-41 ; not to be con- 
founded with mission centres of that 
name mentioned in the Relations, 40 ; 
bis dwelling really lay between Khinon- 
ascaront and Carhagouha ; these were 
one half league apart, 42. 

I.e Clercq, Recollet ; Fr. Chrestien ; author 
iif "Le Premier Etablissement de la 



Foy dans Nouvelle France," 38, 270, 271. 
280, 287. 

Le Coq, Robert, business man of the Mis- 
sion ; frequent trips to Quebec, 313 ; 
(1634), 298; (16351, 299; (1636), 302; 
i 1637), 305; (16381,310, tends as Good 
Samaritan, a small-pox stricken Huron 
on a journey up, 312; (1639) stricken 
himself with the disease, is abandoned 
by Indians on a return trip to Huronia, 
311 ; becomes a donni, faithful to the 
end, 313; (1610), 421: (1641), 327 
(1642), 334; (1643), 33^; (1644), 312 
(16451, 347: (1646), 357; (1647), 365 
il648), 378; (1640), 383, 401; (1650), 
killed by the Iroquois, 313. 

Lefevre, Marin, a donne, 321, 327, 334, 338, 
342, 348, 357, 365, 378, 385, 397. 

1 .eger, . a boy, 358, 365. 

LeJeune. Fr. Paul, (1633) at Quebec, 297; 
(1634) superior general of Canada Mis- 
sion, 1632-1639, 298 ; his estimate of the 
population of Huronia, 425; (1637), 
303 : ( 1642 i at Dieppe, France, writes to 
theG6neral Vitelleschi, 333. Authentic 
portrait, 300 a. 

Le Mercier Fr. Francois Joseph, — Chaiiose 
309; (1635) sets out from Quebec, ar- 
rives in Huronia, 299; (1636) at Ihona- 
tiria, 301, 145, 149, 151 ; (1637) at Ihona- 
tiria, 302 : gives name of island in sight, 
28 ; and dis'ance to Ossossane, 30 ; from 
Cssossane to Angoutenc, 133, 134 ; at 
Ossossane, 303, 304, 30 j ; (1638) 307. 
308, 309; (1639) goes to Quebec; back 
the same season, 316 : (1640), 320, 322, 
(1641), 326, 329; (1642), 333, 335. 
11643), 338, 339; (1644), 341, 343, 
(1645), 347, 348; (1646), 357, 358; 
(1647), 364, 365, 366 ; (1648), 377, 379 : 
(1649), 384, 385, 388, 392. 396; (1650) 
leaves Huronia with the othes, 401, 
See Synoptioal Tables, 404, 406-407. or 
443, 445-446. 

I.e Mercier, Jean, a donni, 348, 356, 358, 
365, 37S, 384, 397 . 

Le Moyne, Fr. Simon = Sane, 310, = Onde, 
sonk, 452 ; (1638) arrives in Huronia, 
305 r 309, 310 ; (1639), 316, 317 ; (1610), 
320. 322; (1641), 326, 329; (1642), 334, 
335 ; (1643), 338, 339 : (1644), 342. 344 : 
(1645 1, 347, 355; (1646), 357, 359; 
il647\ 364; (1648), 377; (16491, 384, 
385, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 396, 398 ; 



Index. 



485 



(1650) abandons Huronia with the other 
missionaries, 4<U : (lfi54i in the Onon- 
daga country baptizes a young girl taken 
from the Neutrals, 44!i; (1657) accom- 
panies a party of Hurons, of the Bear 
Clan, who give themselves t<> the Mo. 
hawks, 452. 

Le Moyne, Charles, a liireit boy, 334, 338, 
342, 346. 

Lepine's Corners. See Lajeunesse. 

Le Tac, Recollet ; Fr. Rixte aut ior of the 
" Historie Chronologique (le la Nouvelle 
France," posthumous, .'is, l'77. 281. 

Letter, Christophe Regnaut's, 115. 

Letters, Huron. See Language : letters and 
particles, see Particles ; those wanting 
in Huron, 58, 155. 

Levrier, Jacques, a Aonnk, 321, 326, 334, 338, 
342, 347. 357, 365, 378, 384, 397. 

Lexique Iroquois (I'Abbe Cuoq), 170, 372, 
373, 432. 

Little Lake, Champlain's, or Couchiching. 
See Lake. 

Little, K... lexicographer, 114. 

Lodges, fires and families in, ( 1639 I, 315. 

Loney, Arthur, farm, 125. 

Long House or Lodge ; The, see Hotinnon- 
chiendi. 

LongSault; The, (Ottawa Riv.) 452. 

Loranger, Rev. Francois Germain Rivard, 
with the Quebec Hurons (1817-1819), 
457. 

Lorette or Quebec Hurons, 447; Fr. Girault's 
Momoire on, 450; Hurons at Old Lorette; 
at Jeune Lorette, 447, 454-456; list of 
missionaries with, 45(5-457 ; of some 
chiefs, 45S. 

Lorette; Notre dame dp, or Our Lady of 
Loreto, 4.")4. 

Losier or Lozier, Guillaume, a donnc, See 
Lausier. 

McDougall Tp., Out ; 164. 

McLennan ; John, farm, 55. 

McLeod ; Hector, farm, 123. 

Mad River, Out., 244. 

Maison de St. Joseph Ste. Marie I , See 
St. Joseph, maison de. 

Malherbe ; Bro. Francois; (1646) a boy of 
14, in Huronia, 358 : ! 1047) 305 : I 1648) 
378; (1649) 384, 396; helped to carry 
the remains of de Itrebeuf and Gabriel 
Lalemant from St. [gnace II. to St. Marie 
I., 110; 1 1696) dies, as a lay brother, on 



the Saguenay mission ; his obituary, 
10 I, 121. 

Manitou ; The, 361. 

Manitoulin [aland, See Ekaentoton. 

Maps, Theoretical R instruction of Huro 

98), 121, n ; Huronia of the Rele 

(1906 ; 35, See map at tl 

this volume, and that of Tay Tp. with 
Huron village sites; Oucreux'e ineel 
map. 5, c, 69-70 ; Fr, Martin's two on- 
finished maps of Huronia, Is, 19; Park- 
man's, 28; relative positions of Huron 
and Iroquois countries : Parkman's map, 
6; his map of Champlain's route in I 
68; Ducreux's outline of Bruce penin- 
sula, 228 : his shore line | Lake Sin 
corrected, 69; the Petun country, 235; 
Medonte Tp., 20: Oro Tp. 66 

Marguerie, Francois, visits I'.i, fbeuf in 
Huronia (1636), 301 : is drowned with 
Amiot ( 1648), 310. 

Marguerie River = Riviere aux Glaises, 341. 

Mark's Point. 189. 

Martin, Fr. Felix : his " Voyages el Recber- 
ches " in the Huron country. MS 
18, 19 ; his plan and description of fort 
Ste. Marie II., 1855, 7; sketch oi 12 b : 
description of fort Ste. Marie I.. 9-10; 
sketch of, 12 d ; his unfinished maps o, 
Huronia, 18, 19; identities site of 
Ossossane, 27, sketch of 22 a ; his Ihona- 
tiria misplaced, 28; Otouacha and 
Toanchd identical, 61 : ( lontarea and St. 
Jean Baptiste, 70, 79; gives the same 
distance from Ste. Marie I. to St, I 
as from St. Louis to St. Ignace II . 114, 

115; why his measures are in kilometres, 
and not in leagues, 115; in 1855, in 

searching t'..r Huron sites, had for guide 

John P. llussey: at site oi St. Joseph II.: 

the half-fused brass stand ol crucifix, 1!', 
289, 386. His French translation I 
from the Italian of Bressani I Macerata, 
105, 108, etc. 

Mascoutens=Fire Nation Atsistaeeronm 
224, 265 : drive the Petuns easl ward 
St. Pierre el St. Paul. 224, 122. 

Mass, First said in Canada. 269-270; lirst in 
i intat io, in the present parish ot I a 
Fontaine, 271 , 27-', 1 sane, 

: J ,o:;. 
Massacre, Cap-au-, 132. 
Mass,', F r , Ennemond 1611) at Canso and 

Port Royal, 287; (1027) at ii I 



486 



Index. 



( 162'. > i superior there during the absence 
of Fr. Charles Lalemant in France, 
recalls Fr. de Brcbeuf from Huronia, 
295, 296; (1633) he and Brcbeuf accom- 
pany Cbamplain back to Canada, 297. 

Masson, Bro. Pierre, 355, 357, 364, 378, 384, 
392, 396. 

Matchedash Bay, 5, 66, 83, 128, 420 : Town- 
ship, 265. 

Mathurin , hired man, 301, 305, 310, 311; 

goes to Quebec, thence to France to enter 
the Capuchin order, 327, 328. 

"Mathurin's Man," a renegade Huron: 
origin of name ; headed the Iroquois who 
captured Fr. Jogues, 327. 

Meaford, Ont., 227. 

Measures, French standard, 114-115. 

Medonte Tp., Ont., Map, 20 ; 121, 122, 422 ; 
numerous pits in west of Tp., 160, 161. 

" Mc' moires touchant la Mort et les Vert us 
des Pries, etc." Original MS. 1652, pre- 
pared by Fr. Paul Ragueneau and duly 
authenticated, 395, 252 ; photo-fac-simile 
of one of its pages (i.e. 276), 253. 

Men. hired ; in Huronia, 301, 302, 305, 307, 
310, 311, 397. 

Menard ; Fr. Rene, (1641 ) arrives in Huronia, 
325, 326, 330; (1642) 334, 336; (1643) 
71, 338, 339, 340; (1644) 342, 343; 
(1645) 347; 319, line 25, strike out 
Francois Du Peron's name and insert 
instead Fr. Rene Menard's ; 325, line 18, 
replace Fr. Menard's name by that of 
Fr. Joseph Antoine Ponoet. (1646) 357, 
359; (1647) 364, 373, 374; (1648) 377, 
380 ; (1649) 384, 388, 389, 394, 397, 398 ; 
(1650) 397; Huronia abandoned, 401. 
See Synoptical Tables 404, 406-407, or 
443, 445-446. 

Mer Douce, Fresh Water Sea, L. Huron, 42, 
66, 377, 398. 

Messieurs de la Compagnie (de Rouen), 371, 
387. 

Metallic Stand, half-fused, See Crucitix, 20. 

Metric System, 115. 

Michigan, Lake, 449 ; State, 371. 

Michilimackinac, 422. 417. 

Michisagnec, Algonquins, N-E. shore of L. 
Huron, 370. 

Midland, Ont., 99, 131 ; Midland Bay, 35, 
146, 389 ; Branch G.T.R., 117. 

Migrations of the llurons ; Hurons Proper, 
381, 387. 401, 450-456 ; Neutrals. 441-442. 



448-450 ; Petuns, See note, in Table 
of Contents, page xviii. See Exodus, 
Dispersion. 

Mile, Italian Geographical, 102 ; three (Eng- 
lish) statute milep, nearest approach to 
the "lieue d'une heure" ; unit of measure 
used in this monograph, 115. 

Mill Lake, Ont., 164. 

Millet, Fr. Pierre, his letter, July 6, 1691, 
180-181 ; with the Quebec Hurons (1696, 
1697), 457. 

Mission, The Huron : Missionaries in 
Huronia and Mission Centres, year by 
year, 1615-1650, See Table of Contents 
under Part Second, and pp. 269 to 
402. Synoptical Table I., their names 
in Alphabetical Order, with their re- 
spective numbers, dates of their arrival 
and departure, 404 or 443. Table II., 
Mission stations and missionaries (by 
numbers) year by year from 1615 to 
1629, 405, or 444. Table III., Mission 
stations and missionaries from 1634 to 
1650, 406-407, or 445-446. No mission- 
aries in Huronia from the summer of 
1616 till that of 1623, 275, 277 ; nor from 
the summer of 1629 till that of 1634, 
2^7, 298. List of Jesuit missionaries 
with the Quebec or Lorette Hurons, 456; 
of Secular priests, 457. See Neutral, 
Petun. 

Mission; La Premiere, etc. Fr. Auguste 
Carayon, Paris, 1864; 36, 149, 287; a 
mistranslation corrected, 344. 

Moad, John, farm, 122. 

Moats, Natural, 26; 304; see Fosse. 

Mohawk Country ; Distance from Huronia, 
6; Hurons of Quebec invited to (1656) 
451 ; a party of the Bear Clan go to 
(1657) 452; Iroquois from the, join the 
Hurons at Lorette ( 1673) 454 ; Cf 417 : 
Mohawks: Their Huron name Angnien- 
eeronnon, 265 ; numerical strength in 
1660. 449; Mohawk River, 432. 

Molere, Joseph, a donvi, 321. 327, 334, 338, 
342, 347, 357, 365, 378, 384, 397. 

Montagnais and Algonquins with Cbamplain 
defeat the Iroquois at Cape Victory in 
1623, 276. 

Montgomery, Prof., 162. 

Montreal, Cartier's Hochelaga, 421, 431, 432. 

Montreuil, Nicolas, a dtmve, 321. 327, 334, 
339, 342. 347, 357, 365, 378, 385, 397. 



[ndex. 



487 



Moonstone, Out., 177. 

Mmint St Louie, Simcoe Co., Out., 177. 

Mountains of St. Jean = Blue Hills. 43S, 
Petun Nation, Tobacco Nation or Coun- 
try, 223, 260. 

" MS., 1652," See Mtmoires, 395. 

Mud Lake, see Isiaragui. 

MulmurTp., Out,, 422. 

Murray farm, 324. 

Muskoka District, 5, 128. 

Names of Huron Towns generally two-fold 
79; of Missionaries ami of Mission 
centres, see Mission ; of some Quebec 
Huron Chiefs. 458; Huron appellations 
of some of the Missionaries, 309-310. 
371-374, 452. 

Nappi, Fr. Philippe, Superior of the Pro- 
fessed House at Rome, 371. 

Narrows; The, (near Orillia, Ont. ) outflow 
of L Simcoe into L. Couchiching, 5, 
65-66, 82-83 ; distance to Cahiague. from, 
66; not far from P. Ethaoiiatius (Du- 
creux) 200; the Iroquois raids into 
Huronia came from the neighbourhood 
of, 238, 434 ; not outlined on Ducreux's 
inset map, 5 ; why, 84. 

Neiges ; Notre Dame des, Quebec Hurons at 
( 1668) ; about two and a half miles from 
Quebec towards Beauport, 453. 

Neutrals : Why so called, 439-440. Attioii- 
endaronk, or Attioiiandaronk, 328, 419= 
Attiwandaronk (modern); = Atirague- 
nek, Atirhangenrets, 439; those beyond 
Niagara Riv. , Ondieronon, 423 dndir- 
hronnons, 323 ; Ouenrohronon 423 ; = 
Mission of the Angels, 328. Country : 
432: distance from Huronia, 291, 292. 
319 ; Teanaostaiac nearest Huron town, 
20, 76, 81 ; climate, 292 ; extent. 
291, 319, 422-423, 439. Population 
(1611) 424-425, 426; number of 
villages, 319, 322-324; some be 
yond Niagara R., 291 ; names of some 
Neutral Villages, 439-441. Particular 
History: 439-441; country invaded, 
population dispersed, 441-442 ; their- ex- 
tinction as a nation, 448-450. Mission 
(The Angels): (1626) Fr. Joseph de La 
Roche de Daillon, Recollet visits them 
first, 290-292, 405: (1638) some 8enroh.ro- 
nons, a Neutral tribe, incorporated with 
the Hurons, 310; (1640-1641 de Bn beuf 



and Chaumonot go on mission to, 3_'2- 
324,328,406; mission interrupted, whv, 
328, 331, 335; L642, 1643) no mi 
among th 136, 340. I 

monot'e Neutral name Oronbiaguehre, 
371,- Aronhiatiri (Hur.), 373. All in- 
struments held in superstitious a* 
the Neutrals, so the missions 
take no altitudes, 228. Their destrm- 
tion, Hi. Synoptical Tables, 405, 406, 
or 144, 445 

New Brunswick, 270. 

Newton Farm; The (Charles K. i. Site of 
st Louis, 103: and not of St. [gnace II . 
1 12 114, 124 ; about one league from the 
ruins of Ste. Marie I., and the same 
from the Matthew Campbell jr. farm. 
112, cf. 111. 

New York .state, what pert of, occupied by 
the Iroquois, 432 ; part invaded by 
Champlain 1615, 433; a few Neutral 
villages west of the Genesee I;. 
1610, 291, 422, 440-441. 

Niagara Falls, Huron name of, 212, 266 
(Potier): Ongiara = Onguiaabra, a 
Neutral village near. 423.— River. 291, 
323,422, 123.440-441. See sndgiara. 

Nichol's Pond, near Perryville, N.Y. 433. 

Nicolas, Father, see Viel, 36, 37. 278, 279. 
283, 285, 288; his village. 37. 

Nicolas, War Chief, of the Sandusky band 
of Hurons, 447. 

Nigouaouichirinik, Algonquin tribe on S 
shore of L. Huron, 371. 

Nikikouek Algon. tr. on N.-E. shore of I.. 
Huron, 370. 

Ni pissing Algonquins, 370, 390 ; SkeskS:. 
ronnon (1741 — Potier i 266; Nipissiri- 
niens= Askikouanehronons (1640), 325 ; 
St. Esprit Mission 71. 370; Lake 
Nipissing 113, 166. 264. 270, 275, 277, 
37o, 390, 398. Mission; (1622) Fr. 
fiuillaume Poullain, Recollet, 275; (1624) 
Fr. Jacques de La Foyer and Bro. Ikuna- 
venture, Recollets, 275; (1640 FF. 
Claude Pijart and Charles Raymhault. 
tirst Jesuit missionaries, 319. 325 ■ 1 » . i 1 > 
325. 326 329, 330; (1642) 332-333. 336; 

1613 310: - Hill : .".41. 344 : 
351, Cf. 352 355 ; i 1646 , 361-362 : I 1647) 
370; (1648) 380; (1649, :'.s7, 388, 3^9. 
390. 394. 398; ( 1650 398 399 All the 
missions attended from Huronia aban- 



488 



Index. 



doned, 401. See Synoptical Tables, 405, 
406-407, or 444, 445-446. 

Noirclair, Bro. Nicolas, 376, 378, 3S4, 392, 396. 

North or Black River (Simcoe Co., Ont. ) 
83, 128. 

Nottawasaga Bay, western boundary of 
Huronia Proper; La Rochelle (Ossos- 
sane) situated on, 26, 27, 184; stream 
near Arenta flows into, 135 ; a drive 
around, 250 ; refugees from Ossossanc 
cioss it on the ice (1649) 222, 382, 437 ; 
Fr. Garreau all but wrecked on, 400. — 
River : 5 ; no historic Huron town south 
of, 76; Chnbanel's bivouac near, 395; 
Ekarenniondi about 18 miles west of, 
239, 260, 395; Chabanel's unfordable 
stream, 260 ; the apostate Huron ferriep 
him over, 395 ; by whom he was mur- 
dered near its mouth, 250, 438. Town- 
ship : 240, 243, 422 ; FF. Charles 
Gamier and Jogues pass through 226 ; 
supposed Indian earthworks in, 243; its 
lowlands once thickly peopled probably 
by Petuns, 219; aspect of the country 
243. 

None ; Fr. Annede, (1626) arrives at Quebec, 
289; reaches Huronia, 290, Cf. 289; at 
Toanche I., 290, 291, 292; (1627) re- 
turns to Quebec, 293, 294, why 293; 
( 1629) sai!s with the other missionaries 
for Europe, 297; from Honfleur returns 
to Canada, at Tadousac ; at Quebec, 
298 ; mentioned 56, 252. See Synoptical 
Tables, 404, 405, or 443, 444. 

Nouns: Huron, see Language. 

Noyrot ; Fr. Philibert, 289, 293. 

Numerals ; Huron, one to ten 179. 

Oakville, Ont., 291, 423. 

Ochasteguis, a misnomer for The Hurons 420. 

Ochionhsendita, a plant use i in furbishing, 

the horsetail 210. 
OehionSaeta, an awl, anything pointed ; a 

necklace, ear-ring, metal wire, 210. 
OchionSendi#a, the horsetail (bot. equise- 

tum), 209. 
Oenra, a fir or spruce plantation, 140. 

Ocnrio=Ouenrio, 140 ; a wayside village 
between Ihonatiria and Ossossanc, one 
league from the former, 141 142 ; near 
Onnentisati, 139: but nearer than it to 
Ihonatiria, 137; to the east of Anonatea • 
its inhabitants once a part of Toanchc I., 



142; approximate site, 262, 140, 112; 

Derivation, 140-141 ; a word of four 

syllables, not to be pronounced Wenrio, 

174 n. 
6'Hare ; Michael of Midland, 241. 
Oi'anni, to vex, trouble, interrupt, to stir up. 

182. 
Oh Vara, bark of the linden, 212. 
Ohio ; State, 447. 
Ohsi, to thrust, plunge or dip something in 

the water, with derivations, 197. 
Oki, a spirit, the devil, 428. 
Oklahoma ; State, late Indian Territorv 

U.S., 447. 
OkSateenende, Lake Superior, 74, 265. 
Olbeau, Recollet ; Fr. Jean d' ; sails from 

Honfleur; arrives at Quebec; erects a 

chapel and celebrates mass (1615), 269. 

Old Fort, see Ste. Marie I. 

Oliveau ; Pierre, a hired man, 378. 

Olivier; An Interpreter, 295. 

On, verb, to be several or many together, 

20" ; no French nasal sound, 52 ; On, 

onda, to have as fatherland, countrv, 

218. 
Onakonchiaronk ; Ignaee, the host of the 

missionary at St. Ignaee I. (1647) 368. 
Onda (atonda), space, interval of time or 

place, stretch of land, 56, 148, 206 
Ondaon, v. to have a house, a home, 148. 
Ondaonskara, a nettle, 213. 
Ondatouatandy, Algon. tribe on S.-W, shore 

of L. Huron, 371. 
Ondecbiatiri, Huron name for Toronto 

(Potier) 265. 
Ondechra. ( Atondecha), land, country, 54. 
Ondesonk=Fr. Simon Le Moyne, q. vid., 

452. 
Ondessone=Fr. Isaac Jogues, q. vid., 310 
Ondia, a point of land, 29, 56. 
Ondjatana Insula=Ondichaouan I.=Giant's 

Tomb Is., 28-30, 266. Derivation, 28-30. 
Ondieronii = Ondieronius Pagus = Ondier- 

onon=Ouenn">hronon, a Neutral tribe 

beyond the Niagara R., 323, 423, 441. 

Location 440-441. See Neutrals. 
Ondrachiara, a red stone, 212. 
Oneidas, 266, 449 ; The Lake, 433. 
Ouendich, a Huron, 137. 
" One-White-Lodge Clan ; " The, 437=Scan- 

onaenrat, 181, 435;=Tahontaenrat, 178. 
Ongiara. 423 ; see Niagara ;=Onguiaara ; see 

Sndgiara. 



I 






Onionen, See Goiogtien. 

Onionkara, a cliff, bluff, 212. 

Onnei8'tr8nnon (Potier), TheOneidas, 266. 

Onnentisati, Derivation 135; near the hill 
Tandehouaronnon, (Randolph H.i 136 
sit,., L85, 137-140, 262; 141, 142, 1 13, 
147. 

Onnhaaskara, hemp, 213. 

Onnonhsaskara f«>r nnonsaekara, the cotton- 
tree, 213. 

OnnonkSarSta, porcelain 212. 

OnnonkHoii'ta, a string of porcelain, 212. 

Onnonta, a mountain (passiv. atenonta), 21 I. 

Onnontaeeronnen, The Onondagas (Potier) 
266. 

Onnontiogas, 450. 

Onondagas; The, One of the Five Nations, 
See Iroquois ; 266 ; part of the Rock 
Clan joined them (1657) 447, 452 : three 
sodalities among them (1657) 419 ; Chau- 
monot meets captives from Contarea 
among them, 77 ; knowing Huron he 
soon acquires their dialect 418. 

Oataanak, Algon tribe on south shore of L. 
Huron, 371. 

Ontara=lake, sea ; all lakes termed Ontare, 
{i.e., where there is a, except I.. 
Superior) 74, 201, 265-266. 

Ontario; Prov. of, what part occupied by 
Hurons Proper, 5, 422; by Petuns, 219, 
220, 221, 442; by Neutrals, 291, 422-423, 
439. Kirst mass said in, 270, 433. 

Oqui=Oki, a spirit, the Devil, 428. 

Orillia, 5, 70 ; site of Contarea near, 81, 434 ; 
Iroquois inroads from near, 238-239, 434 ; 
Township, 72, 73, 263, 422. 

Orleans, Island of, 420, 447, 451, 453. 

Oronhiaguehre=Fr. Chaumonot, q. vid. 

Oro. Tp., Out., 67, 73, 81, 262, 263, 331, 422. 

Oron, to he scattered, strewn about, set at 
intervals, etc., 59. 

Orr's Lake, Simcoe Co., Ont, 25, 375, 420. 

OsaSa, down I feathers), 210. 

Osborne, A. (!., 55. 

Osenni, v. to fall in the water, with te duali" 
tatis. to dazzle, 184. 

OsktSara, a filament, a hair, 211. 

Ossossane, the principal town of the Hear 
Clan ; = Ossossane, 90, 91, a misprint 
in the Quebec edition of Relations, 
9, 182 ; = La Conception, 15, 26, 36, 
:«)3-4 ; = La Rochelle, 25, 26, 36, 
304 ; = Quieuindohian = Tequeun- 
oikuaye, 36, 378 ; = Tequenonquiaye, 



37 : St. Gabriel 16 27s. 

405. Derivation, 182, 184, 176, 
Distances : to Ste. Marie, I., 26, 91 ; to 
Teanaostaiae or St Joseph II., 27; to 
Ihonatiria or St. Joseph I., 28 
gouteno, 129, 132, 134; to Khinn 
carant, 33, 40, 41, 47 ; to Toanche' I 
16, 17, 56; to Contarea, 84 ; its position 
with regard to Arenta, 135; to Onnen- 
tisati, 137-139; to Oenrio, 141 ; to Anon - 
atea, 1 4 i : to Ekhiondastsaan, 1 19 
to Andiatae, 151. site : i . nop- 

tical Table, 263; its original site at Var- 

w 1 Point, 25, 2d. 1st, 27. 2s : changed 

sites at least three times, 26; Kr. Felix 
Martin visited its site in 1855, 27 ; his 
coloured sketch of site, 12a. Notabilia: 
It was the first village of Sagard's equi- 
lateral triangle, 37 ; its contingent anni- 
hilated in L649, 381, 382, :is5, 437 ; its 
inhabitants betake themselves to the 
lvtiin country crossing Nottawasaga 
Bay on the ice. 222. 382, 137 ; its fortili- 
cations, 75, 106, 306 ; it was never 
attacked by the Iroquois, 135 ; the 
Ouenrohronons, a Neutral tribe, ado 
by the village, 441. For Mission at, 
See Conception and St. Gabriel. 

Ossossarie, misprint for Ossossane in Queb- 
ed. of Relations, 9. 

( tssuaries. See Bonepit . 

O.-tiesara, a fish-hook, 190. 

( Itontaron = Otontaronius Pagus, a Neutral 
canton and village, 323. 12::. 

Otoiiacha, = Toanche I., 59-61 ; Pee St. 
Nicolas: Derivation. * ►* > ; correctly set 
down on Fr. Martin's second map, 28, 
cf., 19 ; spot where Chatnplain landed 
in 1615, 59, 61, 65, 270; distance to 
Carmaron (Karenhassa), 59, 62: prob- 
ablesite, 17,59-61,263; Brgbeuf landed 
there 1634) ; was once the "port" of 
Toanchd I . •""'■, 298. 

Ottawa River, the highway to Huronia, 65 

270, 277, 281, etc. : Pollard's ) 

light on the, 452. 
Ottawas, Fr. Garreau fatally wounded on bis 

way to tbi', 400. 
Ouachaskesouek, Algon. tribe on south shore 

of I.. Huron, 371. 
Ouaroronon, a Neutral village, 323, 123. 
Ouchaouanag, hostile Algon. tribe of the 

I'uc Nation, on s.-w. shoreof L. Huron, 

371. 



490 



Index. 



Ouendat = Sendat = Wen. lot = Wyandot, 
419. See Hurons. 

Otienrio = Oenrio, q. vid. 

Ouenrohronon, a Neutral clan, 423, 440, 441, 
= Kenrohronons, 310. 

Ouentaroniu8 Lacus, = L. Simcoe. 83 ; = 
Ouentaron, 70 ; Derivation, 202. 

Ouinipegong, Algon. tribe on g.-w. shore of 
L Huron. 371 . 

Oiinontisaston, a Neutral village, 291, 323, 
405, 423, = Oounontisaston, 324 ; prob- 
ably = Andachkhroe, 324, n ; cf. Eotong- 
niaton, 3l'4 

< >urs : Nation des, 36 = Bear Clan, 76. 

< Hitaouakamigouk, an Algon. tribe on N.-K. 

shore of L. Huron, 370. 

Outaouasinagouk, another on south shore of 
L. Huron, 371. 

OSan, v. to lift or draw out of the water, 45. 

.sane = Fr. Simon Le Moyne, 310. 

8aracha = Fr. Charles Gamier, 309. 

8endat, the Hurons, 419-420, 266; Deriva- 
tion, 419; "Hendake Ehen," 402, 420. 
cf. ke, 208. 

Senta, preferably 8ointa, vermillion, red, 211. 

8ndara, a powder liorn, 211. 

Hndgiara, 212; = Sngiara, 212, 2 i6. See 
Etio8nda8oinendi and Niagara Falls. 

8nn(t)hataten, dry wood, 195. 

ston and 8tonnion, a multiplicity of things to 
be prominent, in relief, 200. 

Paden, James, farm, 153. 

Panic, Charles, a domic, 321, 327, 331, 338, 
312, 347, 357, 364, 378, 384, 396. 

Paouitagoung, Algon. tribe of Sault Ste. 
Marie, 370. 

Paquet, Rev. Joseph, with the Quebec 
Hurons I 1794-1799), 455, 457. 

Parent, Andrew, farm, 133, 134. 

Paris, Ont., 323, 423. 

Parkman, Francis; "Jesuits in N.A. ;" 
describes taking of St. Joseph II., 20- 
21 ; map of Huronia, 28 ; of relative 
position of Hurons and Iroquois, ; of 
Champlain's Expedition, 1615, 68 ; ren- 
ders "fosse profond" by "deep 
ravine," 106 ; gives distance from St 
Louis to Ste. .Marie I. as about three 
miles, 102, 114 ;* St. Louis, not so 

» In his "Jesuits in North America." p. 380. he 
says St. Ignace It , was about a league distant from 

St. Luuis. 



strong naturally as St. Ignace II., 10S ; 
astray a? to the site of Ihonatiria, 28 ; 
and of St. Jean Baptiete, 70, 72. 
Parry Sound, 44, 113, 166, 262, 270 
Particles ; Observations on Huron Letters 
and some Particles : Letters in use, 155, 
plate ; letters wanting, 155, 58 ; A, 
initial, sign of first Conjugation. A 
sign of second, 182; a, suffix, in com- 
pound words implies size, age, etc., 
192, 208, 233 n; a.a, the contrarv, 185; 
ae, suffix, its use, 172-173, 175-176, 228; 
atatie, suffix, along the end, towards 
the, 56 ; prefix, to be, to abide, 137 ; 
cf. ata, the extremity, end, 193 ; ate, to 
be, to be come, to be present, as prefix, 
137, 214-215. — B, wanting, 58, 155 
plate;— C never alone, but always Ch, 
never hard, but as in chaise or chaslen, 21 7, 
155 and plate, hard sound of C rendered 
by k, x . kh, 155, 52, 58 ; Chi or echi, 
prefix, generally an adv., afar, faraway, 
also beyond, (ultra, prte, ante), etc., 
206, and willingly, for all time, etc., 207 ; 
a correction made. 217; — D, pronounced 
sometimes like n, et vice versa ; preceded 
by n and followed by i before a vowel, 
pronounced gui, 155 plate; de, suffix, 
when used instead of ke, 208; di, an 
adventitious syllable, 232 n.— E, suffix, 
208 ; e, initial, denotes perpetuity, 
233 n. ; e, initial, sign of third conjuga- 
tion, and e, sign of fourth, 182 ; e, ke. 
ske, or nde, suffix, 204, 195 ; echi = 
beyond, 29; ek, adv. time and place, 
199; exa, = here, hither, hence, 148, 
199, 232 ; eti, to go or come 215, use as 
prefix, 216— F, wanting, 58, 155 plate. 
— G, initial, of rare occurrence : relic of 
Iroquois dialect, 191, 198; diminutive g 
over a letter = the tilde ( - ), 232, 
generally pronounced like iota sub- 
script, 372, like gn, 231, 155 plate.— H, 
always aspirate, 155 plate, 165 ; c, al- 
ways followed by h, 21 7.— I, initial, 
diminutive, 1S6; i pure, preceded by d, 
t, k, or n, 155 plate; i, verb, denotes 
fullness, 164, 193 ; also in compounds, 
to be alone, unique, often followed by 
ha. 146 ; g, in Iroquois dialect, substi- 
tuted for i in Huron, 372, 191 ; i, adjec- 
titium, 372, 148 : i and e sign of fourth 

c 

conjugation, 182; iota subscript, v.g : 



I 



■mi 



a, e, it- use, 190, 197, 198, 206 ; sup] 
the y sound, 1 '>o ; iara, preposit., after 
noun--- on, above over, 185, 208; some 
compound words ending in iara, 212 
J, not met with in Union text : Potier 
omits it in list of letters in use :tnd of 
those wanting, 155 plate. — K and \ - 
with vowel as kh, 155 plate, 52, 148, 
188; supplies the chard, 58, 155, 231 : 
some compound words ending in 
212; ke, suffix, = lat. ad, apud, in, 
208 ; ke' ske, nde, 195, 201 ; khi or \i. 
not to he confounded with chi, not met 
with asa separate particle, 21 7 ; cf., 219 ; 
Ktsi, suffix, 208; \a, e\a, ordexe, 
here, thus far, etc. = ek, 199, 196; cf. 
e\a, tin-, 20(i : \a hit. hie. hue. hac, 
hinc, ibi, 74 ; \i, khi always hard, 217 ; 
k and \ sound of kh, 148, 155, 188; 
ksi. etc , sutlix, 208. — Land 1-sound un- 
known to Hurons, 155 plate, 58. 147 ; 
letters in use, 155 plate ; letters wanting, 
58, 155 plate. — M, wanting, ,'<. — N, 155 
plate, whether single or double same 
Bound, 173-174, 183; final with de, 208 ; 
coalescing with i, 231 : bar over vowel 
when n or m is understood, 196. — O, 155 
plate, o or 8, initial, sign of the fifth 
conjugation, 182 ; 5 = on, 196 ; o and a 
sometimes interchangeable, 210; o and 
s Bometimes used indiscriminately, 155 
plate, 54, 140 n., 174, 324.-8, 155 plate ; 
o and 8, initial, sign of fifth conjugation, 
182 : 8 supplies the place of u wanting 
in Huron, 53 ; 8ton, 8tonnion denote 
multiplicity, 53, 146. — P and Q wanting, 
58, 155 plate. Prepositions rendered by 
suffixes, 185. — R, See important obser- 
vation on, 155 plate. — S, 155 plate, 
never pronounced like ■/,. ib. • final, 
denotes repetition, 204 ; often but not 
always used for plurals, 182 ; sign of 
reduplication, 206 ; in Iroquois, an in- 
tensative prefix, 207 ; same sound whe- 
ther single or double, 58, 183 ; ske, 
suffix, = lat. ad, apud, in, 208 ; Sti, ti. 
k8i, suffix, three meanings, 208. — T 
ilesces with h, hence 0, 201, 155 and 
plate; initial, te, numeral = two, 179, 
L96 ; dualitatis, 53, 155, 195, 196 ; locali- 
tatis, 155, 136, 166, 196; te and stan 
no. not, 45; 00 or tho, = there, with oi 
without motion, 233; terminations: 
some words ending in ara, 211 ; in iara 
35 A.R. 



and kara, 212 ; ti, suffix, 208 : te, prefix, 

197, -U, wanting, 16 

272 ; replaced by 8or on ; when m 

by dixresis (' m\ meed 

separately, 155 plate, 171 n. — V and W, 

wanting, 155 plate, hut the s or ou 

before a vowel « ithout the diceresi 

w, but ii, 1 1 ot lerw ise, :172. 174 n. — X, 
(English) wanting, 155 plate, 58. — Y, 
wanting, hut n il mi ul oned by P 

rig those wanting or in ue 
plate ; its sound supplied, to 

ent, tp\ iota Bubsi ript, 165 ; which 
Potiei places at the end of bis alphabet, 
155 plate. — Z, wanting, unmentioned, 
155 plate; even s is never pronounced 
like z, 
Peneianguishene, Ont., mentioned, 8, 55, 
82; Oenrio about three miles N.-W of, 
140; Anonatea about four and a quarter 
N.-W. of, 142; Name Algonquin = 
nu' Sands, 194; See coloured sketch 

Of, 1855, 15111, ; Hay : 5. 28. 30, 3"., 17. 

IS, 61, 1 I',, 1 16, 262, 
14(1, 117. 17ii. 

Peterborough, Ont., 202. 

"Petit Louis," 376. See i.e Boesme. 

Petun or Tobacco Natii 1 hy the 

French as that plant was i pro- 

duct, 211. 222; one of the three great 
Huron tribes, 422; akin to Hurons 
Proper, and ha ing 

Huron Language), 214: = Khinonta- 
tei mon, etc., Etionontates, i tc . Tion- 
nontates, etc . Dionnon etc. ; 

Derivation of, 214-219; Mission of 
the \postles, 224, 314. — Territory : 
Previous to 1639, comprised Bruce and 
i, icy countie8, Out., 122; extending 
west to mouth of Saugeen River, and at 
remote date, before t tie war with Hurons 
Proper, eastward to the lowland-- of 
N'ottawasaga Township, 219: posterior 
to L639, driven by the Mascoutens to the 
shelter of the Blue Hills and west 
of Nottawasaga Bay, 219, 220, 122: 
these hills, styled in Relations, Moun- 
tains of the PetunS, Mountains of St. 
.lean I Etharita), ■ r simply the l'etun 
Nation, 22:;. 231: they formed the 
eastern boundary, 221 Petun 

country lav west of Iluronia 432 ; vari- 
ous contemporary estimates of ,li 
from Huronia Proper, 221-22:'.; St. 



492 



Index. 



Pierre et St. Paul, the village furthest 
west in 1639, 224 ; = EhBae, derivation, 
227; site, 255; the furthest north, St. 
et St. Jude (Ducreux's map), 228; in 
1647, the two Clans of the Wolf and the 
Deer made up the entire population, 
224, 363. Map of Petun Country, 235, 
228, cf. 230. Population (q vid.), 424- 
426. Villages, 422, 425 ; in 1 639, at least 
nine, 426 ; their names, 223 ; two only 
on Ducreux's general map, 224 ; Village 
sites discussed, 225 ; St. Pierre et St. 
Paul and St. Simon et St. Jude, 227, 
229; St. Matthieu, 224, 225, 229; St. 
Thomas, 225, 226; Ekarenniondi or St. 
Mathiae of the Deer Clan, 229-230, 231, 
233, 234, 363 ; Derivation, 231-233 ; 
Etharita, or St. Jean of the Petuns, of 
the Wolf Clan, 234 : Derivation, 233 n. ; 
these two latter, four leagues apart, 230, 
363 ; Etharita to the south-west. 234. 
Search for and finding of Ekarenniondi 
or Standing Rock, in 1902, 241-248 ; 
view of, from the ledge above, looking 
north, 247 ; from below, looking south- 
east, 248. Etharita sought for but as 
yet undiscovered, 249-261. Table of 
village sites, 265. Special History : at 
remote date, at war with Hurons Proper, 
219 ; war with the Mascoutens or 1^1 
Nation, 219 ; in 1640, EhSae, or St. Pierre 
et St. Paul sacked, 224 ; withdraw to 
the Blue Hills, 422 ; in 1649, Ossossane' 
Hurons take refuge among them, 222, 
382, 437 ; their own country threatened 
by the Iroquois, 394 ; outwitted by the 
invaders and St. Jean (Etharita) de- 
stroyed, 438; 393, 394, 395, 399. For 
migrations in the West, see note in 
Table of Contents. In 1652-1653, a band 
of Petuns winter at Teaontorai, 449 ; 
in 1660, some Petuns among the Senecas, 
450. Two groups of Petuns, now com- 
monly styled Wvandots, survive to the 
present, day, one near Sandwich, Ont., 
and the other, an offshoot of these, 
descendants of the Sandusky band, 
occupy the Wyandot Reservation in 
Oklahoma, U.S., 447. 

Mission among the Petuns, that of 
The Apostles, 224. (1616) Fr. Joseph 
Le Caron, Recollet, first visits them, 
272-273, 274, 275 ; (1626) Fr. Joseph de 



La Roche de Daillon on his way to the 
Neutrals passes through, 291 ; (1634) 
Bn'beuf visits them, 299; (1637) a 
second time, 302; (1639), 314, 315, FF. 
Charles Gamier and Jogues journey to. 
226, 227, 228 ; among them, 317, 355. 
( 1^40) FF. Garnierand Pierre Pijart. 322, 
323, 355 ; (1641), 328, 331 ; (1642) vacat, 
333; (1643) vacat, 340; (1646) Gamier 
and Garreau, 355-356, 230, 359, 360, 361 ; 
Algonquins and Petuns quarrel, are 
reconciled lati-r, 356, 363; (1647), 363, 
369, 370, 373 ; (1648) Gamier, Garreau 
and Chabanel, 379-380; (1649), 386-387, 
388, 393, 400 ; Destruction of Etharita 
or St. Jean of the Petuns, 237-238; 
death of C. Gamier anil Noel Chabanel, 
394-396, cf., 393, 438. (1649-1650) Gar- 
reau and Greslon, 388, 399 ; (1650) Gar- 
reau alone, 401. See Synoptical Tables, 
405.407, or 444-446. 

Piat ; Recollet, Fr. Irenee, 281. 

Pierson ; Fr. Philippe, with the Quebec 
Hurons, in 1687, 457. 

Pijart; Fr. Claude, (1640) arrives in 
Huronia, intended for the Algonquin 
missions, 318, 319, 320, 321, 325, 390 ; 
(1641) leaves Ste. Marie I. with Nipis- 
sings in May, 325, 326, 329, 330, 390 ; 
(1642), 333," 336; (1643), 338, 340; 
(1644), 341; winters with Garreau at 
Endarahy, 344; (1644-1645), 344, 164; 
(1645), 347, 351,352,354; (1646), 357, 361; 
(1647), maltreated by Algonquin wizard, 
361-362; 364, 370, 373; (164S), 377, 
380; (1649), 384, 388, 390, 394,398, 399 ; 
(1650), final exodus from Huronia, 401. 
See Synoptical Tables, 404, 406-407, or 
443, 445-446. 

Pijart; Fr. Pierre. (1635), leaves Quebec 
for Huronia ; arrives, 299 ; ( 1636), 301 ; 
( 1637), 302 ; goes down to Quebec, 303 ; 
returns same season, 304 ; 305, cf. 300 ; 
(1638), 307 ; goes again to Quebec, 307 ; 
(1639), returns to Huronia, 314, 316; 
(1640), 320, 322, 89-90, 93 ; (1641), 326 ; 
to the Petuns, 328, '329, 331, cf. 98, 99, 
100; (1642), 332,334,335; (1643), 338, 
339; (1644), leaves Huronia, not to 
return, 341 ; at Three Rivers, 341. See 
Synoptical Tables ; 404, 406-407, or 443, 
445-446. 

Pinar, Louis, a donni, 378, 384, 397. 



Index. 






Pipes, etc.; Huron-Iroquois, unearthed at 

Montreal, 421. 
Cits, shallow, numerous in Medonte Tp., 
157, 160; Waverlej and Vasey groups, 
161, 1C2. 
Pleasant Lake, Out.. 244. 
Plural of nouns, 182, 284. 
Point; The. See La Pointe. 
Polenta, 319. 

Poncet de l.a Riviere; Fr. Joseph Antoine, 
better known as Poncet, 315; (1< 
leaves Quebec and arrives in Huronia, 
314, 315; 316; (1640) returns to Quo- 
bee, 318, 319, 320, 321 ; ( 1645) back 
to Huronia. 34(5, 347; (1646) 357, 361, 
362; (1647) 364, 370; N.B. strike out 
Poncet 's name on second last line of 
373; ditto on p. 374, fifth line, top, 
and replace by "Bressani" from line 
above; (1648) 377, 380; (1649) 384, 
388, 390; his letter, 391, 394, 399; 
(1650) Huronia abandoned, 401. See 
Synoptical Tables: 404, 406-407, or 
443, 445-446. His affidavits in the 
■'-MS. of 1652," 252. 
Popped-corn, a Huron dish, lSvi, n. 
Population of the Huron Country. In 1615, 
271; at the time of the Relations, of 
Huron Proper, Petuns and Neutrals, 
424 426. Of Quebec or Lorette Humus; 
1650, 450; 1651, 451; 1668. greatly 
reduced in number, 45:i ; 1669, 153; 
1673, much increased, 451; 1x15, 455; 
1861, 456. 
Portnenf Co., Que., 456. 
Port Royal. Annapolis, 269, 270, 2x7. 
Port Severn, Ont.. 212. 
Potier; Fr. Nicolas, with the Quebec Hurons, 

1679 to 1683, 456. 
Potier; Fr. Pierre, (1743) arrives at Que- 
bec; spends over eight months at 
Lorette with Fr. Pierre Daniel Richer 
ami his Huron Indians, studying the 
language, 170, 186, 157; (1744) at 
Huron Mission, Detroit and 
170, 186; (1781) dies there; last 
Jesuit missionary there, 170; had 
eni nearly forty years among Sand 



wich llur.ms. 52. His Huron Mss. in 
Vol. I. Transcription of Etienne 
de Carheil's Radices Linguae lluronicaj, 
third, fourth and fifth conjuga- 
tions ( 1743) ; Vol. 1 1, s. ml conjuga 

tie n, 17it 171 ; Vol. 111. I 
Gt] an ■ II inline f 1 7 15 

facsimile of page 1. 155; of page 66, 

L91 ; \ nl. I \ & i mons, etc. in Huron 
I 17 16. 17 17) 17 1 ; Vol. V. Radices 
Huronicse (1751), 171 . t of 

Huron vocabulary, pages 175 to 213, 
212. 
Pottery; Shards, one of the sure signs of 

[ndian occupancy, 260; 25, 55, 67, 98, 
100 103, 153, 161, etc. 
Poullain or Poulain, Recollet; Fr. Guilla 
ume, at L. Nipissing (162 
barel\ possible in Huronia, 275. 104. 

Poutrincourl or Poitrincourl (Champlain) ; 
his exped ttion with 

Robert Dupont, or Du Pont, 270. 

Prairies; Riviere des, = Back R., location, 
276. 285; Fr. Le Caron sets out from, 
for Huronia, 271, 276; Fr. Viel drowned 
in, 282, 285. 

Premiere Mission, by Fr. AugUSte Carayon, 
S.J., 36, 1 I'.'. 27s. 300, etc.; a mis- 
translation in. corrected, .".4 1 :!!.". 

Premier Etablisse nt .le la Foy dans la 

Nouvelle Franc. bj Fi ' 

tien l.e i lercq, Recollet, 269, 270, 271, 

280, 287, i 

Prepositions, may l.e replaced by suffixes, 
185. 

Prescott, i >nt.. 265. 

Price 's < '"' nei -. I int, v l 

Prime William Henry, or 1 Is. = 

Schiondekiaria q. vid., 28, 2i 

Pronouns; llur.m, indeclinable, no chi 
in number or gender, 271. 

Pronounciation of Huron Letters; 

tions as given to a French student, 
1.-,:, pi., ef. 40, 183, 231, 284. 

Puants; Nation of The, 371. 

Purcell; Rei John, 212. 

Quebec, = Stadacona, 131, 432;=Te u i 

tarie i Potier), 266; styled "l'habita- 



494 



Index. 



tion," 269, 274; Fr. d'Olbeau's first 
mass there. 209; a few Hurons settle 
in Quebec (1624), 280; taken by the 
English (1629); retroceded to French; 
Champlain governor, 297; in 1650, nliout 
three hundred refugee Hurons go down 
to, 6, 4H1-402. 439; ef. 442; termed 
Quebec or Lorette Hurons, 447; their 
various displacements or removals in the 
neighbourhood of the city, 450 156; 
Jesuit missionaries with them (1650- 
1790). 4.111-457 ; diocesan priests (1794- 
1911), 457; names of some of their 
chiefs, 457. 

Quen ; Fr. Jean de, 320. 

Quentin; Fr. Jacques, 346. 

Quieuindohian = Ossossane, q. vid. ; named 
by Bro. Sagard St. Gabriel. 30. 37, 27s-. 
Synoptical Table, 263. 

Quieunonascaran, = Khinonascarant, 40; 
q. vid. ef. 31, 37, 41, 42, 43, 279; 
Synoptical Table. 263. 

Quirk; Fr. Nicholas, S..T.. 19, 121, 241. 



Racine- 



a hired man, 348, 356, 365. 

Radices Huronica?, or LingiuT Huronicae, See 
Potier. 

Eaffeix; Fr. Pierre, with the Quoin'.' Hurons 
(1660. 1009). 456. 

Ragueneau; Fr. Paul. = Aondechete, 310; 
(1637) from Quebec goes to Huronia, 
304, 305, 114; (1638) 307, 310; (1639) 
316, 317; (1640) 318, 320; leaves for 
Quebec, 319, 321; (1641) returns to 
Huronia, 325; 326. 329; (1642) 334, 
335; (1643) 33S; (1644) succeeds Fr. 
Jerome Lalemant, Superior of Huron 
Mission, 340, 341, 343, 114; (1645)) 
345, 346, 347. 34s. 349, 17; (1646) 
356, 357, 358, 360; (1647) 355. 364, 
365, 371, 368; (164S) 362, 304. 370, 
377, 379, 70; (1649) 376, 382, 384, 385, 
38S, 390, 391, 392, 394, 395, 396. 397, 
399, 400; 114, 115, 116, 125, 3 14 ; 
(1650) 6, 7, 401; prepares his "Mem- 
ories touchant la mort, etc." q. vid.; 
(1657) starts with a party of Hurons, 
Senecas and Oudagas for the latter's 



country, 452. See Synoptical Tables, 
404. 406-407. or 443, 445-446. Nota- 
bilia: Very chary of names in record- 
ing missionary labours. 345, 356, 371, 
38S, 390, 391, 399; facsimile of hand- 
writing and signature, 253. pi.; his 
account of Chabanel's journey from the 
Petuns; of the latter's death, 253 pi. 
Portrait, 300 b. 

Railway; Grand Trunk, 117. 

Raison; . 378. 

Randolph Hill or Plateau, Simcoe Co., 136, 
139. 264. 

Kanvyze; Rev. Fram/ois Ignace, with Que- 
bec Hurons, (1801-1805), 457. 

Ravine; Deep, the equivalent given by 
Parkman and Ferland for a natural 
"fosse profond," 106. 

Raymbault; Fr. Charles, (1637) at Three 
Rivers. 303; (1640) from there goes to 
Huronia, 319-320, 321; (1641) accom- 
panies Fr. .Ingues to Sault Ste. Marie; 
his return, 328, n., 330, 354; his illness; 
goes down to Quebec; his death; in- 
terred alongside of Champlain, 332, 
337. Synoptical Tables: 404. 406, or 
443. 4 15. 

Recollets; The, (1615) sail from Honfleur; 
arrive at Tadousac; at Quebec; at 
Three Rivers; their first mass in the 
colony, 269-270; undertake the Huron 
Mission; their first arrival there; at 
Carhagouha, 271; (1616) 272; (1617- 
1023) mission interrupted; (1623) 
resumed, 277, 278, 279; (1642) 280, 
2S1; (1625) 282-2S7; apply to the 
Jesuits for help ; why, 287 ; these accede, 
287; (1626) a Eecollet and two Jesuits 
set out for Huronia. 2>7-290 : their 
arrival. 290; (1627) 292-293; (1628) 
De La Roche de Daillon 's departure 
ends the Recollet mission in Huronia, 
294. Synoptical Tables: 404, 405, or 
443, 444 The Recollet mortuologue, 
286. The Recollet mission of St. 
Joseph (Carhagouha) quite different 
from those of the same name in the 
Relations, 40. 






195 



Reg naul ; < Ihristophe, tun a don ni n fa ' 

Ca [a, 116; born in 1613, 116; first 

niciii i i i, name in 1640, 321 : sub- 
sequent mentions, 326, 334, 338, 342, 
347, 357, 364, 378, 384, 396; in L650, 
retui us to Pram e, bei omes a lay brother; 
describes the wounds on di 
and Gabriel Lalemant's bodies in a 
letter written in 1678. 

Relal ione, Macerata, 1653 ; I tre' e 
I '.i, ssani ; 102. 

Relations ; See Jesuit Relat ioi ; t hat of 
16 13 lost ; a supplement gi\ en in Rel. 
it. i i, in Queb. ed. from p. 68 to p. 

105 ; thai of L644 L'i\ en in foi E a 

letter, 337 338. 

Ri ligion of i lie 1 1 urons, 128; no correcl 
concept of Diety ; i tkis : no temples, 
nor priests, nor festivals, 128; myth 
of Aataensic and rouskeha; faint 
\ est ig is of biblical facts ; sun and 
moon honoured; God in nature; rever- 
ential obsen tes, 129; yet Heaven 

was invoked in solemn oaths; signifi- 
cance of bloody sacrifices among all 
nations; some in vogue among Hurons, 
but for no fixed day or E lason, 130 ; 
offered to some evil spirit; a decadent 
race at one time with clearer percep- 
tion of a Supreme Being; traces of a 
revelation all but obliterate.!; addicted 
in the main to devil worship, 431. 

Removal of Village Sites; three at least at 
Ossossane, 26. 

Reserve; \.nderdon, Esses Co., < int.. -lis, 
4 17; Rocmont, Portneuf Co.. Que.. 156; 
Wyandot, north-east corner of Okla- 
homa, U.S., 447. 

Residences, in lluronia; (1039) all merged 
into one, Ste. Marie L, 313; (1643) 337, 
ef. 335; i L644) restored, 341; La Con- 
ception, St. Joseph II., St. Ignace I., 
St. Michel and St. Jean Baptiste trans- 
formed into. 3 15. 

Reveillaud; Eugene, editor (1888) of Le 
Tac's Hist. Chronologique de la Nou- 
velle Prance ( 1689) ; his blunders, 38, 
277. 281. 

Revolution; French, effects of, on nomen 
clature of measures, 1 14. 1 15. 



R m : River, likened to 

i . 107-108. 
Rice; Wild. " I 10. 

Si e I is R 
m; Wm. 11.. farm. 
er; Pr. Pierre I'm. 

Quel Hurons, I 1715 1760), 457. 

Richelii i 125. 

Richelieu River; 132. 

Rod en teix, Pr, < amillo de, 



Clan = Arendaronon, 68, 72 7 
."■i i. 367, 117. I is, 452. 
Rocklyn; Grey Co., Ont., 227. 
; 213. 

er; , 378. 

Rolland . a donni, 378, 384, 397. 

Ronnon; The Termination; its use and 

meaning, 216, 217, 
Ro i mount Ridge, Simcoe < lo., ' inl .. L22, 

127. 
Roots ; Huron. See Radices and I ' i 
Rouen; Messieurs de la Compagnie de. 271. 
287. 

Sable River, Ont., 220. 

Sagard, Recollet; Brother Gabriel Sagard 
Tlieodat. author of Le Grand Voyage 
iln Pays des Hurons, 1632, and of the 
Histoire du Canada et Voyages, 1636, 
35, 38 ii . 39, 27 1 276, 283, 123; (1623) 
starts from Paris, 27ii; arrives in ' 
ada, 35, 276; Eugene Ri i i erro- 

i uslj says in 1624, ::- 

starts with FT. Vie! and Le Caron for 
lluronia: arrives there, 35, 275 277; the 
three at tin. e diffen ni i illages about 
the same distance apart; ins equila- 
teral triangle, 36, 277; the village he 
reached was La t .*•■•- 1 1 ■ - 1 1 ■ ■ . s., ,■; I l.-.l by 
the French, by the Hurons. 
knave or Quieuindohian, the same as 
Ossossane and La Conceptio 
Relations, 36, 276, 27s : |>. viel joins 
him there and both repair to Fr. Le 
Caron's Tillage, 36, 279, 280; his 
equilateral triangle discussed, 2.7 17; 

L624 l Pr. Le Caron and Bro. S 
leave Pr. Viel in lluronia and return 

to Quel 280; Sagard goes back to 

Prance. 281. His Dictionary or vocabu 



490 



Index. 



tary, 40, 284 ; the best authority on 
the proper spelling of Auhaitsie (-ique), 
the name of Fr. Viel 's young compan- 
ion, 286, cf. 283. See Synoptical 
Tables: 404, 405, or 443, 444. 

SahSan, wait, hold, tarry, etc., 52. 

Ste. Agnes. Huronia, site unknown, 147, 
310. 322. 

St. Alexis, Neutrals, 323, 423. 

St. Ambroise de La Jeune Lorette; Parish 
of, 455, 456. 

St. Andre, Petuns, site unknown, 223, 317, 
322. 

SS. Anges, mission of The Holy Angels. 
Neutrals. (1026). 200.202, 405; (1640- 
1641) ::l'l'::l'4. 328, 406; mission sus- 
pended, why, 328, 331, 335, 340. 

Ste. Anne, Huronia, for site, etc.. See 
Kaontia; one league from Ste. Marie 
I.. 00; mission: (1639) 315, S9, 93, 100; 
(1640) 321; (1041) 320; (1042) 335; 
(1643-1640), dependent on St Marie I., 
339, 343, 34S, 35S ; (1647-1649) aepen 
dent on St. Ignace II.. 374. 

St. Antoine; Huronia, site unknown, 147, 
316, 322. 

St. Antoine; Cote Petit, in Seignior)' of St. 
Michel. Que., 454. 

Ste. Barbe; Huronia, site unknown, 147. 

St. Barthelemy; Petuns, 317. 322. 

St. Bernard ; feast of, 20 Aug., date of 
Sagard 's reaching Huronia; fell on a 
Sunday in 1623. 38, 277, 281. 

Ste. Catherine; Huronia, site unknown, 147, 
316. 322. 

Ste. Ceeile; Huronia, site unknown, ib. 

St. Charles; or Sti. Caroli, Huronia 
(Duereux's inset map), possible site, 
316, 322, 147; Synoptical Table, 263; 
not to be confounded with the follow- 
ing, 3S9. 

St Charles, an Algonquin Mission, on the 
shores of L. Huron, 160 or 180 miles 
from Huronia, 394; or six long days' 
journey, 389 ; Huron Refugees there, 
388, 397-398; (164S) 380, cf. 376-377; 

(1649) 387-388; 389, 390. 394. 307-398; 

(1650) 398. Synoptical Tables, 407 or 
446. 

St. Charles' Chapel, at Quebec, 286. 
St. Charles Riv., Que., 269, 455. 



St. Clair Lake, 323, 423, 439. River, 

423. 

Sainte Croix Harbour, 269. 

St. Denis, S. Dionisii, St. Denys; Site 100, 
263; 89, 93, 95, 98, 99, 100, 111, 154, 
315, 321, 328, 374. 

Ste. Elizabeth; Algonquin mission; Site on 
Duereux's inset map 70, 263; not a 

permanent village, 71-73; 63, 76, 

88, 89. 317, 322, 336, 339, 406-407. 

St. Esprit; an Algonquin mission, 164, 340, 
344; 71, 325. 330, 341, 345, 351, 353, 
354. 361, 364, 370, 3S0, 3S7, 388, 389, 
300, 304, 39S; Synoptical Tables: 405, 
406-407, or 444, 445-446. 

St. Etienne, or Estienne, Huronia, site 
unknown, 147. 316, 322. 

Sainte-Foy, Louis de, 30, 139. 

St. Francis; Neutrals, 423; or Sti. 
Francisci, 323. 

St. Frani;ois Xavier, S. Xauerii, or St. 
Navier; Huronia, one league and a half 
from Ste. Marie I., 97; Site, 98, 263; 
99, 100. 147. Mission: (1639) 316; 
(1640) 322; (1641) 329; (1642) 335. 

St. Gabriel, of the Reeollets, Huronia ; 
Sagard 's village and called after him. 
35, 37. 40, 41 ; five leagues from 
Toanche I., or St. Nicholas, 46; four or 
five from Khinonascarant, 41; = 
Tequeunoikuaye. 36; = La Rochelle, 
36; = Ossossane, 26, 36, 278, q. vid. 
for Site; Mission (1623), 277-279. 
Synoptical Tables: 405, or 444. 

St. Gabriel, an old fief near Quebec, 455. 

Ste. Genevieve; Huronia. site unknown, 316, 

322, or Ste. Geneuiesue. 147. 
St. Germain-en-Lay; Treaty of, 297. 

St. Guillaume, Neutrals, = Teotongniaton, 

323, 406 = Teotondiaton, 448; des- 
troyed by Iroquois, 1651, 44S. 

St. Ignace I. = Taenhatentaron, 87, 344, 
349, 359 ; Derivation of Huron name, 
195; St. Ignace I., is the " S. Ignatii" 
of Duereux's inset map, 87, cf. 72; 
distance from St. Joseph II., 87 ; from 
St. Jean Baptiste, S8; from St. Jean 
(of the Hurons), 94. Site, 88, 263; 
villages between it and St. Jean, 151. 
Mission: (1639) 316; FF. driven from, 
91; (1640) listed with St. Jean Bap- 



[ndex. 



497 



tiste, 322 ; (1641) ditto, bul do - 
tion. 329 330; I L642) with same, 336; 
( L643) aitto, no mention, 329 3 
(1644) 81; fixed residence, 34 I. 344; 
( 1645) 345, 349 350; ( 1646) 
360, 300; (1647) with Ste. Marie !.. 
365; until remo\ al to ni n 
II - . 37 1. 37 1 ; Chaumonot there at 
removal, 368; de BrSbeuf chooses new 
site, in".. 366, See Synoptical Tables: 
107, or 4 16. 
St. Ignaee II., new site of St. [gnace T., 
374, east half of lot 4. VII. concession of 
Tav Ty>., 104; no Huron name, 195; is 
not the "S. Ignatii" of Ducreux's 
inset map, ST. cf. 72. 153; begun end 
of winter L647-1648, 121-122, LOO; data 
and line of reasoning followed in d 
mining site, 104. ss. ; a.) Configuration 
of ground: — Relations, 104; Bressani, 
104-105; Ducreux, 107; rendering of 
"fosse profond dont la nature avait 
puissamment f ortifie ce lieu ' ' by ' ' a 
deep depression in the land"(cf. 104) 
seems inadequate, 106, cf. 107; ren 
dered by Parkman by "deep ravine; - ' 

by Ferland, "protege par de 

profonds ravines," 106; "fosse" 
(Fr.) = "fossa" (Lat.), 106; as 
"naturse prssidia," i.e. natural de- 
defences, Cicero likens the Rhine to a 
"fossa" and the Alps to a "vallum," 
i.e. to a fortification by palisades, 107- 
108; no cpiestion of an ordinary ditch 
or trench, 106, 108; ideal to guide in 
search, 108; b.) Correct Distance:— 
from St. Ignaee II. to St. Louis, Bres- 
sani; "non piu di tre miglia," 
more than three miles," 10S. Rela- 
tions: :il »>ut one league, 109; Gamier: 
"a league," "a league or thereabout," 
109; f Parkman: "about a league dis- 
tant," Jesuites in X-Amer., 1868, p. 
380]; from St. Marie I. to St. Louis. 
Relations: "pas eloigne de nous (at 
St. Marie I.) plus d'une lieue," L01 
102; which Ferland copies: "Situ4 a 
une lieue de lit," and Parkman signifi- 
cantly translates: "about three miles 
distant." 102, 114; Martin gives the 
same measure for both distances, 1 1 I 
115; Total Distanee from Ste. Marie 
I. to St. Ignaee II., Malherbe's Obitu- 



ary "two leagues," 109 110. Length 
of tin League of the R lal 114- 

115; i hi istophe Regnaul 'a ' ' a little 

quarter of a league, " 1 15-116; C.) 
Right Direction: of St. Louis from 
S(e. Marie ] ' ; on on 

Ducreux's insel map, 101, Cf. 6 pi. 
St. I gnai e II., in al direction, 

evidenced by the data, i.e. the three 
i. 110; St. Louis lay a 
little to tin' V E. of line drawn from 
St. [gnace [I. to St. Mai I 112. 

The thri e ditions or tests 

(a, b, and c i applied to Ci mpbell 
Farm (I i. cone. VI L Tay 

Tp.). a) Configuration of ground, 
104, 121, 125. 128; b) Distance from 
' ampbi 'i Farm I St. [gnace 11.) to 
Newton Farm (St. Louis), nearly three 
miles. 111; from the ruins of the Old 
Fort (Ste. Marie [.) to Newton Farm 
St. Louis) V, '. lol 11. cone. VI. 
Tay Tp.— one league, 112. Cf. Ill; 
Total Distance from ruins of Old Fort 
(Ste. Marie [.) to < ampbell Farm (St. 

I gnace [I.) about ~> :: , miles, 111, Cf. 
110; c) Right Direction of the New- 
ton Farm (St. Louis) from ruins of 
Old Fort. Ste. Marie [., See Ducreux's 
ius. pi. 

Final search for, and identification of 
the site of St. [gnace IL. 119 128. See 
Synoptic Table, 263, and map of Tay 
Tp. al end oi Volume; the site of St. 
[gnace IL. as marked by author on 
Theoretical Map, etc. in Dr. Thwaites' 
i. tions, \ ol. 34, is too far S.-E., 
121 n. — Defences of St. Ignaee II , 
104 i-.s, _ Mission: (1647-1648) St. 
[gnace L remoi ed to te of St. Ig 
II. , 374; (1648) 379; l L649) 379 
St. Louis ".I St. [gnace 1 1, destroyed; 
Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant 
martyred, 380-382, 128, 134 135; tidings 
of disaster reached St. Michel late, 436; 

missions after the fall of St. Ignaee 

I I . 385 : I vt, 1. 1 mission continued, 386. 
Synoptical Tables: 407 or I 

St. Jacques, or st. [aques, Petuns, 223, 317, 

322. 
St. Jacques-et-St.Philippe, Petuns, ib. 
St. Jean, Huronia, no Huron name, quite 



498 



Index. 



distinct from St. Jean Baptiste, 89, 90, 
Bee Ducreux's map, "S. Ioannis," 6 pi.; 
distance from St. Marie I., 89, 94, 
100; to St. Ignace I., 94; Site, 94, 
263; Mission: (1039) 315; 93,98, 100; 
(1640) 321; (6141) 99; (1642) "con- 
tinued as usual/' 334; (1617. 1648) 
374. 

St. Jean Petuns, = St. Jean 1 'Evangeliste 
= Etharita, 331, 356, 363; principal 
town <<( Wolf Clan, 234; for Deriva- 
tion, Site, etc., See Etharita. Mission: 
numbered among the missions of The 
Apostles, 223; ( L639) visited by FF. 
Jogues and Charles Gamier, 223, 317; 
(1640) by Gamier and Pierre Pijart, 
32"; Petun Mountains, i.e. the Blue 
Hills, called also the Mts. of St. Jean, 
'223. of. 260, 438; (1646) permanent 
local mission established, 355, 361, 363; 
(1647) 363, 370; (1648) 379; I L649) 
previous to its destruction, 3S6-387, 
393; Destruction, death of Gamier, 
4:;-. cf. 237. .".93. 394; death of Noel 
Chabanel, 393-396, 438, 235-238, 250- 
253. See Synoptical Tables. 265. 400- 
407. or 445-446. 

St. Jean Baptiste. Huronia. = S. I. Baptist* 
of Ducreux's map, 6 pi., 70, 84; no 
mention of Huron name in Relations, 
but = Cahiague, 63, 68; Martin eon- 
founds it with Contarea, 79; but quite 
distinct from 75, 77, 79, 80; and from 
St. Jean of the Hurons. 85, 89; Site 
of town and of Cahiague Landing, See 
Diagram V., 65 pi.; 67. 69, Table 262- 
263; a palisaded town near a lake, 69; 
of the Areudaenroiiuons. or Rock Clan, 
on the eastern frontier, 70, 72, 76 ; 
Cahiague itself, or St. Jean Baptiste, 
not on the very shore of the lake, 67, 
6S, 69 ; but its landing at the mouth 
of Hawkestone Creek, 67, 73; Martin 
and Parkman astray, 70, 72, cf. maps, 
19. 28: distance from Carhagouha, 
65-67; from Couchichiug Lake, 65, 66; 
from St. Ignace I.. 8.8. Mission: (1639) 
begun. 76, 314. 317; (1640) 322, 324, 
325; (1641) 329; (1642) 336; (1643) 
339; (1644) 341, 344; (1645) 351, 
345; (1646) 360; (1647) closed, 367, 
369. See Synoptical Tables: 406-407, 



St. 



St. 
St. 



St. 
St, 

St 

St 



or 443-446. Notabilia: Algonquins camp 
near, 71, 72, 325, 336; threatened from 
the east, 238; abandoned by its inhabi- 
tants, 87, :'iii7. 385, 434; who seek pro- 
tection in other villages, 70, 367; was 
not the village destroyed with St. 
Joseph II.; in 1657, those at Quebec 
willing to join the Onondagas, 452. 
Joachim, Huronia. 71. 152; or S. 
[oachimi of Ducreux's map, pi.; mid- 
way btetween St. .lean and Arethsi. 
153; Site. 152, 153. 263; in 1639 among 
missions of St. Jean Baptiste. 152. 317. 

John; River. 270. 

Joseph, Titular of church at Ste Marie 
I., 91; privileged by brief of Urbain 
VII T. (1644). 93-94. 

Joseph; Island of, = Ahouendoe, q. vid. 

Joseph. Sti. Iosephi, Neutrals, 323. 423. 
Joseph de Sillery, 310 n., 320. See 
Sillery. 

Joseph des Recollets, Huronia, not to be 
confounded with the missions of the 
Relations bearing the same name, 40, 
405; Fr. Joseph Le Caron 's village, 37, 
46 (See Le Caron) ; it lay between 
Khinonascarant and Carhagouha, 37; 
these about a mile and a half apart, 
the former two miles from Ihonatiria, 
and nine and a half miles from La 
Rochelle or Ossossane, etc., 42; See 
Diagram IV., 51. and V., 65; Le Caron 
dwelt at Carhagouha (Champlainl . 38; 
one half a league from Quieunonas- 
caran (Sagard). 37, 39, 40; meaning 
the same place since he occupied his 
old cabin, 3S-39; a pistol shot from 
Carhagouha, 30. 40, 42; or two flights 
of an arrow. 39. 42; termed indis- 
criminately Fr. Le Caron 's villagee. 
burg, hamlet, 37. 38, 42; or St. Joseph's 
mission, town, etc.. 40, 41, 42; there 
was a ''port" or landing place, 43; 
Site of Carhagouha, St. Joseph of the 
Recollets, 45, cf. 40-44; Synoptical 
Tables. 262-263; Site of Khinonascar- 
ant, 41; Tables the same; the latter = 
Quieunonasearan, 40. Mission: (1615) 
271; (1616) 272; (1617-1622) vacat, 
275; (1623) 275, 278, 279; (1624) 
280; (1625) 282. See Synoptical 
Tables: 405, or 444. 



Index. 



499 



St. Joseph I.. Huronia, = [honatiria, L5; 
q. vid. 

St. Joseph II., Huronia; S. [osephi, <i; = 
Teanaostaiae, 76; of the Cord < Ian, 
314, the latter = \i i inguenahac, 13 I 
For Derivation, Site, etc., See Teanaoa 
taiae. N . .1 to be confounded with t lie 
st. Joseph of the Recollets, 10, 405 n.; 
nor with "la maison de St. Joseph" of 
Rel. L640, 72, -J col., 89 94. Mi 
(1636) 148; I L638) Inhabitants i oi 
to receive the FF., 308; mission i 
lished, 17. 27, 308, 310; 6rsl mass said 
there. 308; ( 1639) 27. 87, 90, 316, 
317; FF. maltreated, their cabin 
demolished. 92; (1640) 324; resid 
suppressed, 90, 316, 318, 322, 324; 
1641)) all residences restored, 337, 
341, 345, 329; (1642) 335; (1643) 
337, 339; (1644) 81, 341, 343. 344- 
345; I 1645) 349, 350, 351, 390; < 1646) 
359, 360; (1647) 369; (1648) Destruc- 
tion of, death of Fr. Daniel, 374-375, 
385, 434; Parkman's account of, 20-21; 
Ekhiondastsaan destroyed at the same 
time, 375, 434. In 1657, the remnants 
of St. Joseph II. refuse to leave Quebec, 
452. See Synoptical Tables, 406-407, or 
445-446. 

St. Joseph III. = ste. Marie I. q. vid. See 
also St. Joseph, Maison de, 89-94, 

St. Lawrence River; Extent of Champlain's 
jurisdiction in 1633, 297; Algonquins in 
possession of, in his time, 431; Huron- 
Iroquois tribes on, in Jacques Cartier's, 
431; infested by Iroquois, 1615-1650, 
328, 433; upper part, haunts of Aton- 

trataronnon Algonquins, driven thei 

by Iroquois about 1641, 336. 

St. Louis, Huronia, no Huron name, = " S. 
Ludouici." Ducreux's inset map, 6 
pi., 101, L03, 154; dependent on Ste. 
Marie I. of the Ataronchronon, 89, 93, 
98, 99, 100; Distance and direction from 
St. Marie I., 101-103, 110-117; accord- 
ing to Kagueneau in the Relations, 101- 
102, L16; and Bresani, 102; and Park- 
man and Ferland. 102, 114; and Martin, 
114-115; from St. Ignace II.: accord 
ing to Bressani, Relations and Gamier, 
108-109, 114-115; descriptive require- 
ments of site; Site, 108; the Newton 



Pai m, 103 ; no1 I he Bite of St. I 
II.. 112; |ui'\ iouf 

in:;. U2; was palisaded, 101, '• I ; nol 
St. [gnace II., 108, 124; 
and lo ■. L6 19, 380, 381, 
434 137. Mission: 1 16 19 at 

Marie I.. 315; (164 321 ; 

(1641 1 328; (1642) 335; (1643) 
cf. 336 337; (1644) no mention, 342 
343, 1 E. 363; 1 1645) ditto, 348, cf. 
363; (1646) ditto, 358; (1647) 
attended from St. Ignace II.. 374, 365- 
366; (1648) 379; (1649) mission 
ruined; Brfibeuf and 1 abi iel Lalemant 
captured there, 101, 380, 434 137 ; 
Huron missions after destruction of St. 
Ignace 1 1, and St. Louis, 38 

st. Louis Fort, Quebec, 152. 

Ste. Madeleine, or St. Magdeleine = "S. 
Magdalenae," Ducreux's insel map, 6 
pi. = Arenta, 134, 117; Derivation of 
Huron name, 134, cf. 176; Site, L34-135, 
Table: 262, 263; Mission: (1639) 117; 
attended from Ossossanij, 316; (II 
ditto, 322; (16411646) no mention. 
329, 335, 339, 343, 363; ( 1647) made 
a mission centre, 363, 365, 369; | 1648) 
379; (1649) its braves with those of 
Ossossanij meet with disaster. 381, 385, 
430. Synoptical Tables: 407, or 146. 

Ste. Marie I., "S. Maria," Ducreux's map, 
6 pi., 8; peculiarly marked, 71; no 
Huron name, = St. Joseph III.. 90; 
styled but once in Relations "maison 
de st. Joseph," why, 89-94; among the 
\taronchronon, 89, 90, 93, 97, 313-314, 
134, 447. Derivation of latter name 
::i 1 n.; nov^ called Old Fort, 8, lot. 
108, 110, 112, 117. 129. Site era 
6, 8, lit ; Table, 263 ; eo 
description of site and surround 
8, 9; Martin's description of 
1855, 9-11, cf. 154, 312; aol so re 
as Fori Ste. Marie II.. 7; plan as 
measured by author, 10 pi.; colo 
sketch of excavations, 1855, 12 d.; when 
firs! occupied, 9; villages in neighbour- 

I I. 95; in K1I7. 363 Direi 'ion of 

St. Joseph II. from, is ; distance t". 
15 16; to st. Michel or Scanonaenrat, 
lti. 25; to Ossossane, 26; to St. Pri 11 
<,ois Xavier, 97, 98; to Ste. 'Anne, 



500 



Index. 



OS; to St. Jean, 89; to St Denis, 
100; direction and distance to 
St. Louis, 101-103, 114, cf. 121; 
distance according to Ferland and 
Parkman. 114; and Martin, 114-115; 
distance to St. Ignace II., 109-110; 
direction, 110. Fugitives from St. 
Joseph II. or Teanaostaiae settled 
there, 1648, 113; a cemetery there, 333, 
335, 337; a church; St. Joseph patron, 
91, 93; plenary indulgence on his 
feast; brief of Urbain VIII., 93-94, 
313, 345; hospice and hospital, 313, 
333, 362. Mission: (1030) permanent 
central, established, 0, 00, 311-315, 318, 
310,434; (1640) 320,321; (1641) 326, 
328-329, 330, 331, 355; (1642) 331, 
332-335; (1643) 336, 338, 330; (1644) 
341, 342; (1645) 315, 347. 348, 349, 
353; (1646) 357, 358; (1647) 362, 
363, 364, 365, 366, 377, 379, 380; 
(1040) 3S4, 3S6, 3S7. 391; abandoned 
and burned, 383, 392, 393, 43S; mis- 
sion centre transferred to Ahouendoe 
Island, or St. Joseph's Is., 383, 437-438. 
Synoptical Tables, 406-407, or 445-446. 

Ste. Marie II. on St. Joseph's or Ahouendoe 
Island, See Ahouendoe; Residence, etc. 
of Ste. Marie I. transferred there, 3S3, 
437-438; Personnel same as, 1640, 306; 
occupations of, 307 ; conditions became 
intolerable; final exodus, 401, 43S-439. 
Site, 203. 

Ste. Marie; Isle de = Manitoulin Is., = 
Ekaentoton, q. vid. 

St. Martin, Huronia, site unknown, 147, 
316, 322. 

St. Mathias, Petuns, See Ekarenniondi. 

St. Mathieu, Petuns, 317; site discussed but 
not determined, previous to 1640, 
dependent on St. Mathias, 225; (1630) 
317; (1640) 322; (1040) 350; (1648) 
a mission centre, 3S0 ; (1640) 309; 
approximate site, 265. Synoptical 
Tables: 407, or 446. 

St. Michel, Huronia, = Scanonaenrat, 16, 
77, 70; Distance to St. Marie I., and 
to St. Joseph II.; one of Huronia 's 
largest villages ; formed by itself a 
separate clan, 16-17, 25; that of the 
"One-White-Lodge;" variants and 
Derivation, 178-181; Site, 25, cf. 16, 



17; Table, 263. Mission: (1636) 148, 
151; (163S) 16, 17; (1639) 01; 
attended from St. Joseph II., 316; 
(1640) ditto, 322; (1641) from St. 
Jean Baptiste, 320; (1642) made a 
mission centre, 333, 335; (1643) 339 

(1644) with fixed residence, 341, 343 

(1645) 345, 350-351; (1646) 360 
(1647) 367, 369; (164S) was not de- 
stroyed with St. Joseph II., 149, 
375, 379; (1640) 435; tidings of 
disaster of St. Ignace II. and St. 
Louis reached it late; a party goes in 
pursuit of Iroquois, 382, 437; (1651) 
braves of Old St. Michel head Neutrals 
against Iroquois, 448. Synoptical 
Tables: 406-407. or 445-446. 

St. Michel, Neutrals, = Khioetoa, last 
village to the west. 323, 423. 

St. Michel. Quebec; Cote de, 453, 454; 
Seigniory of, 15 1. 

St. Nicholas (of the Recollets), Huronia, 
= Toanche I. = Troenchain = Fr. 
Nicholas Viol 's village, 45, 46, = 
Otoiiaeha. 50-62; distance from Car- 
maron, 61, 62; to Teandeouiata, 56-57; 
to La Rochelle (St. Gabriel or Ossoss- 
ane), 36, 40-47; to Khinonascarant, 
36, 47 ; third village of Sagard 's 
equilateral triangle, 45; Variants, 45; 
Derivation of Toanche, 45, 60; same 
roots in Otoiiaeha, 60-61; not situated 
on Thunder Bay, 61; Site, 47, 50-61; 
Table, 263; Troenchain but a misprint 
or variant, 46; so also Tonachin, 45. 
See Otoiiaeha, and Viel, Fr., Mission, 
278; Synoptical Tables: 405, or 444. 

St. Pierre, name of Mission comprising the 
Algonquin tribes of the north shore of 
L. Huron and of Manitoulin Island; 
(1647) 364, 71; (1648) begun, 364, 
370, 377, 380, 300; (1640) 387, 388, 
390, 394, 399; (1649-1650) 399. See 
Synoptical Tables: 406-407, or 445-446. 
See Ekaentoton and Poncet. 

St. Pierre-et-St. Paul, 219, 223, " SS. Petri 
et Pauli" of Ducreux's general map, 
Petuns; See map of Bruce Peninsula, 
228 pi. and 235 pi.; the chief and most 
remote Petun town in 1639. 224; = 
Eh8ae, 224; Derivation of, 227-228; 
Site, 219, 228 pi., 220, 265; FF. Charles 



Index. 



501 



Gamier and [saac Joguea visit it, 
1639, 317; and Gamier and 1'ierre 
Pijart 1640, 322; destroyed by Mas 
coutens shortly after, 224. 
St. Simon el St.Jude, 210, 223; "SS. 
Simonis et Judse," Ducreux's general 
map, Petuns, 223, 317; Bruce Penin- 
sula, 228 pi., 235 pl.j no Indian name 
known; one of the two Petun towns 
on Ducreux's map, 224; Site, 219, 228 
pi., 229, 265; Gamier and Jogues visit 
it, 1639, 317; Gamier and Pierre 
Pijart, 1640, 322. 

Ste. Therese. Ste. Tercse, Huronia, 

unknown, 147. 316, 322, 
St. Thomas, Out.. -12::. 

St. Thomas, Petuns. 223; data insufficient 
to determine its site. 225, 226; infer- 
ences as to site, 220-227; possibly near 
Kocklyn or Pairmount, Grey Co., 227; 
Table. 265. Mission (1639) 317; 
(1640) 322. 
Saint-Vallier, Mgr. de, 454. 
St. William, Neutrals, 423, = St. Guil- 
laume. q. vid. = Teotongniaton, etc., 
323, 406. 
St. Xavier, See St. Franrois Xavier = "8. 
Xavierii" of Ducreux's inset map, 
6 pi. 
St. Xavier des Pres, one of the former sites 
of Caughnawaga village; nationality of 
its inhabitants, 1671, 450. 
Sakahiganiriouek, Algonquin tribe on north 

or east shore of L. Huron, 370. 
Salleneuve ; Fr. Jean Baptiste Franc* is de, 
with Quebec Hurons (1749-1754), 457. 
Sandusky, Ohio, home, in 1747, of Chief 
Nicolas' revolting band of Detroit 
Hurons, 417. 
Sandwich, Ont., 423 ; home of the remnants 
of Petun Hurons after leaving Michi- 
limakinac for Detroit, 447. 
Santimo, Alexander, farm, 133, 134. 
SaSatannen; Rev. Prosper Vincent, owner 

of a French-Huron dictionary, 419. 
Sarnia, Ont., 323, 423. 
Saugeen River, 229. 
Sault-au-Kecollet, 282, 283, 285, 287. 
Sault ; Nation du, 371. 

Sault St. Louis, = Caughnawaga = Gan- 
na8ag6, 265, 274. 



Sault Sic. .Marie, = Te Oskonchiae, 266; 
Ft'. Jogues and Eaymbaull visit tin-, 
328, 330, 354; = Sault Skiafi, 449; 
Table, 406. 

Scanouaenrat, See St. Michel, Huronia. 
Schiondekiaria Ins., Ducreux's inset map, 
6 pi. = Prince William Henry or 
Beausoleil Island. 28, 266; Tentative 
derivation, 205, 2(17; words beginning 
in chion, achion, ochion, 210; words 
ending in ara, iara, kara, 211-213. 
Schoolcraft; author of Hist, and Progress 

of Indian Tribes, 1!\ 
Scot; Bro. Dominique, 320, 321, 326, 334, 

338, 342, 346. 
Semple, Lake, Simcoe Co., Ont. = "Lacus 
Contarea" of Ducreux's inset map, 
7 l. 265, 6 pi. 
Senecas; The, One of the Five Nations; See 
map, 6 pi.; distance from the Hurons, 
0; 128; nearest to Petuns, 260; Huron 
appellation, 266; one day's journey 
from Neutrals, 323; whom they attack, 
267, 422, 440, 441; (1650-1651) many 
Hurons of Rock Clan and Scanonaenrat 
join them, 447; (1652) rumour of 
defeat by Neutrals, 448; their strength 
in 1660, 449; (1669) Neutrals among 
them, 450; instance of their treachery, 
452. 
Severn Rivers. Ont., 5, 66, 83, 128, 265, 420. 

See Chionkiara. 
Shastaretsi, a chief of the Quebec Hurons, 

458. 
Shea, John Gilmary, 448. 
Shingle Bay, 70. 
Shrigley, Ont., 254. 

Sillery, Quebec; St. Joseph de; about 1640, 
Hurons and other Indians settle at, 450; 
Fr. de Quen, there, sends that year to 
the General the status of the Huron 
mission, 320; in 1684, Jean Amyot 
buried there, 310 n.; a smithy there in 
1010, 383, 401; in 1651, all the Hurons 
there join those of Quebec at the Island 
of Orleans, 451. 
Simcoe County, Ont., 19, 20, 235, 271, 422, 

432. 
Simcoe, Lake, = Ouentaronius, q. vid.; 
forms north-eastern boundary of 
Huronia, 420; faulty outliues in 



502 



Index. 



Ducreux's inset map, 5, 6. 69 pi.; 
correctly described by Champlain, 65- 
66; its position relative to L. Couchi- 
cliing correct on Ducreux 's map, 83; 
Ducreux'a defective shore line correct- 
ed places St. Jean Baptiste near 
Hawkestone, 70, cf. 69 pi.; which town 
was not on its very edge, 68, 89; dis- 
tant from Carhagouha or Arontaen 
thirty-five and a half miles, 07; its 
shore line near Uptergrove and Brechin, 
200-201, 265; Iroquois inroads always 
from ens;. 'rn part of L. Simcoe, 238- 
l 134; Brebeuf breaks his collar-bone 
crossing L. Simcoe in winter, 234. 

Sites; Tabulated list of Huron, 202; of 
Petun, 265; limits within which the 
villages of Huronia lay, 5. See Towns. 

Six-Mile Point, Simcoe Co., 27. 

c 

Skenehioe, 449. 

SkeskSateeronnon; (Potier) Huron mine for 

the Xipissings, 266. 
Smallpox, 98, 197, 312. 
Smithy at Sillery, 1649, 383. 
Smoke River, Ont., 166. 

Soldiers, Twenty-two, sent out from France 
go up to Huronia in 1644. and return 
to Quebec in 1645, 340, 342; cf. 318, 
3S5, 397. 
Sonnontouan, Seneca town, 449. 
Sorel, Que.;, Cape Victory near. 270. 432. 
Souharissen, or Souharisser, or Tsohahissen, 
a great Neutral chief, 323-324, 324 n. 
Spirits, Evil, 136, 428-429, 431, cf. S9 90. 
Spratt's Point, Simcoe Co., 27, 150. 
Stadacona = Quebec, 431-432. 
Stan or Stena, Huron negative, = no, not, 
when alone; = stante or te when 
coupled with another word, 45. 
Standing Rock = Ekarenniondi = St. 
Mathias about seventeen miles west of 
the bend in the Xottawasaga River, 
230 n., 239; starting point in the 
search for Etharita, 249; Discovery and 
description of. 241-248; distance to 
Eugenia Falls, 250. View of the Rock 
from the ledge, looking north, 247 pi.; 
from the north-west, looking up, 248 
pi.; Site. 248, 265. See Ekarenniondi. 
Stations of Missionaries in Huronia, year 
by year, 403-407. or 443-446. 



Stayner, Simcoe Co., 242. 
Stewart, James and Robert, farms. 1".:; 
Stone, Ovoidal, marked 1041, found, 324 n. 
Sturgeon Bay: Simcoe Co., Ill, 124. 128, 

336; River, 5, 87, 88, 89, 10s, ]]], 

366; old Sturgeon Bay Road, 122. 
Sturgeon, River. Xipissing, 166. 
Superior, Pake, Huron name OkSateenende 

(Potier), 74, 205, cf. ontare, ib. ; 449. 
Swaba River, 422, 
Swan; John A., farm, 123. 
Sweat-Boxes, 158, 159, 100. See Vapour 

Baths. 

Tables, Synoptical.; of Huron sites, 202- 
204; of Petun Sites, 205; of Mission- 
i - and Mission Stations, year by 
year ( 1615 1650), 403-407, or 443 446"; 
of Missionaries with Quebec or Lorette 
Hurons (1650-1907), 450-457; of some 
Quebec Huron Chiefs. 458; Concordance 
of Volumes, chapters and pages of 
Quebec Edition of Relations and of 
Cleveland Edition, -b>s.-ii::. 

Taenhatentaron, Huronia, = St. Ignace I., 
q. vid.. 87, 344, 349, 359. Derivation 
195; sue. 88, 263. 

Tahourenchi, Francois Xavier Pieard, grand 
chief of Lorette Hurons, 1870-1883, 458. 
Tailhan ; Fr. Julius. 450. 

Tandehouaronnon, an elevation near Onnen- 
tisati = Randolph Hill. Simcoe Co.; 
Derivation, 130, 137, 204. 

Tangouaen, Algonquin and Huron encamp- 
ment in Xipissing, 105; approximate 
Site. 100. 264; derivation, 166; Br6- 
beuf's visit, 1645, 165, 348, 407. 

Tanguay, Mgr., Repertoire du Clerge, 286. 

Tannerville, Simcoe Co., Ill, 124. 

Ta8iscaron, the Huron Abel, slain by his 
brother, 429. 

TaSiskara, or AtaSiskara, a gun flint, 212. 

Tarontaen = Taruentutunum, q. vid. 

Taruentutunum = Carhagouha, 51, = Aron- 
taen, 51, 52; derivation, 51, 53-54; 
relative position to Arenta, 134, cf. 
Ducreux 's map, 6 pi.; Site, 54. 264. 

Tay Tp., Simcoe Co., 121, 122, 262, 263, 
265, 3S9. 422; map, 117, 121; See 
Map at end of volume. 



Index. 



503 



Teanaostaiae, Huronia, "S. losephi," 
Ducreux's map, 6 pi.; = St. Joseph 
II., 77; Clan of the Cord or Attinguen- 
ongahac, 314, 434; in 1638 the largest 
town in Huronia, 139, 307; not to be 
confounded with the St. Joseph of the 
Eeeollets, 40, 405 a. Variants, 153; 
Derivation. 17.", 17^. The line drawn 
from it to the ruins of Ste. Marie I. is 
the first base line chosen to determine 
the sites of the other villages, 15. 
Total distance from it to Ste. Marie I., 
checked by sum of distances from Ste. 
Marie I. to St. Michel, and from St. 
Michel to St. Joseph II., 16-18 (See 
Diagram I., 15 pi.) ; direction from Ste. 
Marie I., 18; lot 7, con. IV., Medonte 
Tp., is at proper distance and about, the 
right direction; on it sure indications 
of populous village found, 18; its com- 
manding position on a bluff, near 
upper stretches of the Coldwater tallies 
with Bressani 's description, 19, 20, 
10", and with Ducreux's map (See 
Diagram I., 15 pi. and map, 6 pi.) ; 
a relic unearthed which could be found 
only on the site of St. Joseph II., 20, 
21 pi. fig. 1; Martin examined and 
described this lot 7, the Flanagan 
Farm. 1855, when Mr. Flanagan and 
Mr. P. Hussey vouched for the find of 
partially fused base of crucifix, 19, 
21-22; they testify again as to identity 
of lot, 250. Site, 22, 263, 264, ef. 
Diagram I., 15 pi., and map of Medonte 
Tp., 20 pi.; Site of Ossossane deter- 
mined by distance from Ste. Marie I., 
and distance from St. Joseph II., 26, 
27, 37: cf. 91; distance to St. Ignace 
I., S7; to Thonatiria, 30; to Khinon- 
ascarant, 31; was the last village to 
the south on way ,to Neutrals, 76. 
Destruction of. 239, 374-375, 385, 134, 

113; Parkman's a imt, 20-21 ; Ekhi- 

ondastsaan destroyed with it, 375, 434. 
For Mission See St. Joseph II. and 
Daniel. 

Teandeouiata, Huronia, = Toanche' II., 56- 
57, 141, 292; variant; derivation, 192; 
allusion to t lie "Holling Sands. 1 ' a 
Bandy foreland at the entrance to 
Penetanguishene Bay, 191; Oenrio was 
an offshot of. 1 in 111; its lauding 



place »:i-i Otoiiacha, which had 
tl. .-u ni Toache I . 289; mission; (1633) 
298; i 1654 ) 299. Distance 
Toanche I . 56, 298. Site. 7)7 58, 298, 
Table. 264. 

Teaontorai', 149. 

Tehariolian, Simon Romain, a chief of Que- 
bec Unions, 458. 
Tehorenhaegnon, a medicine man, 151. 
To iatontarie = Quebec (Potier), 266. 
Tenbj Baj 'int.. 200. 
To <> clianontian, 449. 

Te okiai = Montreal (Potier), 266. 

Te os l hiae = Sault Ste. Marie (Potier), 

266. 
Teotongniaton, Neutrals, = Te otondiaton, 

448, = st. Guillaume, 323, 423, 441, 
148; Table, 406. Destroyed by the 

Iroquois, Idol. 441, 448. 
T'etiaontara8at, a bay, a land lo ked cove; 

bend in a lake, 201. 
Tequenonquiaye, Huronia (Champlain), 37, 

65, 270; = Tequeunoikuaye (Sagard) 

= Quieuindohian, 27S; = St. Gal 

36, 40. 27S, = La Eochelle = La 

Conception = Ossossane (q. vid.). 36, 

278. Table, 264. 
Theodat; Bro. Gabriel Sagard. See Sagard. 
ThodatoSan, a chief of the Quebec Hurons, 

458. 
Thorah Island, in L. Simcoe, 204, 265. See 

Anatari. 
Three Rivers, Quebec, 265, 269, 270, 271, 

274, 276, 286, 2S8, 294, 298, 300, 308, 

309, 310, 313, 319, 332, 340, 341, 346, 

355, 376, 390, 401, 433. 439, 450, 47,1. 
Thunder, or Douglas Bay, 42, 54, 61, 1-'.'. 

190; distance of Carhagouha from, 33, 

42; depth given by Sagard, 43 n. ; 

termed by him a "cul de sac." 44. 
Thwaites, LL.D.; Reuben G., 121. 
Ti, used as an adverb with many meanings, 

218-219. 
Tinney, John, farm, 161. 
Tiny Tp.. 122. 262, 263, 264, 265, 369, 389, 

122, 435. 
Ttonnontoguen, Mohawk town, 154. 
Tionnontatehronnons, Tionnontate, etc., 

See Petun; derivation, L'lii. 
Ti'8skonchiai 8nd(g)iara, etc. = Niagara 

Falls (Potier). 212. 266. 



504 



Index. 



Toancbain, 61; See Toanehe I., derivation, 
Toanche I., Huronia, 45, = Old Toanehe, 
.:• f' = oto ^cha, 59-61, which was 
its landing place, 56, 61, 298; Table 
264 = St. Nicolas of the Eecollets,' 
46; distance to Ossossane (St. Gabriel 
La Rochelle, La Conception, etc.), 46- 
to Ivhinonascarant, 47; to Teande- 
omata (New Toanche, or Toanche II ) 

32, « 56.57; third village of Sagard's' 
Triangle 45-46; variants, 45; deriva- 
t.on. 40-46; radically similar to ^ 

aeha 59-61; Site, 47, 56; Tables, 263, 

S". nm? (16 , 23) 278; (l626 > 29 °' 

Tab',es! loTo"^ *"*•* "* 

Toanche II. or New Toanche = Teande- 
ouiata, 44; q. vid le 

Tobacco as an offering, 430; a staple pro- 

auction, 214. L 

Tobacco Nation = Petun? q vid 
Todd; Charles, farm 161 
Todd's Point; Ihonat'iria near, 31; view of 

ol pi. ' 

Tohontaenras.-rat, Tahontaenrat, See 
Scanonaenrat or St. Michel of the 
Hurons. 

Tomahawks, 19, 25, 67, 82, 88 94 W * 

„ ™, 123, isa, i5 7 , 160 ; J; 94 ' 103 - 

Tondakhra._ea. Huronia. derivation: dis- 
tance to Arontaen. 54; Site, 55, Table, 

Tontthratnrons, an Algonquin tribe camping 
in Huronia, 325 

TOr0 rPoV 4 fV H " r0n na " ,e °°^hiatiri 
(Potier), 265 

Totiin or Totihri: Etienne, a Huron CW 

tian of St. Joseph IT., 329, 335 

Touaguainchain, Huronia, 65, 270 '■ Site, 

Tourment,-e;' Pie rre , a donnS> ^ ^ 

Towns; Huron, limits within which thev lav, 
•5. 422; twofold names, 79; counties 

SS dbyPehmt0ff " s ^"; Neutral, 
Townships; complete list, with map, f 
those of Grey and Bruce counties- 
partial list of those of Simcoe and 
Duffer,,,. 235, cf. 422; for those of 
Simcoe Co. occupied by Hurons Proper, 
4^2; See also map of Huronia at the 
- end of volume. 



Traditions; Indian, unreliable 421 
Trails^ Indian, determined b 7 village sites, 

Triangle; Sagard 's Equilateral, discussed, 
3<-4, ; See Diagram III., 36 a; hither- 
to overlooked, 35; not to be taken 
rigorously as equilateral, 37- first 
vllage of; second, 37; third, 45; first 
side of, 40; second, 46; third, 47- less 
stress to be laid on length of sides as 
given than on the assertion that they 
were about equal, 47. See Sagard 
Triangle Redoubt, Simcoe Co 47 58 
Triangulation, method followed 'in deter- 
mining principal Huron sites, 15 22 
30, etc., ef. 230. 
Tribes, list of some of the western Algon- 
quin, 370-371; Huron-Iroquois, 41S • of 
the Five Nations or Iroquois, 449 
Troenehain, 46; See Toanche I 
Trolling for fish, practised by Hurons. 190 
Tross reprint of Sagard, Paris, 1866, 3 5 ' 
Tjoy, "Fuit Ilium;" "Sendake Ehen"' 
or "Fuit Huronia- for Defunct 
Huronia, akin to, 402, 420, ef ke "OS 
Tsawenhohi; Ignace, Paul, and Nicolas Vin- 
cent, three chiefs of Quebec Hurons, 
458. ' 

Tsirargi and Tsiaragui = Isiaragui, q vid 
= Mud Lake. Simcoe Co.; derivation,' 
197; cf. 9, 315. 
Tsohahissen, See Souharissen 
TrwnoatSoinronnon = Senecas (Potier) 

266; q. vid. 
Tsorihia, Christine, the second buried at 

Ste. Marie I., 15. 
Tuskaroras, a Huron-Iroquois tribe, 418 
Two Mountains; Lake of, 400. 

Pptergrove, Ont„ 265, See Ethaouatius 

pagus. 
Urbain VIII.; Brief of (1644), 93-94. 

VaillantdeGuesliscFr. Francois with the 

Quebec Hurons. (1675 to 1677) 456 
Vapour, or hot baths, 157-160, 163- See 

Caldaria. 
Varwood Point, Simcoe Co, 26 "7 28 37 

134, 150, 184. ' ' ' ' 

Vasey groups of shallow pits. Medonte Tp 

161-162; — Ridge, 117, 161 
Vaughan Tp., York Co., Ont., 324. 
Vespra Tp., Simcoe Co., 20. 
Victoria Harbour Bay, Simcoe Co., 117 



Index. 



505 



Victoire; Cap de, 276, 279, 288. 

Victory; Champlain's first, over the Iroquois 
(1609); his second (1610), 432; his 
expedition against (1615), 433. 

Viol, Recollet; IV. Nicolas, (1623) lie and 
Bro. Sagard leave Paris for Canada; 
arrive at Quebec ; join Le Caron at 
Three Rivers, and start for Huronia, 
35, 276; travel in three separate eauoes 
and arrive at three different villages, 
35, 276-277; Viel's village Toancho I. or 
St. Nicholas, 46-47, 27S; joins Sagard 
at La Rochelle, or St. Gabriel, and both 
repair to Le Caron 's village, 36-37; 
at St. Joseph or Carhagouha, 280; 
(1624) left, alone there, 281; (1625) 
leaves Huronia; is drowned at Sault- 
au-Becollet on way down: Le Tae 's 
account, 282; Le Clercq's, 282; 
Sagard 's, 2S3-284; mention made in 
Relations, 284,285; Charlevoix's ver- 
sion, 285; name of young Huron lost 
with him discussed, 282; was Auhaitsi- 
que (Sagard), 283; or Ahautsic (Le 
Clercq), 282; and not Ahuntsic, 286-287. 
Tables: 404, 405, or 443-444. See 
Otoiiacha, Toanehe I. and St. Nicolas. 

Village Sites; Limits within which those of 
the Hurous Proper lay, 5, 422 ; those 
of the Petuns, 422; those of the Neu- 
trals, 422-423; number of the latter, 
319, 322-324, cf. 291. Identification of, 
in Huronia Proper, 1 ; Duereux 's inset 
map invaluable for, 6; and Relations, 9, 
cf. 230; method followed, 15, 22, 30, 
etc.; from the known to the unknown, 
6; some sites with no two co-ordinates, 
131 ; sites between St. Jean and St. 
Ignaee I., 151; between St. Joseph II. 
and Ossossane, 147 ; first and second 
village of Sagard 's Equilateral Trian- 
gle, 37; third, 45; village sites removed 
every ten or twelve years, 26; or every 
seven, 315; where no metal relics are 
found, site antedates French barter, 
20; ashbeds most reliable sign of Indian 
occupancy, 121, 240, 260; the FF. be- 



stowed Christian names on Huron 
villages, 78; some with no Christian, 
others with no Huron names, 146-147; 
two with Huron names among Algon- 
quins, 163; one without, a Huron or a 
patron's name, 154; some I'etim 
names, 139 111. Synoptical Table of 
Huron sites, 262; of Petun, 265. 

Vimont; Fr, Barthelemy, superior of Can- 
ada Mission, at Quebec (1639-1045), 
79, 310. 

Vincent; Gabriel (Wenwadahronhe), Chief, 
hist full-blooded Huron of Quebec 
Indians, 445. 

Vincent; Jose, chief of '- Quebec Hurons, 
458. 

Vincent; Rev. Prosper, owner of Huron 
Dictionary, 232. 

Vitelleschi; V. K, Mutius, Gen. S.J. (1615- 
1645), 333. 

Vocabularies; Jacques Cartier's, 431. 

Walnut Tree, the, 227-228. 

Washago; Simcoe Co., 70. 

Water; Indian manner of heating, 158. 

Waubaushene, Simcoe Co., 124. 

Waverley groups of shallow pits, Medonte 

Tp., 161-162. 
Webb; Robert, farm, 100. 
Weirs at the fishing place of Champlain's 

Little Lake, 65-66. 
Wellington Co., 291. 
Wendat or Wendot, See Hurons. 
Wenrio, faulty spelling for Oiienrio, 174 n. 
Wenwadahronhe, See Vincent. 
Windsor, Ont., 323, 423. 
Wizard; Fr. Claude Pijart maltreated by 

an Algonquin, 301 302. 
Wolf (Ian, 224, 234, 363, 370; See Petun 

Nation. 
Wyandot = Sendat, See Hurons. 
Wyandott Reservation, Okl., U.S., 447. 
Wye River. Simcoe Co., 5, 9, 71, 112, 203, 

325, 383, 438, 447. 
Wynne, Fr. J. J., 121, 123, 133, 1 19. 

Youskeha or Iouskeha, a Huron diety, 428, 
429. 



''iU^lsl^, 



- J 



IDENTIF 



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ihorelinehiqh 
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FIFTH REPORT 



OF THE 



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1908. 



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